CHAPTER III.
“The means of the British commander-in-chief, did not enable him to equip a large land column, nor under any circumstances would it probably have been practicable to attempt an exclusive land movement, upon a point at the distance of 600 miles from his depots: an unlimited command of carriage could alone have enabled him to do so – in which case he might, probably, have advanced by the shortest and best road upon the capital, viâ Pegu and Tonghoo, turning all the enemy’s positions on the Irrawaddy, and taking him unprepared on a new line of operations, with his troops posted at a distance. It was, however, obvious, that these advantages must be sacrificed to the one great and important point of securing the river communication, for the conveyance of supplies to the army in the field, and for which purpose a combined land and water movement was determined on – the land column advancing in a direction parallel to, and at no great distance from the river, with a view to mutual co-operation and support[1].”
In the beginning of Feb. 1825, the flotilla was employed in supporting a large body of Peguers, who, in consequence of a proclamation circulated by Sir Archibald Campbell, had left Panlang and retired into the Dalla district, where they maintained so good a front, that, although followed by a Burmese force, the latter dared not to attack them.
Previous to the advance upon Ava, it was necessary to open a passage up the Lyne river, for which purpose a force was detached under Lieutenant-Colonel Godwin and Captain Chads, who captured a large stockade at Than-ta-bain, with 36 guns mounted, and destroyed an immense number of fire-rafts and canoes filled with combustibles, for the annoyance of the British shipping. “A detail of the operations of the column,” says Sir Archibald Campbell, “affords me another opportunity of bringing to the notice of the Right Honorable the Governor-General in Council, the judgment and decision of Lieutenant-Colonel Godwin and Captain Chads; and bearing no less honorable testimony to the irresistible intrepidity so often displayed both by soldiers and sailors on this expedition.”
The naval force employed consisted of the Satellite, Diana, Prince of Wales, fifteen row gun-boats, seven boats belonging to H.M. squadron, and several flats and canoes. The officers sent under Captain Chads were Lieutenants Dobson, Keele, Kellett, and Fraser; acting Lieutenants Goldfinch and William Hayhurst Hall; Mr. Lett, master’s-mate; Messrs. Norcock[errata 1], Winsor, Wyke, Biffin, Pickey, Reed, Coyde, Tomlinson, and Scott, midshipmen; and Mr. William Watt, surgeon of the Arachne, who had invariably volunteered, and been with Captain Chads on every previous service, and whose kind care of the sick and wounded was always unremitting.
On the 5th Feb., the troops selected for this service were embarked, and the expedition proceeded up the river. On the morning of the 6th, a flag of truce was sent forward with two Burmese prisoners, conveying a proclamation issued by Sir A. Campbell, which was received by the enemy, and replied to most respectfully, explaining the inability of the chief to surrender, in a language of mildness rarely used by this vain and barbarous people.
At 5 p.m., the Satellite, towed by the Diana, advanced upon the enemy’s position, which was a strong and imposing one, upon the point of a peninsula, forming a branch of the river going off at a right angle to Panlang, measuring three-quarters of a mile on its water front, built of teak-timber, very high, strongly stockaded, and abattised down to the water’s edge, but entirely open in the rear. The boats, in three divisions, were led by Lieutenants Keele, Kellett, and Fraser.
the British vessels were allowed to approach within half a mile before the enemy opened their fire, which proved extremely heavy, and raked the Satellite until she brought up by the stern with a bower anchor, the Diana hanging by her, at about forty yards distant from the enemy’s works, enfilading the whole of their right, and commanding their left abreast of her; in performing which Lieutenant Dobson and Mr. Winsor rendered Captain Chads much assistance. The Satellite’s broadside was then opened with great effect, and on board the Diana a detachment of the Bengal rocket-corps, under Captain Charles Graham, showed admirable practice; in a quarter of an hour the en«ny were seen in great confusion, and orders given to storm, which was done in gallant style. Lieutenant Keele and acting Lieutenant Hall, with their boats’ crews, “were the first to enter the enemy’s position, and,” adds Lieutenant-Colonel Godwin, “their conduct was most conspicuous. These were followed by Captain O’Reilly, with the grenadiers of H.M. 41st regiment.” The resistance within was trifling, although the place was garrisoned by two thousand fighting men. TTie enemy suffered severely, and were followed for a mile and a half; a few prisoners were taken, and many deserters came in the following day. The loss on the part of the assailants amounted to no more than one seaman drowned, and three soldiers, four British sailors, and two Lascars wounded[2].
Immediately after the capture of the above stockade, Captain Chads sent a division of boats up both branches of the river, under Lieutenants Keele and Kellett, who took and destroyed many of the enemy’s war-boats.
On the morning of the 7th, Lieutenant Keele was again sent with some gun-boats and troops up the Panlang branch, to explore; and Captain Chads, with Lieutenant-Colonel Godwin and the remaining gun-boats, went up the main branch for the same purpose. The former officer proceeded about twenty-two miles with abundance of water, and the river never less than thirty-five yards wide; his commander ascertained that there were no local obstacles to the progress of gun-vessels carrying provisions for the army to Meondaga, formerly an extensive village, on the banks of a rivulet falling into the Lyne river, and about fifty miles distant from Rangoon; but positive directions for the return of the troops by a fixed period prevented him proceeding to the commencement of this branch from the great river, which he had reason to believe he could have accomplished in another tide. Both divisions met with and destroyed hundreds of fire-rafts and canoes similarly prepared, lying on the bank of the river for upwards of fifteen miles, some of which the enemy lighted and launched as the boats approached. This service was effectually performed by acting Lieutenants Goldfinch and Hall.
Never were there a better spirit and mutual good will shewn between the two services than on this occasion; every individual, military and naval, did his duty with the greatest cheerfulness and gallantry. Some of the troops were left to occupy the captured stockade as a military post, and the Prince of Wales was ordered by Captain Chads to remain there, with four gun-boats, for its support. On the 10th Feb. he received a letter from Captain Alexander, of which the following is a copy:–
“With the greatest pleasure I acknowledge the receipt of your letter of yesterday’s date, detailing your proceedings in the attack of the formidable stockade of Quangalee[3], and congratulate you most heartily on having carried it with such a small loss, which can only be attributed to the handsome manner you brought the Satellite up.
“By the first opportunity I shall forward your letter to Commodore Coe, and shall not fail to state the many obligations I am under to you, for the judicious arrangements in planning the attack, and for the Panlang and Lain branches of the expedition getting ready.”
