Protestant Exiles from France/Book Second - Chapter 3 - Section IX

2930652Protestant Exiles from France — Book Second - Chapter 3 - Section IXDavid Carnegie Andrew Agnew

Sec 9. — The Earl of Galway’s Semi-Official Life, from the Death of King Charles II. of Spain to the Death of our King William III.

It was on the 1st November 1700 that King Charles II. of Spain died. By his will he left the sovereignty of the entire Spanish dominions to Philip, Duke of Anjou, grandson of Louis XIV. The celebrated Partition Treaties, which had been previously entered into, were devices for the partition of the Spanish dominions upon the death of Charles II. Louis XIV., being bound by solemn compacts to renounce the throne of Spain for his family, had concurred in the first partition, getting a substantial slice of the foreign possessions, and acknowledging the Electoral Prince of Bavaria as heir-presumptive of Spain proper. But the death of the Bavarian Prince had made new negotiations necessary; and at the death of Charles II. a second Partition Treaty had the signatures of some of the interested potentates, but not the signature of Emperor Leopold of Germany, to whose younger son, the Archduke Charles Francis Joseph, Spain was assigned.

Before the document could be ready for signature, a disturbing element had arisen in the irritation of the dying king at foreign monarchs disposing of his territories. He had, therefore, resolved to leave the undivided dominions to one heir. He hesitated between Archduke Charles and Duke Philip, and rather inclined to the former. But when he considered the power of Louis XIV., he thought that anarchy and bloodshed would be avoided by deciding for that tyrant’s grandson. And Louis accepting the last Will and Testament, the young French candidate was proclaimed as Philip V., King of Spain. Williamitc politics would have at once protested against this; but King William was in the hands of the opposition party. He had dismissed Lord Chancellor Somers, who felt deeply aggrieved at being thus prevented from presenting an unyielding front to his adversaries. The Earl of Rochester was supreme in England as well as in Ireland. This circumstance, coupled with the unfinished state of the last Partition Treaty, made William acknowledge King Philip’s letter in a congratulatory reply.

The deaths of the Duke of Gloucester and of the King of Spain were the prominent topics of the king’s speech to the new parliament on the 2ist of February 1701. During this session, the acquittal of Lord Somers and the other “partition” councillors by the House of Lords, was gratifying to the Williamite statesmen, notwithstanding the rage and invectives of the Commons. The latter incivilities were passed over by the king in majestic silence; but they hastened the end of the session. On June 24th His Majesty went down for the prorogation; and he left England for Holland on the 1st July.

War with France was a dark cloud on the very point of bursting forth. The first French aggressions were in Holland. Louis broke the Ryswick Treaty with Holland, by introducing French troops into the several fortresses, and his Ambassador, le Comte d’Avaux, took his leave. Maximilian, Elector of Bavaria, father of the deceased heir-presumptive of Spain, had now sided with the French. Clement, Elector of Cologne, was Maximilian’s brother.

At this point we have to return to the Earl of Galway. We last saw him in England on the 22d June. He accompanied the Earl of Marlborough to Holland, and arrived there before the 12th July. It was his duty and happiness to visit his Dutch Guards. And his presence was soon desired at the palace of Loo. It was Lord Galway’s lot to be sent on unpromising missions, and William despatched him to negotiate with the Elector of Cologne. This Prince was also the Archbishop; and under him the Dean and Chapter of Cologne acted as a political administration. He had already accepted French money to raise troops in the Bourbon interest. The Chapter discovering the secret, and being adverse to France, obtained Prussian troops for their defence; and the Diet of Bonn, having been summoned by the Elector, had refused him supplies. The only hope that William could have cherished was, that the Elector, after such opposition, might be willing to listen to proposals more agreeable to the public men in his own dominions. The king’s biographer thus reports the ineffectual mission:— “To omit nothing that might tend to the security of the Dutch Republic, in case of a rupture (which, as things stood, seemed unavoidable), His Majesty endeavoured to bring over the Elector of Cologne to the interest of the Empire, England and Holland. The wise and sagacious Earl of Galway was employed in this important negotiation; but though he was supported by the Chapter of Cologne, he was not able to shake that Elector from the engagement he was entered into with France, at the instigation ot his brother, the Elector of Bavaria.”

About this time Lord Galway, accompanied by Lord Albemarle, inspected the Dutch forces at a grand military review, at the Camp on the Moerdyke, near the frontier town of Nimeguen. Luttrell states that he had the rank of a full General in Holland.

