Principles of Political Economy (J.S. Mill, 1871), vol. 2/Book IV, Chapter VII
CHAPTER VII.
ON THE PROBABLE FUTURITY OF THE LABOURING
CLASSES.
§ 1.The observations in the preceding chapter had for their principal object to deprecate a false ideal of human society. Their applicability to the practical purposes of present times, consists in moderating the inordinate importance attached to the mere increase of production, and fixing attention upon improved distribution, and a large remuneration of labour, as the two desiderata. Whether the aggregate produce increases absolutely or not, is a thing in which, after a certain amount has been obtained, neither the legislator nor the philanthropist need feel any strong interest: but, that it should increase relatively to the number of those who share in it, is of the utmost possible importance; and this, (whether the wealth of mankind be stationary, or increasing at the most rapid rate ever known in an old country,) must depend on the opinions and habits of the most numerous class, the class of manual labourers.
When I speak, either in this place or elsewhere, of "the labouring classes," or of labourers as a "class," I use those phrases in compliance with custom, and as descriptive of an existing, but by no means a necessary or permanent, state of social relations. I do not recognise as either just or salutary, a state of society in which there is any "class" which is not labouring; any human beings, exempt from bearing their share of the necessary labours of human life, except those unable to labour, or who have fairly earned rest by previous toil. So long, however, as the great social evil exists of a non-labouring class, labourers also constitute a class, and may be spoken of, though only provisionally, in that character.
Considered in its moral and social aspect, the state of the labouring people has latterly been a subject of much more speculation and discussion than formerly; and the opinion that it is not now what it ought to be, has become very general. The suggestions which have been promulgated, and the controversies which have been excited, on detached points rather than on the foundations of the subject, have put in evidence the existence of two conflicting theories, respecting the social position desirable for manual labourers. The one may be called the theory of dependence and protection, the other that of self-dependence.
According to the former theory, the lot of the poor, in all things which affect them collectively, should be regulated for them, not by them. They should not be required or encouraged to think for themselves, or give to their own reflection or forecast an influential voice in the determination of their destiny. It is supposed to be the duty of the higher classes to think for them, and to take the responsibility of their lot, as the commander and officers of an army take that of the soldiers composing it. This function, it is contended, the higher classes should prepare themselves to perform conscientiously, and their whole demeanour should impress the poor with a reliance on it, in order that, while yielding passive and active obedience to the rules prescribed for them, they may resign themselves in all other respects to a trustful insouciance, and repose under the shadow of their protectors. The relation between rich and poor, according to this theory (a theory also applied to the relation between men and women) should be only partly authoritative; it should be amiable, moral, and sentimental: affectionate tutelage on the one side, respectful and grateful deference on the other. The rich should be in loco parentis to the poor, guiding and restraining them like children. Of spontaneous action on their part there should be no need. They should be called on for nothing but to do their day's work, and to be moral and religious. Their morality and religion should be provided for them by their superiors, who should see them properly taught it, and should do all that is necessary to ensure their being, in return for labour and attachment, properly fed, clothed, housed, spiritually edified, and innocently amused.
This is the ideal of the future, in the minds of those whose dissatisfaction with the present assumes the form of affection and regret towards the past. Like other ideals, it exercises an unconscious influence on the opinions and sentiments of numbers who never consciously guide themselves by any ideal. It has also this in common with other ideals, that it has never been historically realized. It makes its appeal to our imaginative sympathies in the character of a restoration of the good times of our forefathers. But no times can be pointed out in which the higher classes of this or any other country performed a part even distantly resembling the one assigned to them in this theory. It is an idealization, grounded on the conduct and character of here and there an individual. All privileged and powerful classes, as such, have used their power in the interest of their own selfishness, and have indulged their self-importance in despising, and not in lovingly caring for, those who were, in their estimation, degraded, by being under the necessity of working for their benefit. I do not affirm that what has always been must always be, or that human improvement has no tendency to correct the intensely selfish feelings engendered by power; but though the evil may be lessened, it cannot be eradicated, until the power itself is withdrawn. This, at least, seems to me undeniable, that long before the superior classes could be sufficiently improved to govern in the tutelary manner supposed, the inferior classes would be too much improved to be so governed.
I am quite sensible of all that is seductive in the picture of society which this theory presents. Though the facts of it have no prototype in the past, the feelings have. In them lies all that there is of reality in the conception. As the idea is essentially repulsive of a society only held together by the relations and feelings arising out of pecuniary interests, so there is something naturally attractive in a form of society abounding in strong personal attachments and disinterested self-devotion. Of such feelings it must be admitted that the relation of protector and protected has hitherto been the richest source. The strongest attachments of human beings in general, are towards the things or the persons that stand between them and some dreaded evil. Hence, in an age of lawless violence and insecurity, and general hardness and roughness of manners, in which life is beset with dangers and sufferings at every step, to those who have neither a commanding position of their own, nor a claim on the protection of some one who has—a generous giving of protection, and a grateful receiving of it, are the strongest ties which connect human beings; the feelings arising from that relation are their warmest feelings; all the enthusiasm and tenderness of the most sensitive natures gather round it; loyalty on the one part and chivalry on the other are principles exalted into passions. I do not desire to depreciate these qualities. The error lies in not perceiving, that these virtues and sentiments, like the clanship and the hospitality of the wandering Arab, belong emphatically to a rude and imperfect state of the social union; and that the feelings between protector and protected, whether between kings and subjects, rich and poor, or men and women, can no longer have this beautiful and endearing character, where there are no longer any serious dangers from which to protect. What is there in the present state of society to make it natural that human beings, of ordinary strength and courage, should glow with the warmest gratitude and devotion in return for protection? The laws protect them, wherever the laws do not criminally fail in their duty. To be under the power of some one, instead of being as formerly the sole condition of safety, is now, speaking generally, the only situation which exposes to grievous wrong. The so-called protectors are now the only persons against whom, in any ordinary circumstances, protection is needed. The brutality and tyranny with which every police report is filled, are those of husbands to wives, of parents to children. That the law does not prevent these atrocities, that it is only now making a first timid attempt to repress and punish them, is no matter of necessity, but the deep disgrace of those by whom the laws are made and administered. No man or woman who either possesses or is able to earn an independent livelihood, requires any other protection than that which the law could and ought to give. This being the case, it argues great ignorance of human nature to continue taking for granted that relations founded on protection must always subsist, and not to see that the assumption of the part of protector, and of the power which belongs to it, without any of the necessities which justify it, must engender feelings opposite to loyalty.
Of the working men, at least in the more advanced countries of Europe, it may be pronounced certain, that the patriarchal or paternal system of government is one to which they will not again be subject. That question was decided, when they were taught to read, and allowed access to newspapers and political tracts; when dissenting preachers were suffered to go among them, and appeal to their faculties and feelings in opposition to the creeds professed and countenanced by their superiors; when they were brought together in numbers, to work socially under the same roof; when railways enabled them to shift from place to place, and change their patrons and employers as easily as their coats; when they were encouraged to seek a share in the government, by means of the electoral franchise. The working classes have taken their interests into their own hands, and are perpetually showing that they think the interests of their employers not identical with their own, but opposite to them. Some among the higher classes flatter themselves that these tendencies may be counteracted by moral and religious education: but they have let the time go by for giving an education which can serve their purpose. The principles of the Reformation have reached as low down in society as reading and writing, and the poor will not much longer accept morals and religion of other people's prescribing. I speak more particularly of this country, especially the town population, and the districts of the most scientific agriculture or the highest wages, Scotland and the north of England. Among the more inert and less modernized agricultural population of the southern counties, it might be possible for the gentry to retain, for some time longer, something of the ancient deference and submission of the poor, by bribing them with high wages and constant employment; by insuring them support, and never requiring them to do anything which they do not like. But these are two conditions which never have been combined, and never can be, for long together. A guarantee of subsistence can only be practically kept up, when work is enforced and superfluous multiplication restrained by at least a moral compulsion. It is then, that the would-be revivers of old times which they do not understand, would feel practically in how hopeless a task they were engaged. The whole fabric of patriarchal or seignorial influence, attempted to be raised on the foundation of caressing the poor, would be shattered against the necessity of enforcing a stringent Poor-law.
§ 2.It is on a far other basis that the well-being and well-doing of the labouring people must henceforth rest. The poor have come out of leading-strings, and cannot any longer be governed or treated like children. To their own qualities must now be commended the care of their destiny. Modern nations will have to learn the lesson, that the well-being of a people must exist by means of the justice and self-government, the δικαιοσὐνη and σωφροσὐνη, of the individual citizens. The theory of dependence attempts to dispense with the necessity of these qualities in the dependent classes. But now, when even in position they are becoming less and less dependent, and their minds less and less acquiescent in the degree of dependence which remains, the virtues of independence are those which they stand in need of. Whatever advice, exhortation, or guidance is held out to the labouring classes, must henceforth be tendered to them as equals, and accepted by them with their eyes open. The prospect of the future depends on the degree in which they can be made rational beings.
There is no reason to believe that prospect other than hopeful. The progress indeed has hitherto been, and still is, slow. But there is a spontaneous education going on in the minds of the multitude, which may be greatly accelerated and improved by artificial aids. The instruction obtained from newspapers and political tracts may not be the most solid kind of instruction, but it is an immense improvement upon none at all. What it does for a people, has been admirably exemplified during the cotton crisis, in the case of the Lancashire spinners and weavers, who have acted with the consistent good sense and forbearance so justly applauded, simply because, being readers of newspapers, they understood the causes of the calamity which had befallen them, and knew that it was in no way imputable either to their employers or to the Government. It is not certain that their conduct would have been as rational and exemplary, if the distress had preceded the salutary measure of fiscal emancipation which gave existence to the penny press. The institutions for lectures and discussion, the collective deliberations on questions of common interest, the trades unions, the political agitation, all serve to awaken public spirit, to diffuse variety of ideas among the mass, and to excite thought and reflection in the more intelligent. Although the too early attainment of political franchises by the least educated class might retard, instead of promoting, their improvement, there can be little doubt that it has been greatly stimulated by the attempt to acquire them. In the meantime, the working classes are now part of the public; in all discussions on matters of general interest they, or a portion of them, are now partakers; all who use the press as an instrument may, if it so happens, have them for an audience; the avenues of instruction through which the middle classes acquire such ideas as they have, are accessible to, at least, the operatives in the towns. With these resources, it cannot be doubted that they will increase in intelligence, even by their own unaided efforts; while there is reason to hope that great improvements both in the quality and quantity of school education will be effected by the exertions either of government or of individuals, and that the progress of the mass of the people in mental cultivation, and in the virtues which are dependent on it, will take place more rapidly, and with fewer intermittences and aberrations, than if left to itself.