On the same day, Captain Alexander wrote to the acting Commodore as follows:–
“The judicious manner of anchoring the Satellite by the stern on the flood tide, with the steam-boat ahead of her, does Captain Chads the greatest credit. His arrangements and assistance since my arrival call forth my warmest thanks; a better or n«ore indefatigable officer is not in the service, and I trust you will bring him, with the other officers, seamen, and marines employed on this service, to the favorable notice of my Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty: I hope you will excuse my noticing an individual, where all did their duty so gallantly; but in justice to acting Lieutenant Hall, I beg to call your attention to the handsome mention made of him by Captain Chads; he is in every respect a good officer, and has passed for a lieutenant near five years.”
Extract of a letter from George Swinton, Esq. to, Sir A. Campbell, dated
“Fort William, 18th March, 1825.”
“I am directed to acknowledge the receipt of your despatch relative to the capture of the strong post of Than-ta-bain, or Qnangalee, by a detachment of troops under the command of Lieutenant-Colonel Godwin, aided by a party of seamen under Captain Chads and Lieutenants Keele and Hall. The Governor-General in Council is happy to observe, in the signal and complete success which attended the operations against Than-ta-bain, the same judgment, energy, and skill, on the part of Lieutenant-Colonel Godwin, which distinguished his conduct on the occasion of his being detached against Martaban, and which again demand the unqualified approbation and applause of his Lordship in Council.
“To Captain Chads the Governor-General in Council desires to express his constant acknowledgments for the distinguished share he bore in the action. His Lordship in Council has also noticed, with particular satisfaction, the characteristic gallantry displayed by Lieutenants Keele and Hall, who, with their boats’ crews, were the first to enter the enemy’s fort, followed by Captain O’Reilly, of the grenadiers of H.M. 41st regiment. His Lordship in Council requests that these sentiments of the Supreme Government may be conveyed to Captain Chads and Lieutenants Keele and Hall, through the senior officer of his Majesty’s ships.[4]”
Every thing being now ready for the advance upon Ava, Sir Archibald Campbell formed such force as he possessed the means of moving, into two columns ; one to proceed by land, and the other by water. With the former, 2468 strong, he purposed moving in a direction parallel to the Lyne river, driving the enemy from all his posts upon that branch; and to join the Irrawaddy at the nearest accessible point, for the purpose of co-operating with the marine column in driving the Bandoola from Donoobew, should its aid for that purpose be required. The point upon which the land column would join the Irrawaddy, in a country so little known, could not be fixed. The island formed by the Lyne and Panlang rivers, was represented as a wilderness of impassable jungle, but across which, it was said, the Carians, by Bandoola’s order, had cut a path for the sake of communication from Meondaga to the Irrawaddy, opposite to Donoobew, by which, should it prove correct, it was intended the column should advance; but by much the most certain route, and in many respects the most eligible, led to Sarrawah, on the great river, about sixty miles from Donoobew.[5] The marine column, which was placed under the orders of Brigadier-General (now Sir Willoughby) Cotton, consisted of 799 European infantry, 250 sepoys, 108 foot-artillery, and twelve of the rocket corps: these were embarked in the flotilla, consisting of two mortar-boats, six gun-vessels, thirty armed row-boats, about sixty launches, flats, canoes, &c. and all the boats of the men-of-war remaining at Rangoon, containing every disposable officer and man of the Alligator, Arachne, and Sophie; the whole escorted by the Diana and Satellite, and under the immediate command of Captain Alexander. This force was directed to pass up the Panlang river to the Irrawaddy, and driving the enemy from his stockades, to push on with all possible expedition to Donoobew[6]. A third division, 780 strong, under Major Sale, accompanied by the Lame and Mercury, was sent up the western branch of the great river, to attack Bassein; after reducing which, it was expected sufficient land-carriage might be obtained in the district, to enable it to push on to Donoobew, and form a junction with the water column, or to Henzedah, where a communication with the land division might be opened; and both places were believed to be within fifty miles of Bassein.[7] The rest of the force at Rangoon (3781 effective men, and 134 fit only for garrison duty) was left there under Brigadier ‘’Creagh, who was to form a reserve column as soon as means of transport could be collected, and to follow the advance of Sir Archibald Campbell. These arrangements completed, the commander-in-chief began his march on the 13th February; the water column moved on the 16th, and the expedition against Bassein .sailed on the 17th of the same month. The charge of the shipping at Rangoon was entrusted to Captain Ryves.
On the latter day, three newly built, but unoccupied stockades, were destroyed at Thesit, by the combined force under Brigadier-General Cotton and Captain Alexander. From thence to Panlang were numerous strong breast-works, and both banks of the river covered with fire-rafts. A few miles above Thesit, the light division of boats, under Lieutenant William Smith, of the Alligator, had two men mortally wounded by musketry from a stockade, which our sailors soon burnt to the ground, the enemy flying as they advanced to storm it. All the other works were found deserted. During the night of the 18th, some formidable fire-rafts were launched by the Burmese; but owing to the activity of Lieutenant Smith, their effect was totally lost. On the 19th, the extensive stockade of Panlang and its outworks were taken, after a feeble resistance, although the enemy’s force was estimated at between 4000 and 5000 men, supported by a number of war-boats, and commanded by the Kee Wongee[8]. The following are extracts of Brigadier-General Cotton’s official report to Sir A. Campbell:–
“I trust I may be allowed to express, in the warmest way, the obligations I am under to Captain Alexander and Captain Chads, of the Royal Navy, for the invaluable assistance I derived from the known experience and judgment of those gallant officers. * * * * * * I have requested permission of Captain Alexander to express my obligations to Lieutenant Smith, of H.M.S. Alligator, for the gallantry and judgment with which he has always conducted the light division of boats; and I beg leave to bring him to your particular notice. He has mentioned to me, that he has derived great assistance from Lieutenants Keele and Kellett, of the royal navy.”
On the same day that the Panlang stockade and its outworks were taken, Sir Archibald Campbell arrived at Meondaga, where “accounts now poured in from all quarters of the Bandoola having retreated from Donoobew. No certain information could be obtained of any road across the Lain island; on the contrary, the Carians distinctly stated that none existed. To Sarrawah, the road was known and certsaUf with the additional advantage of being able to take on the provision-boats many miles further. The latter route was accordingly fixed on, not only as the best in every point of view, but as the speediest way of reaching Donoobew, should the report of its evacuation prove incorrect, and the assistance of the column be required there[9].”