On the 7th September, the Second Grand Alliance was concluded for keeping the French power in check. In a very few days an immense field for action was created by the arrogance of the French king. The abdicated King of England died at the Palace of St. Germain on the 16th. Louis immediately caused the pretended Prince of Wales to be proclaimed as King James III. The French potentate thus broke the Ryswick Treaty with Great Britain; though he disclaimed the treachery, declaring that by the mere publication of a title, he was not disturbing William in the possession of the British dominions. Such an apology overlooked the words “directly or indirectly,” which were in the bond.

William’s fetters now fell off. Hitherto, although the Dutch had shrewdly appreciated the Alliance against France, the English had been disinclined towards it. But by taking upon himself to be a king-maker for our snug little island, Louis succeeded in arousing the feeling of the British people, not only against himself, but against all Jacobites and semi-Jacobites. William, though in feeble health, took the animated resolution of freeing himself from the counsels of the latter ministers. His desires were immediately directed towards Lord Somers and the Earl of Sunderland.

The Earl of Galway was the negotiator whom he employed, and who had the honour of presenting to Lord Somers the following note written in the French language, and dated at Loo, October 10, 1701:—

“I have charged Lord Galway to speak to you from myself with much frankness. I hope you will accord an entire reliance to what he will say to you, and that you will be pleased to treat it with the same frankness, without any reserve, and to be persuaded of the continuance of my friendship.

William R.[1]
Lord Somers at once entered into the king’s policy. While taking no office himself, he advised Lord Galway to urge upon Lord Sunderland to accede to the general wish, and to reconsider his determination to remain in private life. It appears, however, from a memorandum, docqueted “Lord Sunderland’s Advice to Lord Somers,” that Sunderland would consent to no more than that Lord Gahvay might say publicly that he was on a mission from his Majesty to desire Lords Somers and Sunderland to come to the king, but that Lord Sunderland would not change his mind. What his mind was he briefly expressed in a letter to Lord Somers, dated December 17th. But the fullest explanation is given in the following paper, addressed to Lord Galway:—

“Lord Sunderland does earnestly request Lord Galway, Lord Somers, and all his friends not to think of him, but to act as if he was not in the world. If he were worth having, I would say that there is no way but to forget him, which was desired so often, as you know, at the beginning. But after all the clutter has been made, if he should just now engage in business, it would be pretending to miracles which he is very unfit for. Lord Godolphin has convinced Lord Sunderland that what was thought of being done by the House of Lords, cannot; so that it must fall as being vain. Every letter that Lord Sunderland receives, to persuade him that he is necessary, contributes to the fixing him here; for he is in no way capable of answering those expectations of furthering what is fit, and hindering what is not. If there had been less bustle made about him, as was earnestly desired, he would have been ready to have complied by this time; but while he was to be stared upon he cannot engage. The king has a plain way to follow, and cannot fail if he pleases; and yet he will not do those things which his own judgment leads him to, and which Lord Galway said he had resolved. Wnen the king has put his atfairs into some order, Lord Sunderland may perhaps be of some use; and as soon as that is, he will desire to be sent for as much as he now desires to be forgot. Lord Sunderland can say nothing but what he did to Lord Gahvay, only that he thinks no more of Lord Godolphin, nor of the House of Lords, yielding to those who are best judges.”

The Earl of Galway had now the satisfaction of knowing that William was receiving the inestimable counsels of Lord Somers. His Majesty returned to England on the 4th November, and acting on the Ex-Chancellor’s advice, he dissolved parliament on the 11th, having previously dismissed the French ambassador.

As to the election of a new parliament, Lord Macaulay has recorded: “Nothing did more harm to the Tory candidates than the story of Poussin’s (the French Ambassador’s) farewell supper, we learn from their own acrimonious invectives, that the unlucky discovery of the three members of Parliament at the Blue Posts cost thirty honest gentlemen their seats.” Macaulay had said a little before: “This supper-party was during some weeks the chief topic of conversation. . . . These then were the true English patriots, the men who could not endure a foreigner, the men who would not suffer His Majesty to bestow a moderate reward on the foreigners who had stormed Athlone, and turned the flank of the Celtic Army at Aughrim. It now appeared that they could be on excellent terms with a foreigner, provided only that he was the emissary of a tyrant, hostile to the liberty, the independence, and the religion of their country.” The king met his new parliament on December 31st. On that day he delivered his memorable “last speech,” which was written for him by Lord Somers. But death brings this section to an abrupt termination. King William III. died on the 21st February 1702, aged fifty-one.

  1. See “The Hardwicke State Papers.”