From this increase of intelligence, several effects may be confidently anticipated. First: that they will become even less willing than at present to be led and governed, and directed into the way they should go, by the mere authority and prestige of superiors. If they have not now, still less will they have hereafter, any deferential awe, or religious principle of obedience, holding them in mental subjection to a class above them. The theory of dependence and protection will be more and more intolerable to them, and they will require that their conduct and condition shall be essentially self-governed. It is, at the same time, quite possible that they may demand, in many cases, the intervention of the legislature in their affairs, and the regulation by law of various things which concern them, often under very mistaken ideas of their interest. Still, it is their own will, their own ideas and suggestions, to which they will demand that effect should be given, and not rules laid down for them by other people. It is quite consistent with this, that they should feel respect for superiority of intellect and knowledge, and defer much to the opinions, on any subject, of those whom they think well acquainted with it. Such deference is deeply grounded in human nature; but they will judge for themselves of the persons who are and are not entitled to it.
§ 3.It appears to me impossible but that the increase of intelligence, of education, and of the love of independence among the working classes, must be attended with a corresponding growth of the good sense which manifests itself in provident habits of conduct, and that population, therefore, will bear a gradually diminishing ratio to capital and employment. This most desirable result would be much accelerated by another change, which lies in the direct line of the best tendencies of the time; the opening of industrial occupations freely to both sexes. The same reasons which make it no longer necessary that the poor should depend on the rich, make it equally unnecessary that women should depend on men; and the least which justice requires is that law and custom should not enforce dependence (when the correlative protection has become superfluous) by ordaining that a woman, who does not happen to have a provision by inheritance, shall have scarcely any means open to her of gaining a livelihood, except as a wife and mother. Let women who prefer that occupation, adopt it; but that there should be no option, no other carrière possible for the great majority of women, except in the humbler departments of life, is a flagrant social injustice. The ideas and institutions by which the accident of sex is made the groundwork of an inequality of legal rights, and a forced dissimilarity of social functions, must ere long be recognised as the greatest hindrance to moral, social, and even intellectual improvement. On the present occasion I shall only indicate, among the probable consequences of the industrial and social independence of women, a great diminution of the evil of overpopulation. It is by devoting one-half of the human species to that exclusive function, by making it fill the entire life of one sex, and interweave itself with almost all the objects of the other, that the animal instinct in question is nursed into the disproportionate preponderance which it has hitherto exercised in human life.
§ 4.The political consequences of the increasing power and importance of the operative classes, and of the growing ascendancy of numbers, which, even in England and under the present institutions, is rapidly giving to the will of the majority at least a negative voice in the acts of government, are too wide a subject to be discussed in this place. But, confining ourselves to economical considerations, and notwithstanding the effect which improved intelligence in the working classes, together with just laws, may have in altering the distribution of the produce to their advantage, I cannot think that they will be permanently contented with the condition of labouring for wages as their ultimate state. They may be willing to pass through the class of servants in their way to that of employers; but not to remain in it all their lives. To begin as hired labourers, then after a few years to work on their own account, and finally employ others, is the normal condition of labourers in a new country, rapidly increasing in wealth and population, like America or Australia. But in an old and fully peopled country, those who begin life as labourers for hire, as a general rule, continue such to the end, unless they sink into the still lower grade of recipients of public charity. In the present stage of human progress, when ideas of equality are daily spreading more widely among the poorer classes, and can no longer be checked by anything short of the entire suppression of printed discussion and even of freedom of speech, it is not to be expected that the division of the human race into two hereditary classes, employers and employed, can be permanently maintained. The relation is nearly as unsatisfactory to the payer of wages as to the receiver. If the rich regard the poor as, by a kind of natural law, their servants and dependents, the rich in their turn are regarded as a mere prey and pasture for the poor; the subject of demands and expectations wholly indefinite, increasing in extent with every concession made to them. The total absence of regard for justice or fairness in the relations between the two, is as marked on the side of the employed as on that of the employers. We look in vain among the working classes in general for the just pride which will choose to give good work for good wages; for the most part, their sole endeavour is to receive as much, and return as little in the shape of service, us possible. It will sooner or later become insupportable to the employing classes, to live in close and hourly contact with persons whose interests and feelings are in hostility to them. Capitalists are almost as much interested as labourers in placing the operations of industry on such a footing, that those who labour for them may feel the same interest in the work, which is felt by those who labour on their own account.
The opinion expressed in a former part of this treatise respecting small landed properties and peasant proprietors, may have made the reader anticipate that a wide diffusion of property in land is the resource on which I rely for exempting at least the agricultural labourers from exclusive dependence on labour for hire. Such, however, is not my opinion. I indeed deem that form of agricultural economy to be most groundlessly cried down, and to be greatly preferable, in its aggregate effects on human happiness, to hired labour in any form in which it exists at present; because the prudential check to population acts more directly, and is shown by experience to be more efficacious; and because, in point of security, of independence, of exercise of any other than the animal faculties, the state of a peasant proprietor is far superior to that of an agricultural labourer in this or any other old country. Where the former system already exists, and works on the whole satisfactorily, I should regret, in the present state of human intelligence, to see it abolished in order to make way for the other, under a pedantic notion of agricultural improvement as a thing necessarily the same in every diversity of circumstances. In a backward state of industrial improvement, as in Ireland, I should urge its introduction, in preference to an exclusive system of hired labour; as a more powerful instrument for raising a population from semi-savage listlessness and recklessness, to persevering industry and prudent calculation.
But a people who have once adopted the large system of production, either in manufactures or in agriculture, are not likely to recede from it; and when population is kept in due proportion to the means of support, it is not desirable that they should. Labour is unquestionably more productive on the system of large industrial enterprises; the produce, if not greater absolutely, is greater in proportion to the labour employed: the same number of persons can be supported equally well with less toil and greater leisure; which will be wholly an advantage, as soon as civilization and improvement have so far advanced, that what is a benefit to the whole shall be a benefit to each individual composing it. And in the moral aspect of the question, which is still more important than the economical, something better should be aimed at as the goal of industrial improvement, than to disperse mankind over the earth in single families, each ruled internally, as families now are, by a patriarchal despot, and having scarcely any community of interest, or necessary mental communion, with other human beings. The domination of the head of the family over the other members, in this state of things, is absolute; while the effect on his own mind tends towards concentration of all interests in the family, considered as an expansion of self, and absorption of all passions in that of exclusive possession, of all cares in those of preservation and acquisition. As a step out of the merely animal state into the human, out of reckless abandonment to brute instincts into prudential foresight and self-government, this moral condition may be seen without displeasure. But if public spirit, generous sentiments, or true justice and equality are desired, association, not isolation, of interests, is the school in which these excellences are nurtured. The aim of improvement should be not solely to place human beings in a condition in which they will be able to do without one another, but to enable them to work with or for one another in relations not involving dependence. Hitherto there has been no alternative for those who lived by their labour, but that of labouring either each for himself alone, or for a master. But the civilizing and improving influences of association, and the efficiency and economy of production on a large scale, may be obtained without dividing the producers into two parties with hostile interests and feelings, the many who do the work being mere servants under the command of the one who supplies the funds, and having no interest of their own in the enterprise except to earn their wages with as little labour as possible. The speculations and discussions of the last fifty years, and the events of the last thirty, are abundantly conclusive on this point. If the improvement which even triumphant military despotism has only retarded, not stopped, shall continue its course, there can be little doubt that the status of hired labourers will gradually tend to confine itself to the description of workpeople whose low moral qualities render them unfit for anything more independent: and that the relation of masters and workpeople will be gradually superseded by partnership, in one of two forms: in some cases, association of the labourers with the capitalist; in others, and perhaps finally in all, association of labourers among themselves.
§ 5.The first of these forms of association has long been practised, not indeed as a rule, but as an exception. In several departments of industry there are already cases in which every one who contributes to the work, either by labour or by pecuniary resources, has a partner's interest in it, proportional to the value of his contribution. It is already a common practice to remunerate those in whom peculiar trust is reposed, by means of a percentage on the profits: and cases exist in which the principle is, with excellent success, carried down to the class of mere manual labourers.