The Satellite having grounded as she was coming up from Thesit, did not assist at the capture of the above works; and the exertions required to get her afloat caused some delay to the progress of the water column. On the evening of the 24th, however, the light and advance divisions took up a position in the Irrawaddy, commanding the entrance of the branch leading to Panlang; on the 26th, the main body reached Talynda, distant about twenty-eight miles from the Panlang stockade, which had been converted into a depot, garrisoned by a few native infantry, under Captain David Ross, and left guarded by the Satellite, with 25 European soldiers on board; – here commenced the shallows of the great river, and the heavier vessels grounded. On the 27th, it was found necessary to unload the Diana and the gun-vessels, the last of which did not get into the Irrawaddy before the 5th March, there being no more than five feet water on the bar at Yan-gain-chay-a. Previous thereto, the light division had put thirteen war-boats to flight, while a few soldiers of the 89th regiment were landed, who drove the enemy from an outpost on the left bank of the river, killed several men, and brought off one prisoner. In the mean time, the land column had forded the Lyne river, at Theeboon, (about 58 miles from Meondaga), and marched on to Sarrawah, the head-quarters of the Burmese war-boats in Pegu. At Theeboon, Sir Archibald Campbell received a note from Brigadier-General Cotton, announcing the capture of Panlang, and the immediate advance of the marine column into the Irrawaddy. “To this point,” says Major Snodgrass, “the indefatigable perseverance of the naval officer in charge had brought our provision-boats; and here all our commissariat-carts, and means of transport, were, for the last time, fully replenished.”[errata 2] Lieutenant Dobson, of the Larne, but who continued to command the Satellite until the middle of April, 1825, was charged with the important duty of defending the transports, &c. at Panlang, and displayed “great zeal and alacrity in forwarding the supplies from thence.”
On the morning of the 6th, the flotilla took up a position about two miles below the white pagoda of Donoobew, while Brigadier-General Cotton and Captain Alexander proceeded to reconnoitre a succession of formidable stockades, commencing at the pagoda, and increasing in strength until completed by the main work, which was lofty, and situated upon a very commanding site, surrounded by a strong abbatis, with deep ditches and all the customary defences: the guns appeared to be numerous, and the garrison were seen in crowds upon all the works.
At 1-30 p.m., Brigadier-General Cotton sent a flag of truce, with a summons to Bandoola to surrender the place, giving one hour for a reply, which arrived at half-past three. It contained a civil but decided refusal to accede to the proposed terms.
A detachment of 160 men, covered by the light division and some row-boats, had been prepared to land on the left bank of the river, to reconnoitre a point opposite the main stockade, which was in possession of some men belonging to war-boats, that were lying under cover of the bank. This party was immediately advanced; some of the war-boats retired under the guns on the opposite side, where they were unassailable, and the object of the reconnoissance was completely gained. During the time that the British boats were in progress, and while lying at the point, the enemy kept up an incessant fire from about thirty pieces of cannon, many of heavy calibre. The precision with which they were directed, gave a colouring of truth to the report, that the Burmese generalissimo had been for some time practising his artillery. The range had been well ascertained, and the river was commanded all across.
Not having a sufficient force to attack the main work, and at the same time maintain a free communication between his column and the depôt at Panlang, upon which the success of the campaign entirely depended, Brigadier-General Cotton found he had no option but that of landing below the whole of the stockades, and attacking them in succession, while the flotilla defended the river.
Preparations were accordingly made to commence with the pagoda stockade; and at sun-rise, on the 7th, five hundred soldiers were disembarked one mile below it: the men were formed into two columns of equal strength, under the command of Lieutenant-Colonel John William O‘Donoghue and Major James L. Basden, of the 47th and 89th regiments; two 6-pounders were landed under Captain Kennan, of the Madras artillery; and Lieutenant James Paton, of the Bengal establishment, had charge of a small rocket battery. Both columns were led with the utmost steadiness; as they advanced, the armed boats pulled in and cannonaded; while, at proper range, a steady fire was opened from the field-pieces and rocket-battery. This the enemy returned with a perseverance and spirit that had seldom been evinced by them; the gorges of the work attacked were narrow, and completely occupied by the gallant troops who were forcing an entrance, which, when made good, left the Burmese, who are reported to have been 3000 strong, no alternative but a passage over their own formidable defences. They were overtaken in the last abbatis, where they stood to fire, until closed upon by the troops inside, and checked by others who had run round outside in search of an entrance to the body of the work. The dead, the wounded, and the panic-struck, fell in one common heap, in and close upon the abbatis; or the two latter, 280 were brought in prisoners; and the total loss of the enemy, in this affair, cannot be estimated at less than 450 men. The assailants had about 20 killed and wounded.
The second defence was about 500 yards from the pagoda stockade; and for the immediate reduction of it, two more 6-pounders, four 5½-inch howitzers, and a fresh supply of rockets, were brought up, and placed in position. The gunboats again began to cannonade; – the enemy kept close, inducing the supposition that he intended to reserve his strength for the main stockade. When it was presumed that a sufficient impression had been made, 200 men, under the command of Captain R. C. Rose, of the 89th regiment, advanced in two parties to the assault; a destructive fire was immediately commenced from all parts of the face of the work, which caused the columns to diverge to the right of the point of attack, and get into a ditch, described to be filled with spikes, and scarped, so as to expose it to the fire of the work. All who presented themselves were knocked down; and here Captain Rose, who had already received one wound, fell by a second shot, while persevering in the attack, and shewing a gallant example to his troops. Captain Charles Cannon, also of the 89th, a brave and deserving officer, was killed; three other officers of the same regiment were wounded, and the loss, in men, was extremely heavy[10]. The party was at length directed to retire. The two mortars and four 12-pounder brass guns, were landed from the flotilla to increase the field battery. The enemy likewise strengthened his work, and towards evening brought more heavy guns into play. “It now became necessary to consider what would be the ultimate result of the operations; and,” says Brigadier-General Cotton, “although I feel confident that I could have carried the second work, it would have been with a further loss, which would prevent an attempt upon the main stockade, and I should have been either left in a position exposed to one of superior strength, or have to relinquish the post after carrying it at a great sacrifice. There was another alternative, and, with much regret, the conviction that I should thus best forward the service, induced me to adopt the measure of re-embarking and occupying a position until I could receive a reinforcement. The guns and stores of every description were re-shipped, and after spiking the enemy’s cannon, and destroying the numerous jingals and other arms which had been taken, the troops marched out steady, at 2 a.m. on the 8th, and embarked with perfect regularity, without any description of loss.” The flotilla then dropped down to Youngyoun, ten miles below Donoobew, and re-occupied a strong position, from which it had moved early on the morning of the 6th.
