THE THREAT TO THE LABOR MOVEMENT
Jewell, head of the railway department of the A. F. of L., gets $7,500.
Daniel Tobin, president of the teamsters' union, one of the lowest paid group of workers in the country, gets $15,000 per year.
Mahon, head of the Amalgamated Association of Street and Electric Railway Employes' Union, gets $14,000 per year,
President Green of the A. F. of L. gets $12,000.
These salaries in most instances are accompanied by expense accounts ranging from $10 per day to $20, and labor leaders without a continual expense account are as scarce as Indian rajahs without harems.
When Farrington was president of District 12 (Illinois) United Mine Workers of America, he had his home in Indianapolis and had a perpetual expense account because he had to be in Springfield. John L. Lewis lives in Springfield and charges a continual expense account because he has to be in Indianapoiis, the headquarters of the union. The two cities are a few hours apart.
A witty coal miner once suggested that Farrington and Lewis exchange wives and save the union about $10,000 per year.
The needle trades unions are not stingy with their officials—especially those with some intellectual attainments. J. B. Salutsky (Hardman), on the staff of Advance, official organ of the Amalgamated Clothing Workers, was drawing $110 per week a few years ago, and probably gets around $125 per week now. Charles Erwin, socialist and former editor of the Call, gets less than Salutsky, but about twice the wages of the average member of the A.C. W.
A book can and should be written on the methods by which labor officials add to their incomes, but their salaries and expense accounts alone place them a long way above the needle workers whom they "serve."
Some of the methods by which labor officials add to their huge salaries can be listed as follows:
1. By receiving a commission on union printing contracts over which they have control.
2. By blackmailing employees. (New York Electrical Workers.)
3. By sharing in the campaign funds of the capitalist parties and receiving subsidies from individual candidates.
4. By uniting for the capitalist press. (Green, Woll).
5. By fees for delivering speeches before capitalist and middle class organizations.
6. By income from investments (hotels, banks, coal mines, etc.)
7. By organizing "testimonials" for themselves at which they are presented with sums of money, jewelry or other valuables for their "services." (Fitzpatrick of the Chicago Federation of Labor recently was given $300 in this manner.)
8. By receiving salaries for serving on committees and various other public and semi-public bodies other than the trade union.
The above by no means exhaust the possibilities for labor officialdom turning a few "honest" pennies but serves to give some idea of their opportunities.
As none of them ever go back to work at their trade we are justified in believing these opportunities are not neglected.
The needle trades unions, begin-
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