In the American ships trading to China, it has long been the custom for every sailor to have an interest in the profits of the voyage; and to this has been ascribed the general good conduct of those seamen, and the extreme rarity of any collision between them and the government or people of the country. An instance in England, not so well known as it deserves to be, is that of the Cornish miners. "In Cornwall the mines are worked strictly on the system of joint adventure; gangs of miners contracting with the agent, who represents the owner of the mine, to execute a certain portion of a vein and fit the ore for market, at the price of so much in the pound of the sum for which the ore is sold. These contracts are put up at certain regular periods, generally every two months, and taken by a voluntary partnership of men accustomed to the mine. This system has its disadvantages, in consequence of the uncertainty and irregularity of the earnings, and consequent necessity of living for long periods on credit; hut it has advantages which more than counterbalance these drawbacks. It produces a degree of intelligence, independence, and moral elevation, which raise the condition and character of the Cornish miner far above that of the generality of the labouring class. We are told by Dr. Barham, that 'they are not only, as a class, intelligent for labourers, but men of considerable knowledge.' Also, that 'they have a character of independence, something American, the system by which the contracts are let giving the takers entire freedom to make arrangements among themselves; so that each man feels, as a partner in his little firm, that he meets his employers on nearly equal terms.' ... With this basis of intelligence and independence in their character, we are not surprised when we hear that 'a very great number of miners are now located on possessions of their own, leased for three lives or ninety-nine years, on which they have built houses;' or that '281,541l. are deposited in saving banks in Cornwall, of which two-thirds are estimated to belong to miners.'"[1]
Mr. Babbage, who also gives an account of this system, observes that the payment to the crews of whaling ships is governed by a similar principle; and that "the profits arising from fishing with nets on the south coast of England are thus divided: one-half the produce belongs to the owner of the boat and net; the other half is divided in equal portions between the persons using it, who are also bound to assist in repairing the net when required." Mr. Babbage has the great merit of having pointed out the practicability, and the advantage, of extending the principle to manufacturing industry generally.[2]
Some attention has been excited by an experiment of this nature, commenced above thirty years ago by a Paris tradesman, a house-painter, M. Leclaire,[3] and described by him in a pamphlet published in the year 1842. M. Leclaire, according to his statement, employs on an average two hundred workmen, whom he pays in the usual manner, by fixed wages or salaries. He assigns to himself, besides interest for his capital, a fixed allowance for his labour and responsibility as manager. At the end of the year, the surplus profits are divided among the body, himself included, in the proportion of their salaries.[4] The reasons by which M. Leclaire was led to adopt this system are highly instructive. Finding the conduct of his workmen unsatisfactory, he first tried the effect of giving higher wages, and by this he managed to obtain a body of excellent workmen, who would not quit his service for any other. "Having thus succeeded" (I quote from an abstract of the pamphlet in Chambers' Journal,[5]) "in producing some sort of stability in the arrangement of his establishment, M. Leclaire expected, he says, to enjoy greater peace of mind. In this, however, he was disappointed. So long as he was able to superintend everything himself, from the general concerns of his business down to its minutest details, he did enjoy a certain satisfaction; but from the moment that, owing to the increase of his business, he found that he could be nothing more than the centre from which orders were issued, and to which reports were brought in, his former anxiety and discomfort returned upon him." He speaks lightly of the other sources of anxiety to which a tradesman is subject, but describes as an incessant cause of vexation the losses arising from the misconduct of workmen. An employer "will find workmen whose indifference to his interests is such that they do not perform two-thirds of the amount of work which they are capable of; hence the continual fretting of masters, who, seeing their interests neglected, believe themselves entitled to suppose that workmen are constantly conspiring to ruin those from whom they derive their livelihood. If the journeyman were sure of constant employment, his position would in some respects be more enviable than that of the master, because he is assured of a certain amount of day's wages, which he will get whether he works much or little. He runs no risk, and has no other motive to stimulate him to do his best than his own sense of duty. The master, on the other hand, depends greatly on chance for his returns: his position is one of continual irritation and anxiety. This would no longer be the case to the same extent, if the interests of the master and those of the workmen were bound up with each other, connected by some bond of mutual security, such as that which would be obtained by the plan of a yearly division of profits."
Even in the first year during which M. Leclaire's experiment was in complete operation, the success was remarkable. Not one of his journeymen who worked as many as three hundred days, earned in that year less than 1500 francs, and some considerably more. His highest rate of daily wages being four francs, or 1200 francs for 300 days, the remaining 300 francs, or 12l., must have been the smallest amount which any journeyman, who worked that number of days, obtained as his proportion of the surplus profit. M. Leclaire describes in strong terms the improvement which was already manifest in the habits and demeanour of his workmen, not merely when at work, and in their relations with their employer, but at other times and in other relations, showing increased respect both for others and for themselves. M. Chevalier, in a work published in 1848,[6] stated on M. Leclaire's authority, that the increased zeal of the workpeople continued to be a full compensation to him, even in a pecuniary sense, for the share of profit which he renounced in their favour. And Mr. Villiaumé, in 1857,[7] observes: "Quoiqu'il ait toujours banni la fraude, qui n'est que trop fréquente dans sa profession, il a toujours pu soutenir la concurrence et acquérir une belle aisance, malgré l'abandon d'une si large part de ses profits. Assurément il n'y est parvenu que parce que l'activité inusitée de ses ouvriers, et la surveillance qu'ils exerçaient les uns sur les autres dans les nombreux chantiers, avaient compensé la diminution de ses profits personnels."[8]
The beneficent example set by M. Leclaire has been followed, with brilliant success, by other employers of labour on a large scale at Paris; and I annex, from the work last rereferred to (one of the ablest of the many able treatises on political economy produced by the present generation of the political economists of France), some signal examples of the economical and moral benefit arising from this admirable arrangement.[9]
Until the passing of the Limited Liability Act, it was held that an arrangement similar to M. Leclaire's would have been impossible in England, as the workmen could not, in the previous state of the law, have been associated in the profits, without being liable for losses. One of the many benefits of that great legislative improvement has heen to render partnerships of this description possible, and we may now expect to see them carried into practice. Messrs. Briggs, of the Whitwood and Methley collieries, near Normanton in Yorkshire, have tuken the first step. They now work these mines by a company, two-thirds of the capital of which they themselves continue to hold, but undertake, in the allotment of the remaining third, to give the preference' to the "officials and operatives employed in the concern;" and, what is of still greater importance, whenever the annual profit exceeds 10 per cent, one-half the excess is divided among the workpeople and employés, whether shareholders or not, in proportion to their earnings during the year. It is highly honourable to these important employers of labour to have initiated a system so full of benefit both to the operatives employed and to the general interest of social improvement: and they express no more than a just confidence in the principle when they say, that " the adoption of the mode of appropriation thus recommended would, it is believed, add so great an element of success to the undertaking as to increase rather than diminish the dividend to the shareholders."
§ 6.The form of association, however, which if mankind continue to improve, must be expected in the end to predominate, is not that which can exist between a capitalist as chief, and workpeople without a voice in the management, but the association of the labourers themselves on terms of equality, collectively owning the capital with which they carry on their operations, and working under managers elected and removable by themselves. So long as this idea remained in a state of theory, in the writings of Owen or of Louis Blanc, it may have appeared, to the common modes of judgment, incapable of being realized, and not likely to be tried unless by seizing on the existing capital, and confiscating it for the benefit of the labourers; which is even now imagined by many persons, and pretended by more, both in England and on the Continent, to be the meaning and purpose of Socialism. But there is a capacity of exertion and self-denial in the masses of mankind, which is never known but on the rare occasions on which it is appealed to in the name of some great idea or elevated sentiment. Such an appeal was made by the French Revolution of 1848. For the first time it then seemed to the intelligent and generous of the working classes of a great nation, that they had obtained a government who sincerely desired the freedom and dignity of the many, and who did not look upon it as their natural and legitimate state to be instruments of production, worked for the benefit of the possessors of capital. Under this encouragement, the ideas sown by Socialist writers, of an emancipation of labour to be effected by means of association, throve and fructified; and many working people came to the resolution, not only that they would work for one another, instead of working for a master tradesman or manufacturer, but that they would also free themselves, at whatever cost of labour or privation, from the necessity of paying, out of the produce of their industry, a heavy tribute for the use of capital; that they would extinguish this tax, not by robbing the capitalists of what they or their predecessors had acquired by labour and preserved by economy, but by honestly acquiring capital for themselves. If only a few operatives had attempted this arduous task, or if, while many attempted it, a few only had succeeded, their success might have been deemed to furnish no argument for their system as a permanent mode of industrial organization. But, excluding all the instances of failure, there exist, or existed a short time ago, upwards of a hundred successful, and many eminently prosperous, associations of operatives in Paris alone, besides a considerable number in the departments. An instructive sketch of their history and principles has been published, under the title of "L'Association Ouvrière Industrielle et Agricole, par H. Feugueray:" and as it is frequently affirmed in English newspapers that the associations at Paris have failed, by writers who appear to mistake the predictions of their enemies at their first formation for the testimonies of subsequent experience, I think it important to show by quotations from M. Feugueray's volume, strengthened by still later testimonies, that these representations are not only wide of the truth, but the extreme contrary of it.
The capital of most of the associations was originally confined to the few tools belonging to the founders, and the small sums which could be collected from their savings, or which were lent to them by other workpeople as poor as themselves. In some cases, however, loans of capital were made to them by the republican government: but the associations which obtained these advances, or at least which obtained them before they had already achieved success, are, it appears, in general by no means the most prosperous. The most striking instances of prosperity are in the case of those who have had nothing to rely on but their own slender means and the small loans of fellow -workmen, and who lived on bread and water while they devoted the whole surplus of their gains to the formation of a capital.
"Souvent," says M. Feugueray,[10] "la caisse était tout-à-fait vide, et il n'y avait pas de salaire du tout, Et puis la vente ne marchait pas, les rentrées se faisaient attendre, les valeurs ne's'escomptaient pas, le magasin des matières premières était vide; et il fallait se priver, se restreindre dans toutes ses dépenses, se réduire quelquefois au pain et à l'eau ... C'est au prix de ces angoisses et de ces misères, c'est par cette voie douloureuse, que des hommes, sans presque aucune autre ressource au début que leur bonne volonté et leurs bras, sont parvenus a se former une clientèle, à acquérir un crédit, à se créer enfin un capital social, et à fonder ainsi des associations dont l'avenir aujourd'hui semble assuré."
I will quote at length the remarkable history of one of these associations.[11]
"La nécessité d'un puissant capital pour l'établissement d'une fabrique de pianos était si bien reconnue dans la corporation, qu'en 1848 les délégués de plusieurs centaines d'ouvriers, qui's'étaient réunis pour la formation d'une grande association, demandèrent en son nom au gouvernement une subvention de 300,000 fr., c'est-à-dire la dixième partie du fonds total voté par l'Assemblée Constituante. Je me souviens d'avoir fait, en qualité de membre de la commission chargée de distribuer ces funds, des efforts inutiles pour convaincre les deux délégues avec qui la commission était en rapport, que leur demande était exorbitante. Toutes mes instances restèrent sans succès; je prolongeai vaineraent la conference pendant pres de deux heures. Les deux délégues me répondirent imperturbablement que leur industrie était dans une condition spéciale; que l'association ne pouvait s'y établir avec chance de réussite que sur une très grande échelle et avec un capital considérable, et que la somtne de 300,000 fr. était un minimum au-dessous duquel ils ne pouvaient descendre; bref, qu'ils ne pouvaient pas réduire leur demande d'un sou. La commission refusa.
"Or, apres ce refus, et le projet de la grande association étant abandonné, voici ce qui arriva: c'est que quatorze ouvriers, et il est assez singulier que parmi eux se soit trouvé l'un des deux délégues, se résolurent à fonder entre eux une association pour la fabrique des pianos. Le projet était au moins téméraire de la part d'hommes qui n'avaient ni argent ni crédit; mais la foi ne raisonne pas, elle agit.
"Nos quatorze hommes se mirent donc à l'oeuvre, et voici le récit de leurs premiers travaux, que j'emprunte à un article du National, tres bien redigé par M. Coehut, et dont je me plîas à attester l'exactitude.