The heavy and long continued cannonade at Donoobew was distinctly heard by the troops at Sarrawah, and left a strong conviction on their minds that the place had fallen. “Numerous natives, in the course of that day and the following night, confirmed the belief, by unqualified accounts of Bandoola’s total rout. “Many urgent reasons,” says Major Snodgrass, “called for our immediate advance, as well to prevent the enemy from reaching, and perhaps occupying Prome with his defeated army, as to deprive the people in our front of sufficient time for burning and laying waste the country, which they would no doubt immediately commence, when the fall of Donoobew was known. The following day was, however, given to the chance of hearing from Brigadier-General Cotton, and accounts still poured in of the Bandoola’s hasty retreat.”
Early in the morning of the 11th March, Sir Archibald Campbell, then at U-au-deet, a town of considerable extent, upon the banks of the great river, about 26 miles above Sarrawah, received official intelligence, that the water column had failed in the attack upon the outworks of Donoobew, and that, without a large reinforcement, the place could not be carried, being both strong and well defended by a numerous garrison. “On receiving this unpleasant and unexpected news,” says the Major, “two questions naturally arose, – whether to push on to Prome with the land column, and reinforce Brigadier-General Cotton from the rear, by a strong detachment which was about to move forward from Rangoon, or at once to retrograde, and finish the business at Donoobew. The latter measure was decided on – the flotilla, upon which the land column depended for supplies, being stopped, and the navigation of the Irrawaddy so completely commanded, that not a canoe could pass the enemy’s position. Our commissariat too, at the time, had not ten day’s rations left: no reliance could be placed upon the country for furnishing even one day’s consumption. The people every where fled before us, and even when chance threw an individual in our way, he only answered all our questions and requests, by pointing towards Donoobew, and exclaiming ‘Bandoola! Bandoola!’ In a word, starvation stared us in the face at every step, had we proceeded; and the occupation of Prome, however desirable, was not to be attempted under circumstances so imminently hazardous.”
On the 13th, the land column again reached Sarrawah; “and here an obstacle of a most serious nature presented itself. To reach Donoobew, the Irrawaddy, one of the widest and most rapid rivers, of the East, must be crossed by an army, with cavalry, artillery, and commissariat equipment, and unprovided with any means for such an undertaking, beyond a few small canoes, which had been with difficulty procured. Energy and perseverance, however, aided by the cheerful and hearty exertions of the soldiers, finally triumphed over every obstacle. Rafts were constructed to cross the artillery, stores, &c.; and by continued labour, day and night, on the 18th, every man had reached in safety the right bank of the Irrawaddy[11].” On the 24th, Sir Archibald halted at a village, from which he had a tolerable view of the enemy’s works, distant only four miles. A fleet of war-boats lay above them, at a little island; and on the approach of a reconnoitring party from the British camp, “they came out in very pretty style, and commenced a cannonade. The flotilla was also seen lying at anchor some distance below, and every thing seemed to promise a speedy trial of strength with the now confident and emboldened garrison[12].” On the 25th, the army moved upon Donoobew, and endeavoured to invest the main stockade at long gun-shot distance: it was, however, found much too extensive to admit of its being surrounded even by a chain of posts, by so small a force; and a position was consequently taken up. While this was going forward, the enemy manned his works, and fired upon the British troops; “his cavalry hovered on their flanks, while they continued in motion; and every thing about the stockade bespoke system and judgment in the chief, with order, confidence, and regularity in the garrison[13].” Captain Alexander, not yet aware of the near approach of Sir Archibald Campbell, had previously moved the armed flotilla up to an island about a mile below the white pagoda, where he waited, in most painful anxiety, the arrival of the land column; and was each night annoyed by the distant firing of the Burmese war-boats, and of guns brought down to the bank of the river, which sometimes did mischief, and was always extremely harassing. On the 26th, he was relieved from suspense by the sight of the Deputy-Quarter-Master-General, who had been sent with a small party to open a communication with Brigadier-General Cotton, and who informed him that the enemy had been repulsed, the preceding night, in an attack upon the British camp.
On the morning of the 27th, the Diana, with one mortar-boat, four gun-vessels, and a number of flats, &c. in tow, the latter carrying provisions and breaching guns recently arrived from Panlang, pushed past the enemy’s works, and formed a junction with the land column, then vigorously employed in digging trenches, and throwing up batteries for guns and mortars. The flotilla was no sooner observed in motion than the garrison of Donoobew sortied in considerable force, infantry and cavalry, with seventeen war-elephants, fully caparisoned, and carrying a proportion of armed men. This attack was, as usual, directed upon the right of the line; and while the flotilla came up in full sail under all the fire of the enemy’s works, “the British cavalry, covered by the horse-artillery, was ordered to charge the advancing monsters: the scene was novel and interesting; and although neither the elephants nor their riders can ever be very formidable in modern warfare, they stood the charge with a steadiness and courage these animals can be rarely brought to show. Their riders were mostly shot; and no sooner did the elephants feel themselves unrestrained, than they walked back to the fort with the greatest composure. During the heavy cannonade that took place between the flotilla and the stockade, Maha Bandoola, who was superintending the practice of his artillery, gave his garrison a specimen of the discipline he meant to enforce, in this last struggle to retrieve his lost character and reputation. A Burmese officer being killed while pointing a gun, by a shot from the flotilla, his comrades, instantly abandoning the dangerous post, could not be brought back to their duty by any remonstrances of their chief; when Bandoola, stepping down to the spot, instantly severed the heads of two of the delinquents from their bodies, and ordered them to be stuck up upon the spot, ‘pour encourager les autres.[14]” In forcing the passage past Donoobew, the flotilla, although exposed to a very heavy fire for an hour and a half, had only eight men wounded. One of the gun-vessels received a shot between wind and water, but fortunately reached the shore before she filled. On the 28th, “the working parties continued making approaches towards the place; and the steam-vessel and some light boats, pushing up the river after the enemy’s war boats, succeeded in capturing nine of them: their crews, when likely to be run down by the steam-boat, jumping into the river, effected their escape.” On the 29th, 30th, and 31st, the British “continued constructing batteries, and landing heavy ordnance; the enemy on their part remaining very quiet, and busily employed in strengthening their works[15].”