"Quelques-uns d'entre eux, qui avaient travaillé à leur propre compte, apportèrent, tant en outils qu'en matériaux, une valeur d'environ 2000 fr. Il fallait, en outre, un fonds de roulement. Chacun des sociétaires opéra, non sans peine, un versement de 10 fr. Un certain noinbre d'ouvriers, non intéressés dans la société, firent acte d'adhéion, en apportant de faibles offrandes. Bref, le 10 mars 1840, une somme de 229 fr. 50 cent, ayant été réalisée, l'association fut déclarée constitutée.
"Ce fonds social n'était pas même suffisant pour l'installation, et pour les menues dépenses qu'entraine au jour le jour le service d'un atelier. Kien ne restant pour les salaires, il se passa près de deux mois sans que les travailleurs touchassent un centime. Comment vécurent-ils pendant cette crise? Comme vivent les ouvriers pendant le chômage, en partageant la ration du camarade qui travaille, en vendant ou en engageant pièce à pièce le peu d'effets qu'on possède.
"On avait exécuté quelques travaux. On en toucha le prix le 4 mai 1849. Ce jour fut pour l'association ce qu'est une victoire à l'entrée d'une campagne: aussi voulut-on le célébrer. Toutes les dettes exigibles étant payées, le dividende de chaque sociétaire's'élevait à 6 fr. 61 cent. On convint d'attribuer à chacun 5 fr. à valoir sur son salaire, et de consacrer le surplus à un repas fraternel. Les quatorze sociétaires, dont la plupart n'avaient pas bu de vin depuis un an, se réunirent, avec leurs femmes et leurs enfants. On dépensa 32 sous par ménage. On parle encore de cette journée, dans les ateliers, avec une émotion qu'il est difficile de ne pas partager.
"Pendant un mois encore, il fallut se contenter d'une paie de 5 fr. par semaine. Dans le courant de juin, un boulanger, mélomane ou spéculateur, offrit d'acheter un piano payable en pain. On fit marché au prix de 480 fr. Ce fut une bonne fortune pour l'association. On eut du moins l'indispensable. On ne voulut pas évaluer le pain dans le compte des salaires. Chacun mangea selon son appétit, ou pour mieux dire, selon l'appétit de sa famille; car les sociétaires mariés furent autorisés à emporter du pain pour leurs femmes et leurs enfants.
"Cependant l'association, composée d'ouvriers excellents, surmontait peu à peu les obstacles et les privations qui avaient entravé ses débuts. Ses livres de caisse offrent les meilleurs témoignages des progrès que ses instruments ont faits dans l'estime des acheteurs. A partir du mois d'août 1849, on voit le contingent hebdomadaire's'élever à 10, à 15, à 20 fr. par semaine; mais cette dernière somme ne représente pas tous les bénéfices, et ohaque associé a laissé a la masse beaucoup plus qu'il n'a touché.
" Ce n'est pas, en effet, par la sorame que louche cbaque semaine le sociétaire, qu'il faut apprécier sa situation, mais par la part de propriété acquise dans un établissernent déjà considérable. Voici l'état de situation de l'association, tel que je 1'ai relevé sur l'inventaire du 30 decembre 1850.
" A cette époque, les associés sont au nombre de trente-deux. De vastes ateliers ou magasins, loués 2000 fr., ne leur suffisent plus.
| Francs. | Centimes. | |
| Indépendamment de l'outillage, évalué à | 5,922 | 60 |
| Ils possèdent en marchandises, et sur- tout en matières premières, une va- leur de |
22,972 | 28 |
| Ils ont en caisse | 1,021 | 10 |
| Leurs effets en portefeuille montent à | 3,540 | |
| Le compte des débiteurs's'élève à[12] | 5,861 | 90 |
| L'actif social est done en totalité de | 39,317 | 88 |
| Sur ce total, il n'est du que 4,737 fr. 80 c. à des créanciers, et 1,650 fr. à quatre- vingts adhérents;[13] ensemble |
6,387 | 86 |
| Restent | 32,930 | 2 |
formant l'actif réel, comprenant le capital indivisible et le capital de réserve des sociétaires. L'association, à la même époque, avait soixante-seize pianos en construction, et ne pouvait fournir à toutes les demandes."
From a later report we learn that this society subsequently divided itself into two separate associations, one of which, in 1854, already possessed a circulating capital of 56,000 francs, or 2240l. In 1863 its total capital was 6520l.[14] The same admirable qualities by which the associations were carried through their early struggles, maintained them in their increasing prosperity. Their rules of discipline, instead of being more lax, are stricter than those of ordinary workshops; but being rules self-imposed, for the manifest good of the community, and not for the convenience of an employer regarded as having an opposite interest, they are far more scrupulously obeyed, and the voluntary obedience carries with it a sense of personal worth and dignity. With wonderful rapidity the associated work-people have learnt to correct those of the ideas they set out with, which are in opposition to the teaching of reason and experience. Almost all the associaassociations, at first, excluded piece-work, and gave equal wages whether the work done was more or less. Almost all have abandoned this system, and after allowing to every one a fixed minimum, sufficient for subsistence, they apportion all further remuneration according to the work done: most of them even dividing the profits at the end of the year, in the same proportion as the earnings.[15]
It is the declared principle of most of these associations, that they do not exist for the mere private benefit of the individual members, but for the promotion of the co-operative cause. With every extension, therefore, of their business, they take in additional members, not (when they remain faithful
to their original plan) to receive wages from them as hired labourers, but to enter at once into the full benefits of the association, without being required to bring anything in, except their labour : the only condition imposed is that of receiving during a few years a smaller share in the annual division of profits, as some equivalent for the sacrifices of the founders. When members quit the association, which they are always at liberty to do, they carry none of the capital with them : it remains an indivisible property, of which the members for the time being have the use, but not the arbitrary disposal : by the stipulations of most of the contracts, even if the association breaks up, the capital cannot be divided, but must be devoted entire to some work of beneficence or of public utility. A fixed, and generally a considerable, propor- tion of the annual profits is not shared among the members, but added to the capital of the association, or devoted to the repayment of advances previously made to it : another portion it set aside to provide for the sick and disabled, and another to form a fund for extending the practice of association, or aiding other associations in their need. The managers are paid, like other members, for the time which is occupied in management, usually at the rate of the highest paid labour :
extracting. " En outre des vices dont j'ai parlé, lea tailleurs lui reprochaient d'engendrer sans cesse des discussions, des querelles, à cause de l'intérêt que chacun avait à faire travailler ses voisins. La surveillance mutuelle de l'atelier dégénérait ainsi en un esclavage véritable, qui ne laissait à personne la liberté de son temps et de ses actions. Ces dissensions ont disparu par l'introducticn du travail aux pièces." Feugueray, p. 88. One of the most discreditable indi- cations of a low moral condition given of late by part of the English working classes, is the opposition to piece-work. When the payment per piece is not sufficiently high, that is a just ground of objection. But dislike to piece-work in itself, except under mistaken notions, must be dislike to justness and fairness ; a desire to cheat, by not giving work in proportion to pay. Piece-work is the perfection of contract ; and contract, in all work, and in the most minute detail— the principle of so much pay for so much service, carried out to the utmost extremity—is the system, of all others, in the present state of society and degree of civilization, most favourable to the worker ; though most unfavourable to the non-worker who wishes to be paid for being idle. but the rule is adhered to, that the exercise of power shall never be an occasion of profit.
Of the ability of the associations to compete successfully with individual capitalists, even at an early period of their existence, M. Feugueray[16] said, "Les associations qui ont été fondées depuis deux années, avaient bien des obstacles a vaincre; la plupart manquaient presque absolument de capital; toutes marchaient dans une voie encore inexplorée; elles bravaient les périls qui menacent toujours les novateurs et les débutants. Et néanmoins, dans beaucoup d'industries ou elles se sont établies, elles constituent déja pour les anciennes maisons une rivalité redoutable, qui suscite même des plaintes nombreuses dans une partie de la bourgeoisie, non pas seulement chez les traiteurs, les limonadiers et les coiffeurs, c'est-à-dire dans les industries où la nature des produits permet aux associations de compter sur la clientèle démocratique, mais dans d'autres industries où elles n'ont pas les mêmes avantages. On n'a qu'à consulter par exemple les fabricants de fauteuils, de chaises, de limes, et l'on saura d'eux si les établissements les plus importants en leurs genres de fabrication ne sont pas les établissements des associés."
The vitality of these associations must indeed be great, to have enabled about twenty of them to survive not only the anti-socialist reaction, which for the time discredited all attempts to enable workpeople to be their own employers—not only the tracasseries of the police, and the hostile policy of the government since the usurpation—but in addition to these obstacles, all the difficulties arising from the trying condition of financial and commercial affairs from 1854 to 1858. Of the prosperity attained by some of them even while passing through this difficult period, I have given examples which must be conclusive to all minds as to the brilliant future reserved for the principle of co-operation.[17] It is not in France alone that these associations have commenced a career of prosperity. To say nothing at present of Germany, Piedmont, and Switzerland (where the Konsum-Verein of Zürich is one of the most prosperous co-operative associations in Europe), England can produce cases of success rivalling even those which I have cited from France. Under the impulse commenced by Mr. Owen, and more recently propagated by the writings and personal efforts of a band of friends, chiefly clergymen and barristers, to whose noble exertions too much praise can scarcely be given, the good seed was widely sown; the necessary alterations in the English law of partnership were obtained from Parliament, on the benevolent and public-spirited initiative of Mr.Slaney; many industrial associations, and a still greater number of co-operative stores for retail purchases, were founded. Among these are already many instances of remarkable prosperity, the most signal of which are the Leeds Flour Mill, and the Rochdale Society of Equitable Pioneers. Of this last association, the most successful of all, the history has been written in a very interesting manner by Mr. Holyoake;[18] and the notoriety which by this and other means has been given to facts so encouraging, is causing a rapid extension of associations with similar objects in Lancashire, Yorkshire, London, and elsewhere.
The original capital of the Rochdale Society consisted of 28l., brought together by the unassisted economy of about forty labourers, through the slow process of a subscription of twopence (afterwards raised to threepence) per week. With this sum they established in 1844 a small shop, or store, for the supply of a few common articles for the consumption of their own families. As their carefulness and honesty brought them an increase of customers and of subscribers, they extended their operations to a greater number of articles of consumption, and in a few years were able to make a large investment in shares of a Co-operative Corn Mill. Mr. Holyoake thus relates the stages of their progress up to 1857.