On the completion of the breaching batteries, one, mounting four brass 12-pounders, was manned by the royal navy, and placed under the command of Lieutenant Smith. On the morning of the 1st April, the mortars and rockets began the work of destruction; and continued firing, at intervals, during the day and succeeding night. On the 2nd, at daylight, the breaching batteries opened, and almost immediately afterwards, two Lascars, who had been taken prisoners, came running out, and informed the besiegers, that Maha Bandoola had been killed the day before by a rocket; and that no entreaty of the other chiefs could prevail upon the garrison to remain, the whole having fled or dispersed, during the preceding night. The British line was, in consequence, immediately under arms, and the place taken possession of: 28 pieces of brass ordnance, 110 iron guns, one carronade, and 209 jingals, were found mounted on the works; a considerable quantity of gunpowder, sulphur, saltpetre, shot, musket-balls, and pig-lead, and a depôt of grain sufficient for the consumption of the whole combined force for many months, likewise fell into the hands of the conquerors, whose total loss during the siege was 14 killed and missing, and 69 wounded. After detailing his operations against Donoobew, Sir Archibald Campbell says:
“I now beg leave to acknowledge my obligations to Captain Alexander C.B., senior naval officer, and commanding the flotilla, for his hearty and cordial co-operation on all occasions since we have served together, and for his very great exertions on the present occasion, in bringing up stores and provisions. Since we have been before Donoobew, eleven of the enemy’s large class war-boats have been captured by our advanced boats, under his own immediate orders; making, with others, evacuated by their crews, thirty-eight first-rate war-boats now in our possession; and I have every reason to think that only five of the large squadron, the enemy had stationed at this place, have succeeded in escaping. A vast number of other boats, of an excellent description, have also fallen into our hands. By Brigadier-General Cotton, and all the officers embarked, the zeal and incessant labour of His Majesty’s navy are mentioned in terms of high admiration.”
The following is an extract from Captain Alexander’s official report to Captain Coe, dated April 2, 1825:
“In my former despatch, dated Feb. 24th, I gave you the names of all officers and young gentlemen commanding boats[16], and I again request you will be pleased to recommend them to the favorable attention of my Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty, with the seamen and marines I have had the pleasure to command, their conduct having been such as to merit the highest encomiums – their privations, hardships, and fatigue, during upwards of six weeks, by day and night, in open boats, have been borne with cheerfulness, and every duty performed with alacrity.
“Of Captain Chads I can only say, he has fully supported his former character, and has my best thanks. I trust I may be allowed to name my first Lieutenant, Smith, an already distinguished officer. Mr. Watt, surgeon of the Arachne, a volunteer, has been of most essential service in attention to the sick and wounded.”
After the fall of Donoobew, Captain Alexander was joined by Lieutenants James Wilkinson and the Hon. George John Cavendish, with the boats of the Liffey and Tees, which ships had recently arrived at Rangoon.
On the night of the 3d April, Sir Archibald Campbell re-commenced his march towards Prome, one of the largest towns in the Burman empire, celebrated as the scene of many long sieges and bloody conflicts, and the occupation of which was the grand object of that year’s campaign – “a point,” says Major Snodgrass, “that the land column alone might have gained, perhaps, with trifling loss, had not its future subsistence been dependent on the flotilla, and the free and open navigation of the Irrawaddy.” In the course of the 7th, “by the exertions of the boats of His Majesty’s navy, under Lieutenant Smith, of the Alligator, sent on by Captain Alexander to superintend the passage of the river[17],” the advanced guard, consisting of two European regiments, was crossed over to Sarrawah; and by the 12th, the whole of the land column was again on the left bank of the Irrawaddy, where it was joined by the reserve corps, under Brigadier M‘Creagh, who brought with him a supply of elephants and cattle, which proved a most timely aid to the commissariat department.
The passage by water from Donoobew to Prome was excessively tedious and fatiguing, owing to calms and the strength of the current; the flotilla, however, maintained a communication with Sir Archibald Campbell; and on the 19th Captain Alexander sent him an elderly man, the bearer of a pacific communication from the chiefs of the Burman army. “An answer was returned, expressive of the readiness of the Supreme Government to conclude a peace, and that upon the arrival of the combined force at Prome, every opportunity and facility in opening negociations would be afforded[18].”
On the 24th, Sir Archibald arrived with the head of his column in the neighbourhood of Shudaung-mew, formerly the frontier fortress of the kingdom of Pegu, and concerted measures with Captain Alexander for attacking Prome on the following day. The enemy, however, did not await his advance, but retired during the night, apparently in the greatest confusion. Next morning, the place was occupied without the necessity of firing a shot. It proved to be a position of great strength, from its natural defences of high kills, each crowned with a strong pagoda, and fortified to the very summit; there were 101 guns mounted in the different stockades, all of which were new, and must have cost the enemy immense labour in the construction. Extensive and well-filled granaries, a considerable quantity of ammunition, and many boats of different descriptions were found there. The command of the lower provinces, acquired by this capture, inspired the population of the surrounding country with confidence ; chiefs of towns and villages sued for passes of protection; the inhabitants of Prome soon resumed their usual avocations; markets were formed along the river; and the resources of the country began to be fully available both for carriage and support.
After the occupation of Prome, Captain Chads was sent, with part of the flotilla, to Rangoon for supplies; and the light division, under Lieutenant Wilkinson, was despatched up the river, as far as Napadee, to reconnoitre. On the 1st May, the latter officer returned, having succeeded, after a long chase, in capturing eight war-boats, pulling from fifty to sixty oars each, and another, laden with guns, jingals, and spears. This service was performed without any loss, under H heavy fire from 500 musketeers and 50 horsemen, part of the force commanded by the Prince of Sarrawaddy, who was then retreating direct upon the capital, burning and laying waste the villages on his route, destroying all the grain within his reach, and driving thousands of helpless inoffensive people from their houses to the woods. “The capture of these war-boats,” says Captain Alexander, “liberated 3,000 canoes, &c. with families they were driving before them; and all the people claimed protection, and returned with Lieutenant Wilkinson. The boats got up to Meaday, a distance of about 50 miles,” where they met Lieutenant-Colonel Godwin, who had been detached in command of all the flank companies, for the purpose of scouring the country; – “at some of the rapids they did not pull a boat’s length in an hour.” On the following day, Sir Archibald Campbell wrote to Mr. Secretary Swinton as follows:–
“It affords me the greatest pleasure to forward another instance of the zeal and judgment with which Captain Alexander, commanding the flotilla, has uniformly co-operated with me on this service, and another proof, if any such he wanting, of the gallantry, spirit, and enterprise displayed on all occasions by that part of H.M. navy serving on this expedition. * * * The guns taken by the light division of boats, are, to doubt, part of those intended for the defence of this place.”