"The Equitable Pioneers' Society is divided into seven departments: Grocery, Drapery, Butchering, Shoemaking, Clogging, Tailoring, Wholesale.
"A separate account is kept of each business, and a general account is given each quarter, showing the position of the whole.
"The grocery business was commenced, as we have related, in December 1844, with only four articles to sell. It now includes whatever a grocer's shop should include.
"The drapery business was started in 1847, with an humble array of attractions. In 1854 it was erected into a separate department.
"A year earlier, 1846, the Store began to sell butcher's meat, buying eighty or one hundred pounds of a tradesman in the town. After a while the sales were discontinued until 1850, when the Society had a warehouse of its own. Mr. John Moorhouse, who has now two assistants, buys and kills for the Society three oxen, eight sheep, sundry porkers and calves, which are on the average converted into 130l. of cash per week.
"Shoemaking commenced in 1852. Three men and an apprentice make, and a stock is kept on sale.
"Clogging and tailoring commenced also in this year.
"The wholesale department commenced in 1852, and marks an important development of the Pioneers' proceedings. This department has been created for supplying any members requiring large quantities, and with a view to supply the cooperative stores of Lancashire and Yorkshire, whose small capital- do not enable them to buy in the best markets, nor command the services of what is otherwise indispensable to every store—a good buyer, who knows the markets and his business, who knows what, how, and where to buy. The wholesale department guarantees purity, quality, fair prices, standard weight and measure, but all on the never-failing principle, cash payment."
In consequence of the number of members who now reside at a distance, and the difficulty of serving the great increase of customers, "Branch Stores have been opened. In 1850, the first Branch was opened, in the Oldham Road, about a mile from the centre of Rochdale. In 1857 the Castleton Branch, and another in the Whitworth Road, were established, and a fourth Branch in Pinfold."
The warehouse, of which their original Store was a single apartment, was taken on lease by the Society, very much out of repair, in 1849. "Every part has undergone neat refitting and modest decoration, and now wears the air of a thoroughly respectable place of business. One room is now handsomely fitted up as a newsroom. Another is neatly fitted up as a library.... Their newsroom is as well supplied as that of a London club." It is now "free to members, and supported from the Education Fund," a fund consisting of 2½ per cent of all the profits divided, which is set apart for educational purposes." The Library contains 2200 volumes of the best, and among them, many of the most expensive books published. The Library is free. From 1850 to 1855, a school for young persons was conducted at a charge of twopence per month. Since 1855, a room has been granted hy the Board for the use of from twenty to thirty persons, from the ages or fourteen to forty, for mutual instruction on Sundays and Tuesdays....
"The corn-mill was of course rented, and stood at Small Bridge, some distance from the town—one mile and a half. The Society have since built in the town an entirely new mill for themselves. The engine and the machinery are of the most substantial and improved kind. The capital invested in the corn-mill is 8450l., of which 3731l. 15s. 2d. is subscribed by the Equitable Pioneers' Society. The corn-mill employs eleven men."
At a later period they extended their operations to the staple manufacture itself. From the success of the Pioneers' Society grew not only the co-operative corn-mill, but a cooperative association for cotton and woollen manufacturing.
"The capital in this department is 4000l., of which sum 2042l. has been subscribed by the Equitable Pioneers' Society. This Manufacturing Society has ninety-six power-looms at work, and employs twenty-six men, seven women, four boys, and five girls—in all forty-two persons....."
"In 1853 the Store purchased for 745l., a warehouse (freehold) on the opposite side of the street, where they keep and retail their stores of flour, butcher's meat, potatoes, and kindred articles. Their committee-rooms and offices are fitted up in the same building. They rent other houses adjoining for calico and hosiery and shoe stores. In their wilderness of rooms, the visitor stumbles upon shoemakers and tailors at work under healthy conditions, and in perfect peace of mind as to the result on Saturday night. Their warehouses are everywhere as bountifully stocked as Noah's Ark, and cheerful customers literally crowd Toad Lane at night, swarming like bees to every counter. The industrial districts of England have not such another sight as the Rochdale Co-operative Store on Saturday night."[19] Since the disgraceful failure of the Rochdale Savings Bank in 1849, the Society's Store has become the virtual Savings Bank of the place.
The following Table, completed to 1860 from the Almanack published by the Society, shows the pecuniary result of its operations from the commencement.
| Year. | No. of members. |
Amount of capital. | Amount of cash sales in store (annual). |
Amount of profit (annual). | ||||||
| £ | s. | d. | £ | s. | d. | £ | s. | d. | ||
| 1844 | 28 | 28 | 0 | 0 | ||||||
| 1845 | 74 | 181 | 12 | 5 | 710 | 6 | 5 | 32 | 17 | 6 |
| 1846 | 86 | 252 | 7 | 112 | 1,146 | 17 | 7 | 80 | 16 | 312 |
| 1847 | 110 | 286 | 5 | 312 | 1,924 | 13 | 10 | 72 | 2 | 10 |
| 1848 | 140 | 397 | 0 | 0 | 2,276 | 6 | 512 | 117 | 16 | 1012 |
| 1849 | 390 | 1,193 | 19 | 1 | 6,611 | 18 | 0 | 561 | 3 | 9 |
| 1850 | 600 | 2,299 | 10 | 5 | 13,179 | 17 | 0 | 889 | 12 | 5 |
| 1851 | 630 | 2,785 | 0 | 112 | 17,638 | 4 | 0 | 990 | 19 | 812 |
| 1852 | 680 | 3,471 | 0 | 6 | 16,352 | 5 | 0 | 1,206 | 15 | 212 |
| 1853 | 720 | 5,848 | 3 | 11 | 22,760 | 0 | 0 | 1,674 | 18 | 1112 |
| 1854 | 900 | 7,172 | 15 | 7 | 33,364 | 0 | 0 | 1,763 | 11 | 212 |
| 1855 | 1400 | 11,032 | 12 | 1012 | 44,902 | 12 | 0 | 3,106 | 8 | 412 |
| 1856 | 1600 | 12,920 | 13 | 112 | 63,197 | 10 | 0 | 3,921 | 13 | 112 |
| 1857 | 1850 | 15,142 | 1 | 2 | 79,788 | 0 | 0 | 5,470 | 6 | 812 |
| 1858 | 1950 | 18,160 | 5 | 4 | 71,789 | 0 | 0 | 6,284 | 17 | 412 |
| 1859 | 2703 | 27,060 | 14 | 2 | 104,012 | 0 | 0 | 10,739 | 18 | 612 |
| 1860[20] | 3450 | 37,710 | 9 | 0 | 152,063 | 0 | 0 | 15,906 | 9 | 11 |
I need not enter into similar particulars respecting the Corn-Mill Society, and will merely state that in 1860 its capital is set down, on the same authority, at 26,618l. 14s. 6d., and the profit for that single year at 10,164l. 12s. 5d. For the manufacturing establishment I have no certified information later than that of Mr. Holyoake, who states the capital of the concern, in 1857, to be 5500l. But a letter in the Rochdale Observer of May 26, 1860, editorially announced as by a person of good information, says that the capital had at that time reached 50,000l.: and the same letter gives highly satisfactory statements respecting other similar associations; the Rossendale Industrial Company, capital 40,000l.; the Walsden Co-operative Company, capital 8000l.; the Bacup and Wardle Commercial Company, with a capital of 40,000l., "of which more than one-third is borrowed at 5 per cent, and this circumstance, during the last two years of unexampled commercial prosperity, has caused the rate of dividend to shareholders to rise to an almost fabulous height."
It is not necessary to enter into any details respecting the subsequent history of English Co-operation; the less so, as it is now one of the recognised elements in the progressive movement of the age, and, as such, has latterly been the subject of elaborate articles in most of our leading periodicals, one of the most recent and best of which was in the Edinburgh Review for October 1864: and the progress of Co-operation from month to mouth is regularly chronicled in the "Co-operator." I must not, however, omit to mention the last great step in advance in reference to the Co-operative Stores, the formation in the North of England (and another is in course of formation in London) of a Wholesale Society, to dispense with the services of the wholesale merchant as well as of the retail dealer, and extend to the Societies the advantage which each society gives to its own members, by an agency for co-operative purchases, of foreign as well as domestic commodities, direct from the producers.
It is hardly possible to take any but a hopeful view of the prospects of mankind, when, in two leading countries of the world, the obscure depths of society contain simple working men whose integrity, good sense, self-command, and honourable confidence in one another, have enabled them to carry these noble experiments to the triumphant issue which the facts recorded in the preceding pages attest.
From the progressive advance of the co-operative movement, a great increase may be looked for even in the aggregate productiveness of industry. The sources of the increase are twofold. In the first place, the class of mere distributors, who are not producers but auxiliaries of production, and whose inordinate numbers, far more than the gains of capitalists, are the cause why so great a portion of the wealth produced does not reach the producers—will be reduced to more modest dimensions. Distributors differ from producers in this, that when producers increase, even though in any given department of industry they may be too numerous, they actually produce more: but the multiplication of distributors does not make more distribution to be done, more wealth to be distributed; it does but divide the same work among a greater number of persons, seldom even cheapening the process. By limiting the distributors to the number really required for making the commodities accessible to the consumers—which is the direct effect of the co-operative system—a vast number of hands will be set free for production, and the capital which feeds and the gains which remunerate them will be applied to feed and remunerate producers. This great economy of the world's resources would be realized even if co-operation stopped at associations for purchase and consumption, without extending to production.
The other mode in which co-operation tends, still more efficaciously, to increase the productiveness of labour, consists in the vast stimulus given to productive energies, by placing the labourers, as a mass, in a relation to their work which would make it their principle and their interest—at present it is neither—to do the utmost, instead of the least possible, in exchange for their remuneration. It is scarcely possible to rate too highly this material benefit, which yet is as nothing compared with the moral revolution in society that would accompany it: the healing of the standing feud between capital and labour; the transformation of human life, from a conflict of classes struggling for opposite interests, to a friendly rivalry in the pursuit of a good common to all; the elevation of the dignity of labour; a new sense of security and independence in the labouring class; and the conversion of each human being's daily occupation into a school of the social sympathies and the practical intelligence.
Such is the noble idea which the promoters of Co-operation should have before them. But to attain, in any degree, these objects, it is indispensable that all, and not some only, of those who do the work should be identified in interest with the prosperity of the undertaking. Associations which, when they have been successful, renounce the essential principle of the system, and become joint-stock companies of a limited number of shareholders, who differ from those of other companies only in being working men; associations which employ hired labourers without any interest in the profits (and I grieve to say that the Manufacturing Society even of Rochdale has thus degenerated) are, no doubt, exercising a lawful right in honestly employing the existing system of society to improve their position as individuals, but it is not from them that anything need be expected towards replacing that system by a better. Neither will such societies, in the long run, succeed in keeping their ground against individual competition. Individual management, by the one person principally interested, has great advantages over every description of collective management. Co-operation has but one thing to oppose to those advantages the common interest of all the workers in the work. When individual capitalists, as they will certainly do, add this to their other points of advantage; when, even if only to increase their gains, they take up the practice which these co-operative societies have dropped, and connect the pecuniary interest of every person in their employment with the most efficient and most economical management of the concern; they are likely to gain an easy victory over societies which retain the defects, while they cannot possess the full advantages, of the old system.
Under the most favourable supposition, it will be desirable, and perhaps for a considerable length of time, that individual capitalists, associating their work-people in the profits, should coexist with even those co-operative societies which are faithful to the co-operative principle. Unity of authority makes many things possible, which could not or would not be undertaken subject to the chance of divided councils or changes in the management A private capitalist, exempt from the control of a body, if he is a person of capacity, is considerably more likely than almost any association to run judicious risks, and originate costly improvements. Co-operative societies may be depended on for adopting improvements after they have been tested by success, but individuals are more likely to commence things previously untried. Even in ordinary business, the competition of capable persons who in the event of failure are to have all the loss, and in case of success the greater part of the gain, will be very useful in keeping the managers of co-operative societies up to the due pitch of activity and vigilance.
When, however, co-operative societies shall have sufficiently multiplied, it is not probable that any but the least valuable work-people will any longer consent to work all their lives for wages merely; both private capitalists and associations will gradually find it necessary to make the entire body of labourers participants in profits. Eventually, and in perhaps a less remote future than may be supposed, we may, through the co-operative principle, see our way to a change in society, which would combine the freedom and independence of the individual, with the moral, intellectual, and economical advantages of aggregate production; and which, without violence or spoliation, or even any sudden disturbance of existing habits and expectations, would realize, at least in the industrial department, the best aspirations of the democratic spirit, by putting an end to the division of society into the industrious and the idle, and effacing all social distinctions but those fairly earned by personal services and exertions. Associations like those which we have described, by the very process of their success, are a course of education in those moral and active qualities by which alone success can be either deserved or attained. As associations multiplied, they would tend more and more to absorb all work-people, except those who have too little understanding, or too little virtue, to be capable of learning to act on any other system than that of narrow selfishness. As this change proceeded, owners of capital would gradually find it to their advantage, instead of maintaining the struggle of the old system with work-people of only the worst description, to lend their capital to the associations; to do this at a diminishing rate of interest, and at last, perhaps, even to exchange their capital for terminable annuities. In this or some such mode, the existing accumulations of capital might honestly, and by a kind of spontaneous process, become in the end the joint property of all who participate in their productive employment: a transformation which, thus effected, (and assuming of course that both sexes participate equally in the rights and in the government of the association)[21] would be the nearest approach to social justice, and the most beneficial ordering of industrial affairs for the universal good, which it is possible at present to foresee.
§ 7.I agree, then, with the Socialist writers in their conception of the form which industrial operations tend to assume in the advance of improvement; and I entirely share their opinion that the time is ripe for commencing this transformation, and that it should by all just and effectual means be aided and encouraged. But while I agree and sympathize with Socialists in this practical portion of their aims, I utterly dissent from the most conspicuous and vehement part of their teaching, their declamations against competition. With moral conceptions in many respects far ahead of the existing arrangements of society, they have in general very confused and erroneous notions of its actual working; and one of their greatest errors, as I conceive, is to charge upon competition all the economical evils which at present exist. They forget that wherever competition is not, monopoly is; and that monopoly, in all its forms, is the taxation of the industrious for the support of indolence, if not of plunder. They forget, too, that with the exception of competition among labourers, all other competition is for the benefit of the labourers, by cheapening the articles they consume; that competition even in the labour market is a source not of low but of high wages, wherever the competition for labour exceeds the competition of labour, as in America, in the colonies, and in the skilled trades; and never could be a cause of low wages, save by the overstocking of the labour market through the too great numbers of the labourers' families; while, if the supply of labourers is excessive, not even Socialism can prevent their remuneration from being low. Besides, if association were universal, there would be no competition between labourer and labourer; and that between association and association would be for the benefit of the consumers, that is, of the associations; of the industrious classes generally.
I do not pretend that there are no inconveniences in competition, or that the moral objections urged against it by Socialist writers, as a source of jealousy and hostility among those engaged in the same occupation, are altogether groundless. But if competition has its evils, it prevents greater evils. As M. Feugueray well says,[22] "La racine la plus profonde des maux et des iniquités qui couvrent le monde industriel, n'est pas la concurrence, mais bien l'exploitation du travail par le capital, et la part énorme que les possesseurs des instruments de travail prélèvent sur les produits... Si la concurrence a beaucoup de puissance pour le mal, elle n'a pas moins de fécondité pour le bien, surtout en ce qui concerne le développement des facultés individuelles, et le succès des innovations." It is the common error of Socialists to overlook the natural indolence of mankind; their tendency to be passive, to be the slaves of habit, to persist indefinitely in a course once chosen. Let them once attain any state of existence which they consider tolerable, and the danger to be apprehended is that they will thenceforth stagnate; will not exert themselves to improve, and by letting their faculties rust, will lose even the energy required to preserve them from deterioration. Competition may not be the best conceivable stimulus, but it is at present a necessary one, and no one can foresee the time when it will not be indispensable to progress. Even confining ourselves to the industrial department, in which, more than in any other, the majority may be supposed to be competent judges of improvements; it would be difficult to induce the general assembly of an association to submit to the trouble and inconvenience of altering their habits by adopting some new and promising invention, unless their knowledge of the existence of rival associations made them apprehend that what they would not consent to do, others would, and that they would be left behind in the race.
Instead of looking upon competition as the baneful and anti-social principle which it is held to be by the generality of Socialists, I conceive that, even in the present state of society and industry, every restriction of it is an evil, and every extension of it, even if for the time injuriously affecting some class of labourers, is always an ultimate good. To be protected against competition is to be protected in idleness, in mental dulness; to be saved the necessity of being as active and as intelligent as other people; and if it is also to be protected against being underbid for employment by a less highly paid class of labourers, this is only where old custom, or local: and partial monopoly, has placed some particular class of artizans in a privileged position as compared with the rest; and the time has come when the interest of universal improvement is no longer promoted by prolonging the privileges of a few. If the slopsellers and others of their class have lowered the wages of tailors, and some other artizans, by making them an affair of competition instead of custom, so much the better in the end. What is now required is not to bolster up old customs, whereby limited classes of labouring people obtain partial gains which interest them in keeping up the present organization of society, but to introduce new general practices beneficial to all; and there is reason to rejoice at whatever makes the privileged classes of skilled artizans feel that they have the same interests, and depend for their remuneration on the same general causes, and must resort for the improvement of their condition to the same remedies, as the less fortunately circumstanced and comparatively helpless multitude.
- ↑ This passage is from the Prize Essay on the Causes and Remedies of National Distress, by Mr. Samuel Laing. The extracts which it includes are from the Appendix to the Report of the Children's Employment Commission.
- ↑ Economy of Machinery and Manufactures, 3rd edition, ch. 26.
- ↑ His establishment is 11, Rue Saint Georges.
- ↑ It appears, however, that the workmen whom M. Leclaire had admitted to this participation of profits, were only a portion (rather less than half) of the whole number whom he employed. This is explained by another part of his system. M. Leclaire pays the full market rate of wages to all his workmen. The share of profit assigned to them is, therefore, a clear addition to the ordinary gains of their class, which he very laudably uses u an instrument of improvement, by making it the reward of desert, or the recompense for peculiar trust.
- ↑ For September 27, 1845.
- ↑ Lettres sur l'Organisation du Travail, par Michel Chevalier, lettre xiv.
- ↑ Nouveau Traité d'Economie Politique.
- ↑ At the present time M. Leclaire's establishment is conducted on a somewhat altered system, though the principle of dividing the profits is maintained. There are now three partners in the concern: M. Leclaire himself, one other person (M. Defournaux), and a Provident Society (Société de Secours Mutuels), of which all persons in his employment are the members. (This Society owns an excellent library, and has scientific, technical, and other lectures regularly delivered to it.) Each of the three partners has 100,000 francs invested in the concern; M. Leclaire having advanced to the Provident Society as much as was necessary to supply the original insufficiency of their own funds. The partnership, on the part of the Society, is limited; on that of M. Leclaire and M. Defournaux, unlimited. These two receive 6000 francs (240l.) per annum each M wages of superintendence. Of the annual profits they receive half, though owning two-thirds of the capital. The remaining half belongs to the employe's and workpeople; two-fifths of it being paid to the Provident Society, and the other three-fifths divided among the body. M. Leclaire, however, now reserves to himself the right of deciding who shall share in the distribution, and to what amount; only binding himself never to retain any part, hut to bestow whatever has not been awarded to individuals, on the Provident Society. It is further provided that in cane of the retirement of both the private partners, the goodwill and plant shall become, without payment, the property of the Society.
- ↑ "En Mars 1847, M. Paul Dupont, gérant d'une imprimerie de Paris, eut l'idée d'associer ses ouvriers en leur promettant le dixième des bénéfices. Il en emploie habituellement trois cents, dont deux cents travaillent aux pièces et cent à la journée. Il emploie, en outre, cent auxiliaires, qui ne font pas partie de l'association.
"La part de bénéfice avenant aux ouvriers ne leur vaut guère, en moyenne, qu'une quinzaine de jours de travail; mais ils reçoivent leur salaire ordinaire suivant le tarif établi dans toutes les grandes imprimeries de Paris; et, de plus, ils ont l'avantage d'être soignés dans leurs maladies aux frais de la communauté, et de recevoir 1 fr. 50 cent, de salaire par jour d'incapacité de travail. Les ouvriers ne peuvent retirer leur part dans les bénéfices que quand ils sortent de l'association. Chaque année, cette part, qui est représentée tant en matériel qu'en rentes sur l'Etat, s'augmente par la capitalisation des intérêts, et crée ainsi une réserve à l'ouvrier.