About this period, Captain Ryves was invalided; and Lieutenant Edward Blanckley, of the Alligator, appointed acting commander of the Sophie; which sloop, we believe, took her final leave of Rangoon towards the end of the following month.
Early in May, the Hon. Company’s gun-vessels Sophia and Swift, the former loaded with provisions, the latter with ordnance and stores, foundered in a heavy squall, by which disaster one soldier and a camp follower perished.
The temporary repose enjoyed in the cantonments at Prome was, in the early part of the wet-season, enlivened by the accounts received of the success of Major Sale and Captain Marryat, whose departure from Rangoon, on an expedition against Bassein, we have mentioned at page 71: the following is an outline of their proceedings.
After a tedious passage, the Larne and her consorts arrived off Great Negrais, at the entrance of the Bassein river, on the 24th February; the next day, her boats, under Lieutenant Frazer, were sent in to reconnoitre and sound the passage, in the execution of which service they received a harmless fire from two stockades, apparently full of men, and distant about a mile from each other. On the 26th, at daylight, the armament weighed and stood in; the Mercury cruiser, on account of her light draught of water, taking the lead[19]. At noon, the first stockade commenced firing; and shortly afterwards the Larne and the Mercury took their positions within 100 yards: the enemy soon fled, and the troops landed and occupied the work. The second stockade was taken in the same manner, without loss; both of them were burnt, and two 9 pounders, six sixes, two large wooden guns, and thirty-four jingals, either brought off or destroyed.
On the following morning, the Larne, Mercury, and Argyle transport, weighed and ran past four deserted stockades, three of which stood in commanding situations on the island of Negrais. Continuing their course with a fair wind, they anchored, at dark, about 35 miles above the entrance of the river. From this point, the stream being very narrow, and the wind bloM’ing strong down every reach, the ascent became extremely arduous; the ships often getting on shore, towing and warping day and night, till the evening of the 3d March, when they anchored about three miles below the still smoking ruins of Bassein.
During their passage thither, the British commanders received information, that the head person of Bassein had superintended the partial defence of the stockades at the entrance of the river; that upon his return after their capture, he found himself opposed by a strong party amicably inclined towards the British; and that a contest ensued, the result of which was the destruction of the town, and the flight of the chief with about 200 followers, to Lamina, nearly 140 miles distant. This intelligence proving correct, Major Sale landed his troops on the evening of the 3d, and took post in the area of the principal pagoda, a strongly fortified and commanding position. He subsequently made a reconnoisance as far as Lamina, with 300 troops and 70 seamen, proceeding up the river in boats, and bivouacking at night upon the banks. The fugitive chief was but a short distance a-head, and the detachment was repeatedly upon the eve of overtaking him; he contrived, however, to escape. All the villages on the banks of the river were deserted, and the population driven into the interior by the retreating Burman force. Lamina also, although a place of great extent, was found abandoned; and as no resources, therefore, were available for the support, or the further progress of the detachment. Major Sale returned to Bassein on the 23d, bringing with him a state barge and several war canoes. During the expedition, two men were wounded by musketry from the jungle, five died from fatigue and privation, and many others became incapable of service.
On the 26th of March, the Larne weighed and dropped down to Naputtah, a considerable village which had accepted British protection. On the 27th, Captain Marryat received information, that the guns belonging to the deserted stockades were at the town of Thingang, situated up a branch of the river leading to Rangoon; that 150 Naputtah men were detained there, to be forwarded to Donoobew; and that the enemy’s force consisted of 800 men.
On the morning of the 28th, Captain Marryat proceeded against Thingang, at the head of fifty seamen and marines, twelve sepoys, and fifty villagers whom he had prevailed upon to fight against the Burmese, and armed with swords and spears. At 3 p.m., while forming for the attack, a canoe came off, with intelligence that the enemy did not wish to fight, and would submit to his terms: these were, that all arms should be surrendered, the Naputtah men to be provided with canoes to return to their homes, and the Wongee of the town placed at his disposal. This personage being one of Bandoola’s principal chiefs, who had commanded 1000 men at the attack of Rangoon, and been invested with the gold chattah, was brought away as a prisoner.
On the night of the 30th, the same force was sent, under Lieutenant Fraser, to surprise the village of Pumkayi, where the enemy were stated to be 300 strong, and commanded by another gold chattah chief. The attack was successful; the Burmese submitted to the same terms as at Thingang; and the Wongee, who had fled into the jungle, was followed and taken by the Naputtah men, who, in consequence of their former good conduct, were now entrusted with muskets. A party of 100 men, the only force that remained between Negrais and Bassein, subsequently sent in their submission. Previous to their separation, Captain Marryat received Major Sale’s “sincere thanks for his valuable and cordial cooperation.” The conduct of Lieutenant Fraser, Mr. Atherton, and Messrs. Dewes and Norcock, midshipmen, was reported to Captain Alexander in terms of high commendation.
“The reduction of a place of such importance as Bassein, could not but operate materially in the general result of the campaign[20].” By its annexation to the other conquered provinces, the enemy was deprived of all his maritime possessions from Cape Negrais to Tenasserim.
Captain Marryat assumed the command of the Tees, at Rangoon, April 15th, 1825; and finally left that river about the middle of the following month. It is almost superfluous to add, that he was repeatedly thanked by the Governor-General in Council for his valuable services in Ava, every operation which he had arranged or conducted having proved eminently successful.
At Prome, the months of June, July, and August, 1825, w«ire necessarily spent in inactivity, from the setting in of the rainy season, and the prevalence of the inundations. The monsoon, however, proved mild; the troops and seamen were comfortably hutted; there was no want of provisions; and, although extensive sickness occurred, it was not more than was fairly attributable to the nature of the service and the season of the year, and was by no means so severe as that of the previous rains at Rangoon; nor, indeed, more so than it would have been in any of the lower Gangetic provinces. The only men-of-war remaining stationary at Rangoon during the wet monsoon, this year, were the Alligator and Arachne; both of them unrigged, and roofed in with bamboos thatched with leaves, which proved a great saving of lives and stores. The duties of the naval department there were conducted by Captain Chads, with his usual ability and zeal. Pegu was at this period occupied by 200 sepoys, who were frequently threatened with attacks; and on one occasion Lieutenant Keele was detached with a party of seamen to their support. Two divisions of gun-boats, armed with 24-pounder carronades, having now arrived from Arracan, under the command of Mr. Ravenscroft, of the Bengal pilot service, and got into the Irrawaddy by the way of Bassein, all the gun-vessels were stationed at regular distances, so as to form a chain of posts up to Prome,for the protection of boats proceeding thither with provisions, &c. to form a depot for the ensuing campaign; to effect which every effort and exertion was still required.