"M. Dupont et les capitalistes, ses commanditaires, trouvent dans cette association un profit bien supérieur à celui qu'ils auraient; les ouvriers, de leur côté, se félicitent chaque jour de l'heureuse idée de leur patron. Plusieurs d'entre eux, encouragés à la réussite de l'établissement, lui ont fait obtenir une médaille d'or en 1849, une médaille d'honneur à l'Exposition Universelle de 1855; et quelques uns même ont reçu personellement la recompense de leurs découvertes et de leurs travaux. Chez un patron ordinaire, ces braves gens n'auraient pas eu le loisir de poursuivre leurs inventions, à moins que d'en laisser tout l'honneur à celui qui n'en était pas l'auteur: tandis qu'étant associés, si le patron eût été injuste, deux cents hommes eussent fait redresser ses torts.
"J'ai visité moi-même cet établissement, et j'ai pu m'assurer du perfectionnement que cette association apporte aux habitudes des ouvriers.
"M. Gisquet, ancien préfet de police, est propriétaire depuis long-temps d'une fabrique d'huile à Saint-Denis, qui est la plus importante de France, après celle de M. Darblay, de Corbeil. Lorsqu'en 1848 il prit le parti de la diriger lui-même, il rencontra des ouvriers habitués a's'enivrer plusieurs fois par - ↑ P. 112.
- ↑ Pp. 113-6.
- ↑ "Ces deux derniers articles ne comprennent que de tres bonnes valeurs, qui, presque toutes, ont été soldées depuis."
- ↑ "Ces adherents sont de ouvriers du métier qui ont commandité l'association dans ses débuts: une partie d'entre eux a été remboursée depuis le commencement de 1851. Le compte des créanciers a aussi beaucoup diminué; au 23 Avril, il ne's'elevait qu'à 1113 fr. 59 c."
- ↑ Article by M. Cherbuliez on Les Associations Ouvrières, in the Journal des Economistes for November 1860.
I subjoin, from M. Villiaumé and M. Cherbuliez, detailed particulars of other eminently successful experiments by associated workpeople.
"Nous citerons en première ligne," says M. Cherbuliez, "comme ayant atteint son but et présentant un résultat définitif, l'Association Remquet, de la Rue Garancière, à Paris, dont le fondateur était, en 1848, prote dans l'imprimerie Renouard. Cette maison ayant été forcée de liquider ses affaires, il proposa aux autres ouvriers de's'associer avec lui et de continuer l'entreprise pour leur propre compte, en demandant une subvention pour couvrir le prix d'acbat et les premieres avances. Quinze ouvriers acceptèrent cette proposition, et formerent une societé en nom collectif, dont les statuts fixaient le salaire de chaque espèce de travail et pourvoyaient à la formation graduelle du capital d' exploitation par un prélèvement de 25 pour 100 sur tous les salaires, prélèvement qui ne devait donner aucun dividende et aucun intérêt jusqu'à 1'expiration des dix années que devait durer la sociéte. Remquet deuianda et obtint pour lui la direction absolue de l'entreprise, avec un salaire fixé très modéré. A la liquidation définitive, le bénéfice total devait se partager entre tous les associés, au pro rata de leur quote-part dans le fonds, c'est-à-dire, du travail que chacun aurait fourni. Une subvention de 80,000 francs fut accordée par 1'Etat, non sans beaucoup de difficulté, et à des conditions tres onéreuses. En dépit de ces conditions, et malgré les circonstances défavorables qui résultèrent de la situation politique du pays, 1'Association Remquet a si bien prospéré, qu'elle's'est trouvée, a l'époque de la liquidation, et après avoir remboursé la subvention de l'Etat, en possession d'un capital net de 155,000 francs, dont le partage a produit en moyenne, 10,000 à 11,000 francs pour chaque associé: 7000 en minimum, 18,000 en maximum."
"La Société Fraternelle des Ouvriers Ferblantiers et Lampistes avait été fondée dès le mois de mars 1848, par 500 ouvriers, compreuant la presque totalité de ceux qui appartenaierit alors à cette branche d'industrie. Ce premier essai, inspiré par des idées excentriques et inapplicables, n'ayant pas survécu aux fatales journées de juin, une nouvelle association se forma, après le rétablissement de l'ordre, sur des proportions plus modestes. Composée d'abord de quarante membres, elle entreprit ses affaires, en 1849, avec un capital formé par les cotisations de ses membres, sans demander aucune subvention. Après diverses péripéties, qui réduisirent à trois le nombre des associés, puis le ramenèrent à quatorze, et le firent de nouveau retomber à trois, elle finit pourtant par se consolider entre quarante-six membres, qui réformèrent paisiblement leurs statuts dans les points que l'expérience avait signalés comme vicieux, et qui, leur nombre's'étant éléve jusqu'à 100 par des recrutements succeasifs, se vèrent, des l'année 1853, en possession d'un avoir de 50,000 francs, et en état de se partager annuellement un dividende de 20,000 francs.
"L'association des ouvriers bijoutiers en doré", la plus ancienne de toutes, s'était formée des l'année 1831, de huit ouvriers, avec un capital de 200 francs provenant de leurs épargnes réunies. Une subvention de 24,000 francs lui permit, en 1849, d'étendre beaucoup ses affaires, dont le chiffre annuel's'élevait deja, en 1858, à 140,000 francs, et assurait à chaque associé un dividende égal au double de leur salaire."
The following are from M. Villiaumé:—
" Après les journées de juin 1848, le travail était suspendu dans le faubourg Saint-Antoine, occupé surtout, comme on le sait, par les fabricants de meubles. Quelques menuisiers en fauteuils firent un appel à ceux qui sentient disposés à travailler ensemble. Sur six à sept cents de cette profession, quatre cents se firent inscrire. Mais co,me le capital manquait, neuf hommes des plus zélée commencèrent l'association avec tout ce qu'ils possédaient; savoir, une valeur de 369 francs en outils, et 135 francs 20 centimes en argent.
"Leur bon goût, leur loyauté et l'exactitude de leurs fournitures augmentant leurs débouchés, les associés furent bientôt au nombre de cent huit. Ils reçurent de l'Etat une avance de 25 mille franca, remboursables en quatorze ans par annuité, à raison de 3 fr. 75 c. pour cent d'intérêt.
"En 1857, le nombre des associés est de soixante-cinq, celui des auxiliaires de cent en moyenne. Tous les associés votent pour l'élection d'un conseil d' administration de huit membres, et d'un gérant, dont le nom représente la raison sociale. La distribution et la surveillance du travail dans les ateliers sont confiées a des contremaîtres choisis par le gérant et le conseil. II y a un contremaître pour vingt ou vingt-cinq hommes.
"Le travail est payé aux pièces, suivant les tarifs arrêtés en assemblée générale. Le salaire peut varier entre 3 et 7 francs par jour, selon le zèle et l'habileté de l'ouvrier. La moyenne est de 50 francs par quinzaine. Ceux qui gagnent le moins touchent près de 40 francs par quinzaine. Un grand nombre gagnent 80 francs. Des sculpteurs et mouluriers gagnent jusqu'à 100 francs, soit 200 francs par mois. Chacun's'engage à fournir cent-vingt heures par quinzaine, soit dix heures par jour. Aux termes du réglement chaque heur de déficit soumet le dé1inquant à une amende de 10 centimes par heure en-deça de trente heures, et de 15 centimes au-delà. Cette disposition avait pour objet d'abolir l'habitude du lundi, et elle a produit son effet. Depuis deux ans, la système des amendes est tombé en désuetude, à cause de la bonne conduite des associés.
"Quoique l'apport des associés n'ait été que de 369 francs, le matériel d'exploitation appartenant à l'établissement (Il est situé dans la rue de Chavonne, cour Saint-Joseph, au faubourg Saint-Antoine.) s'élevait déjà, en 1851, à 5713 francs, et l'avoir social, y compris les créances, à 24,000 francs. Depuis lors cette association eat devenue plus florissante, ayant resisté à tous les obstacles qui lui ont été suscités. Cette maison est la plus forte de Paris dans son genre, et la plus considérée. Elle fait des affaires pour 400 mille francs par an. Voici son inventaire de décembre 1855.Actif. Espèces 445 70 Marchandises 82,930 ,, fait d'avance, ce qui empêche le
chômage.Salaires payés d'avance 2,421 70 Materiel 20,891 35 Portefeuille 9,711 75 Meubles consignés 211 ,, Loyer d'avance 4,933 10 Débiteurs divers 48,286 95 169,831 55 Passif. Effets à payer 8,655 Fonds d'association 133 100 f. à chacun 7,600 ne la doivent qu'à eux-mêmes. Fonds de retenue indivisible 9,205 84 pour l'Etat, qui prend 10 p. 100
par an sur les bénéfices, le tout
payable au bout de 14 ans.Caisse de secours 1,544 30 ne la doivent qu'à eux-mêmes. Prêt de l'Etat, principal et intérêt 27,053 Créanciers divers 12,559 51 Différence active. 100,39890. La société possède en réalité 123,000 fr." But the most important association of all is that of the Masons:—
"L'association des maçons fut fondée le 10 août 1848. Elle a son siége rue Saint-Victor, 155. Le nombre de ses membres est de 85, et celui de ses auxiliaires de trois à quatre cents. Elle a deux gérants à sa tête; l'un, chargé
spécialement des constructions; l'autre, de l'administration. Les deux gérants paasent pour les plus habiles entrepreneurs de maçonnerie de Paris, et ils se contentent d'un modeste traitement. Cette association vient de construire trois ou quatre des plus remarquables hôtels de la capitale. Bien qu'elle travaille avec plus d'économie que les entrepreneurs ordinaires, comme on ne la rembourse qu'à des termes éloignés, c'est surtout pour elle qu'une banque serait nécessaire, car elle a des avancea considérables à faire. Néanmoins elle prospère, et la preuve en est dans le dividende de 56 pour 100 qu'a produit cette année son propre capital, et qu'elle a payé aux citoyens qui se sont asaociés à sea operations.