In compliance with the repeated injunctions of the Supreme Government, that no opportunity should be omitted of entering upon pacific negociations, Sir Archibald Campbell judged it expedient, as the season for active operations approached, to address a letter to the Court of Ava, declaratory of his being authorised, and desirous, to abstain from further hostilities. The enemy, at this time, were making great exertions to collect a large force, which, as it was formed, advanced to positions approaching the British cantonments, and was stationed at Pagahm-mew, Melloone, Patanagoh, and finally at Meaday, where troops arrived in the beginning of August, to the extent of 20,000 men. The whole force in motion was estimated at double that number, under the command of Memia-boo, a half brother of the king, besides 12,000 at Tonghoo, or Taunu (said to be the second city in the empire), under his eldest brother (who bears the title of Prince of Tonghoo). To oppose them, and to garrison Prome, Sir Archibald Campbell had, at that place, 6,148 effective officers and men, and had ordered 2,148 to join him from Rangoon and Donoobew, in time for the opening of the campaign. The total number of sick at Prome, in the middle of August, exclusive of sailors, was 906 officers and men.
On receiving intelligence of the advance of the Burman army. Sir Archibald Campbell despatched Brigadier-General Cotton, in the Diana, with fifty soldiers and several gunboats, to reconnoitre.
The enemy was discovered on the morning of the 16th August, at Meaday, once a town of considerable magnitude and importance, on the left bank of the river. A large nullah runs into the Irrawaddy immediately below that place, from the mouth of which the enemy’s force was ranged to the extent of a mile and a half up the bank of the main stream. This bank had several pagodas upon it, for the most part near the nullah, all of which the Burmese had entrenched and were stockading; they had also thrown a ditch and breastwork between them and the river, to protect their boats, which were ranged underneath. During the progress of the reconnoitring party along their line of defence, the enemy opened a battery of sixteen guns, from 4 to 6-pounders, upon the steam-vessel; but the width of the river being at least 1,500 yards, their shot fell short.
The force displayed by the Burmese was estimated at between 16,000 and 20,000 men, who appeared to be all armed with muskets ; and twenty golden chattahs were counted. They had also a small force on the right bank, with jingals, opposite to the right of their line, as it faced the river. On the return of the party, the gun-boats, under Captain Alexander, cannonaded the enemy’s line, to make them develope their whole force; and it was then ascertained, that they had an advanced party across the nullah, already mentioned, thrown on the road leading to Prome, and employed in stockading some pagodas which overlook it. This party were working likewise on a breast-work on the side of the hill, which would also command the road: three golden chattahs were visible with the latter force.
On the 6th September, exactly a month after the date of Sir Archibald Campbell’s letter to the Court of Ava, a war-boat, under a flag of truce, presented itself at the British advanced post on the river, having on board two Burman deputies and ten or twelve followers. Upon being conducted to head-quarters, and all seated, Sir Archibald Campbell asked to what circumstance he owed the honor of their visit? The leader of the deputation then delivered a letter in great form, and said, that he was acquainted with its contents, and instructed to communicate verbally many good words on the benefit that would accrue to both countries on the restoration of peace, which they understood the British were anxious for. Sir Archibald replied, that they were rightly informed, as the desire of his government was to be on terms of peace and cordiality with all its neighbours, and he made no doubt, if the feeling was mutual, that that most desirable event would soon be brought about. They then declared that such was their moss earnest desire.
The deputies next asked if Sir Archibald would, in return to their being sent to him, allow two British officers to visit their commander-in-chief; adding, that such a measure would be received as an esteemed mark of his confidence in them, and a pledge of his government wishing to return to terms of peace: Sir Archibald answered, that he would, with the greatest pleasure and confidence, comply with their request; or, if it would be more acceptable, that he would meet their Prince and his party at any central place that might be pointed out betwixt the two armies. They, however, preferred the former. “I therefore,” says Sir Archibald Campbell, “selected for that complimentary mission, Lieutenant-Colonel Tidy, my Deputy-Adjutant-General; and Captain Alexander, who was present at the conference, proposed Lieutenant Smith, of H.M.S. Alligator, to accompany him – two officers of conciliating manners, and much firmness of character. They were accompanied, at my special request, by the Armenian merchant Mr. Sarkies Manook, as interpreter, a man well known and respected at the court of Ava, and one who has been of much service to me, since the opening of the last campaign.”
Lieutenant-Colonel Tidy and his naval colleague were met, when within about five miles of Meaday, by six war-boats, each carrying a chief of 500 men, with bands of music and singers. On arriving at a jetty, built expressly for their accommodation, several chiefs of a much higher rank came into their boat, and at one time they counted ten with golden chattahs, six of whom carried golden swords and drinking cups. On landing, they were conducted, by two chiefs still higher in rank, and followed by the others, with much ceremony, through a guard of about 2,000 musketeers, to a commodious house, built the same day, for their reception.
On the morning of the 11th, the British envoys were visited by the late governors of Prome and Sarrawaddy, who complimented them in the name of the Kee-Wongee, second in command of the Burman forces, and assured them of his anxiety to conclude a pacific treaty; but requested them not to urge immediate negociation, as it would be necessary to receive instructions from Prince Memia-boo, whose headquarters were at Melloone. On the 14th, they had an interview with the Kee-Wongee, and on the 16th, it was intimated to them, that he had obtained full powers from his Court, and would be ready to receive them, at their own hour, the next day. On the 17th, they accordingly proceeded, in great state, to the house of audience, where it was settled, that the Burman minister and another person of rank should meet Sir Archibald Campbell half way between the two armies, at a village named Neoun-ben-zeik, to enter into negociations for the re-establishment of peace and amity; the terms of an armistice were also agreed upon, by which it was stipulated that there should be a cessation of hostilities till the 17th of October; the line of demarcation was drawn from Comma, on the western bank of the Irrawaddy, through Neoun-ben-zeik to Tonghoo; and the armistice included all the belligerent troops on the frontiers in other parts of the dominions of Ava, none of whom were to be allowed to make a forward movement before the 18th of October.