"Cette association est formée d'ouvriers qui n'apportent que leur travail; d'autres qui apportent leur travail et un capital quelconque; eufin de citoyens qui ne travaillent point, mais qui se sont associés en fournissant un capital.
"Les maçons se livrent le soir à un enseignement mutuel. Chez eux, comme chez lea fabricants de fauteuils, le malade est soigné aux frais de la société, et reçoit en outre un salaire durant sa maladie. Chacun est protégé par l'association dans tous lea actes de sa vie. Les fabricants de fauteuils auront bientôt chacun un capital de deux ou trois mille francs à leur disposition, soit pour doter leurs filles, soit pour commencer une réserve pour l'avenir. Quant aux maçons, quelques-uns possèdent déjà 4000 francs d'épargnes qui restent au fonds social.
"Avant qu'ils fussent aaaociés, ces ouvriers étaient pauvrement vêtus de la veste et de la blouse; parce que, faute de prévoyance, et surtout à cause da chômage, ils n'avaient jamais une somme disponible de 60 francs pour acheter une redingote. Aujourd'hui, la plupart sont vêtus aussi bien que les bourgeois; quelquefois même avec plus de goût. Cela tient à ce que l'ouvrier, ayant un crédit dans son association, trouve partout ce dont il a besoin sur un bon qu'il souscrit; et la caisse retient chaque quinzaine une partie de la somme à éteindre. De la sorte, l'épargne se fait, pour ainsi dire, malgré l'ouvrier. Plusieurs même, n'ayant plus de dettes, se souscrivent à eux-mêmes des bons de 100 francs payables en cinq mois, afin de résister à la tentation des dépenses inutiles. On leur retient 10 francs par quinzaine; et au bout des cinq mois, bon gré, mal gré, ils trouvent ce petit capital épargné."
The following Table, taken by M. Cherbuliez from a work (Die gewerblichen und wirtschaftlichen Genossenschaften der arbeitenden Classen in England, Frankreich und Deutschland), published at Tübingen in 1800 by Professor Huber (one of the most ardent and high-principled apostles of this kind of co-operation), shows the rapidly progressive growth in prosperity of the Masons' Association up to 1858:—Year. Amount of
business done.
fr.Profits
realized.
fr.1852 45,530 1,000 1853 297,208 7,000 1854 344,240 20,000 1855 614,694 46,000 1856 998,240 80,000 1857 1,330,000 100,000 1858 1,231,461 130,000 "Sur ce dernier dividende," adds M. Cherbuliez, "30,000 francs ont été prélevés pour le fonds de réserve, et les 100,000 francs restant, partagés entre les associés, ont donné pour chacun de 500 à 1500 francs, outre leur salaire, et leur part dans la propriété commune en immeubles et en matériel d'exploitation."
Of the management of the associations generally, M. Villiaumé says, "J'ai pu me convainure par moi-même de l'habileté des gérants et des conseils d'administration des associations ouvrières. Ces gérants sont bien supérieurs pour l'intelligence, le zèle, et même pour la politesse, à la plupart des patrons ou entrepreneurs particuliers. Et chez les ouvriers associés, les funestes habitudes d'intempérance disparaissent peu à peu, avec la grossièreté et la rudesse qui sont la conséquence de la trop incomplète education de leur classe." - ↑ Even the association founded by M. Louis Blanc, that of the tailors of Clichy, after eighteen months' trial of this system, adopted piece-work. One of the reasons given by them for abandoning the original system is well worth
- ↑ Pp. 37-8.
- ↑ In the last few years the co-operative movement among the French working-classes has taken a fresh start. An interesting account of the Provision Association (Association Alimentaire) of Grenoble has been given in a pamphlet by M. Casimir Périer (Les Sociétés de Co-opération); and in the Times of November 24, 1864, we read the following passage:—"While a certain number of operatives stand out for more wages, or fewer hours of labour, others, who have also seceded, have associated for the purpose of carrying on their respective trades on their own account, and have collected funds for the purchase of instruments of labour. They have founded a society, 'Société Générale d'Approvisionnement et de Consommation.' It numbers between 300 and 400 members, who have already opened a 'co-operative store' at Passy, which is now within the limits of Paris. They calculate that by May next, fifteen new self supporting associations of the same kind will be ready to commence operations; so that the number will be for Paris alone from 50 to 60."
- ↑ "Self-help by the People—History of Co-operation in Rochdale." An instructive account of this and other co-operative associations has also been written in the "Companion to the Almanack" for 1862, by Mr. John Plummer, of Kettering; himself one of the most inspiring examples of mental cultivation and high principle in a self-instructed working man.
- ↑ "But it is not," adds Mr. Holyoake, "the brilliancy of commercial activity in which either writer or reader will take the deepest interest; it in in the new and improved spirit animating this intercourse of trade. Buyer and seller meet as friends; there is no overreaching on one side, and no suspicion on the other..... These crowds of humble working men, who never knew before when they put good food in their mouths, whose every dinner was adulterated, whose shoes let in the water a month too soon, whose waistcoats shone with devil's dust, and whose wives wore calico that would not wash, now buy in the markets like millionaires, and as far as pureness of food goes, live like lords." Far better, probably, in that particular; for assuredly lords are not the customers least cheated in the present race of dishonest competition. "They are weaving their own stuffs, making their own shoes, sewing their own garments, and grinding their own corn. They buy the purest sugar and the best tea, and grind their own coffee. They slaughter their own cattle, and the finest beasts of the land waddle down the streets of Rochdale for the consumption of flannel-weavers and cobblers. (Last year the Society advertised for a Provision Agent to make purchases in Ireland, and to devote his whole time to that duty.) When did competition give poor men these advantages? And will any man say that the moral character of these people is not improved under these influences? The teetotallers of Rochdale acknowledge that the Store has made more sober men since it commenced than all their efforts have been able to make in the same time. Husbands who never knew what it was to be out of debt, and poor wives who during forty years never had sixpence uncondemned in their pockets, now possess little stores of money sufficient to build them cottages, and go every week into their own market with money jingling in their pockets; and in that market there is no distrust and no deception; there is no adulteration, and no second prices. The whole atmosphere is honest. Those who serve neither hurry, finesse, nor flatter. They have no interest in chicanery. They have but one duty to perform—that of giving fair measure, full weight, and a pure article. In other parts of the town, where competition is the principle of trade, all the preaching in Rochdale cannot produce mural effects like these.
"As the Store has made no debts, it has incurred no losses; and during thirteen years' transactions, and receipts amounting to 308,852l., it has had no law-suits. The Arbitrators of the Societies, during all their years of office, have never had a case to decide, and are discontented that nobody quarrels." - ↑ The latest report to which I have access is that for the quarter ending September 20, 1864, of which I take the following abstract from the November number of that valuable periodical the "Co-operator," conducted by Mr. Henry Pitman, one of the most active and judicious apostles of the Co-operative cause:—"The number of members is 4580, being an increase of 132 for the three months. The capital or assets of the society is 59,536l. 10s. 1d., or more than last quarter by 3687l. 13s. 7d. The cash received for sale of goods is 45,806l. 0s. 1012d., being an increase of 2283l. 12s. 512d. as compared with the previous three months. The profit realized is 5713l. 2s. 712d., which, after depreciating fixed stock account 182l. 2s. 412d., paying interest on share capital 598l. 17s. 6d., applying 212 per cent to an educational fund, viz. 122l. 17s. 9d., leaves a dividend to members on their purchases of 2s. 4d. in the pound. Non-members have received 261l. 18s. 4d., at 1s. 4d. in the pound on their purchases, leaving 8d. in the pound profit to the society, which increases the reserve fund 104l. 15s. 4d. This fund now stands at 1352l. 7s. 1112d., the accumulation of profits from the trade of the public with the store since September 1862, over and above the 1s. 8d. in the pound allowed to such purchasers."
- ↑ In this respect also the Rochdale Society has given an example of reason and justice, worthy of the good sense and good feeling manifested in their general proceedings. "The Rochdale Store," says Mr. Holyoake, "renders incidental but valuable aid towards realizing the civil independence of women. Women may be members of this Store, and vote in its proceedings. Single and married women join. Many married women become members because their husbands will not take the trouble, and others join in it in self-defence, to prevent the husband from spending their money in drink. The husband cannot withdraw the savings at the Store standing in the wife's name, unless she signs the order.
- ↑ P. 90.
semaine, et qui, pendant le travail, chantaient, fumaient, et quelquefois se disputaient. On avait maintes fois essayé sans succès du changer cet état de choses: il y parvint par la prohibition faite à tous ses ouvriers de's'enivrer les jours de travail, sous peine d'exclusion, et par la promesse de partager entre eux, à titre de gratification annuelle, 5 p. 100 de sea bénéfices nets, au pro rata des salaires, qui, du reste, sont fixés, aux prix courants. Depuis ce moment, la réforme a été complète: il se voit entouré d'une centaine d'ouvriers plains de zèle et de devouement. Leur bien-être's'est accru de tout ce qu'ils ne dépensent pas en boissons, et de ce qu'ils gagnent par leur exactitude au travail. La gratification que M. Gisquet leur accorde, leur a valu, en moyenne, chaque année, l'équivalent de leur salaire pendant six semaines.....
"M. Beslay, ancien député de 1830 à 1839, et représentant du peuple à l'Assemblée Constituante, a fondé un atelier important de machines à vapeur à Paris, dans le Faubourg du Temple. Il eut l'idée d'associer dans ce dernier établissement ses ouvriers, dès le commencement de 1847. Je transcris ici cet acte d'association, que l'on peat regarder comme l'un des plus complets de tous ceux faits entre patrons et ouvriers."
The practical sagacity of Chinese emigrants long ago suggested to them, according to the report of a recent visitor to Manilla, a similar constitution of the relation between an employer and labourers. "In these Chinese shops" (at Manilla) "the owner usually engages all the activity of his countrymen employed by him in them, by giving each of them a share in the profits of the concern, or in fact by making them all small partners in the business, of which he of course takes care to retain the lion's share, so that while doing good for him by managing it well, they are also benefiting themselves. To such an extent is this principle carried that it is usual to give even their coolies a share in the profits of the business in lieu of fixed wages, and the plan appears to suit their temper well; for although they are in general most complete eye-servants when working for a fixed wage, they are found to be most industrious and useful ones when interested even for the smallest share." McMicking's Recollections of Manilla and the Philippines during 1848, 1S49, and 1850, p. 24.