On the 22nd September, Sir James Brisbane, Knt. & C.B. who had been appointed to succeed Commodore Grant in the command of H.M. squadron in India, arrived at Prome, bringing with him the boats and seamen of the Boadicea frigate. On the 30th, Sir Archibald Campbell proceeded to Neoun-ben-zeik, accompanied by the naval commander-in-Chief, whom he had requested to act as joint commissioner. The ground was found prepared for the encampment of the respective negociators, and a Lotoo, or house of conference, erected in the intermediate space, equi-distant from the British and the Burman guards. On the 2nd October, two officers of rank arrived from the opposite side to conduct Sir Archibald Campbell to the Lotoo; Lieutenant-Colonel Francis Skelly Tidy and Lieutenant Smith were despatched at the same time to pay a similar compliment to the Kee-Wongce. After all the commissioners, with their respective suites, were seated. Sir Archibald opened the conference with an appropriate address to the Burman chiefs, who replied in courteous and suitable terms, and expressed their hope that the first day of their acquaintance might he given tip to private friendship, and the consideration of public business deferred until the next meeting. This was assented to, and a desultory conversation then ensued; in the course of which, the Burmese conducted themselves in the most polite and conciliatory manner, enquiring after the latest news from England, the state of the King’s health, and similar topics, and offering to accompany Sir Archibald Campbell to Rangoon, or wherever he might propose.
On the ensuing day, another meeting took place, at which Sir Archibald Campbell, Sir James Brisbane, Brigadier-General Cotton, Captain Alexander, R.N., Brigadier M‘Creagh, Lieutenant-Colonel Tidy, and Captain John James Snodgrass (military secretary and aid-de-camp to Sir Archibald), were the only British officers present; the Kee-Wongee having requested that no more than six chiefs on each side should take part in the discussions.
The principal conditions of peace proposed by Sir Archibald Campbell, were the non-interference of the Court of Ava with the territories of Cachar, Munnipoore, and Assam; the cession of the four provinces of Arracan, and the payment of a certain sum, as an indemnification for the expences of the war; one moiety to be paid immediately, and the Tenasserim provinces to be retained until the liquidation of the other. The Court of Ava was also expected to receive a British resident at the capital, and consent to a commercial treaty, upon principles of liberal intercourse and mutual advantages. In the discussion of these stipulations, it was evident, notwithstanding the moderate tones of the Burman deputies, and their evident desire for the termination of the war, that the Court was not yet reduced to a full sense of its inferiority, nor prepared to make any sacrifice, either territorial or pecuniary, for the restoration of tranquillity. The protection given to fugitives from the Burman territories was urged in excuse for the conduct of the Court, although the actual occurrences of the war was attributed to the malignant designs of evil counsellors, who had misrepresented the real state of things, and suppressed the remonstrances addressed by the government of India to that of Ava, – thus virtually acknowledging the moderation of the British authorities. It was also pleaded, that in the interruption of trade, and the loss of revenue, the Court of Ava had already suffered sufficiently by the war, and that it became a great nation like the British, to be content with the vindication of its name and reputation, and that they could not possibly be less generous than the Chinese, who, on a former occasion, having conquered part of the Burman territory, restored it on the return of peace. To this it was replied, that the Chinese were the vanquished, not the victors; whilst the British were in possession of half the kingdom, the most valuable portion of which they were still willing to relinquish; but that, as the war had been wholly unprovoked on their part, they were fully entitled to expect such concessions in territory and money, as should reimburse them in the expence they had incurred, and enable them to guard more effectually against any future collision. The manner in which these points were urged, satisfying the Kee-Wongee, &c. of the firmness of the British commissioners, they, at last, waved all further objections, and confined themselves to requesting a prolongation of the armistice till the 2d of November, in order that they might put the court fully in possession of the views of the British negociators, and be empowered to give them a definitive reply. This request was readily acceded to, as, from the continued wetness of the ground. Sir Archibald Campbell found he could not move with comfort to his troops before, perhaps, the middle of November. On the representation of Sir Archibald Campbell, the Kee-Wongee pledged himself, that all British and American subjects detained at Ava, “under the Golden Feet,” should immediately be set at liberty; in return for which, the British were to liberate the whole of the Burmese then confined in Bengal.[21]
The notion of treating upon a perfect equality, which evidently pervaded the recent negociations on the part of the Burman commissioners, and which probably originated not only in the haughtiness of the Court of Ava, but in an impression entertained by it, to which the acknowledged anxiety of the British authorities for peace had given rise, that they were unable or disinclined to carry on the war, rendered the ultimate result of the conferences at Neoun-ben-zeik little problematical; and arrangements for resuming hostile operations were actively pursued. Their necessity was soon evinced. The Court of Ava, indignant at the idea of ceding an inch of territory, or submitting to what, in oriental politics, is held a mark of excessive humiliation, payment of any pecuniary indemnification, breathed nothing but defiance, and determined instantly to prosecute the war. In the short interval that ensued before hostilities were renewed. Sir Archibald Campbell addressed the Kee-Wongee, relative to the prisoners, whose liberation was refused on the plea of British troops having moved by way of Negrais to Rangoon; and in reply to his enquiry, as to the probable termination of the truce, it was intimated, that the demand for any cession of money or territory precluded all possibility of a renewal of friendly intercourse. Nothing remained, therefore, but a further appeal to arms.
- ↑ Snodgrass, 132, et seq.
- ↑ Upon approaching the stockade, Mr. George Wyke, midshipman of the Alligator, jumped overboard from that ship’s launch, holding his sword, by the becket, in his mouth, with a hope of getting on shore before any of his companions. The strong tide and great depth of water rendered his situation extremely dangerous; but fortunately he got hold of an oar, thrown to him by Mr. Valentine Pickey, and was rescued in time to enable him to enter the stockade amongst the foremost of the assailants. While Mr. Wyke was resting on the oar, the loom of it was carried away by one of the enemy’s shot.
On the 18th Dec. 1827, this young officer, then serving under Sir Thomas Staines, in the Isis 50, jumped from the taffrail of that ship, and saved the life of a valuable seaman, who had fallen overboard in the Mediterranean; the wind then blowing strong, the ship in stays, and the weather very cold. Mr. Wyke has since passed his examination.
- ↑ Than-ta-bain.
- ↑ Major Snodgrass says not a word respecting the expedition against Than-ta-bain.
- ↑ Snodgrass, 134, et seq, ”The Carian tribes, who cultivate the lands, are exempt from military service, and may be considered as the slaves of the soil, living in wretched hamlets by themselves, heavily taxed, and oppressed by the Burmese authorities, who treat them as altogether an inferior race of beings.” Id. 21.
- ↑ Snodgrass, 136.
- ↑ Id. ib.
- ↑ The principal minister of the Lotoo, or Council of State.
- ↑ Snodgrass, 144.
- ↑ About 94 killed, wounded, and missing; in addition to which, the flotilla had two men slain and thirteen wounded.
- ↑ Snodgrass, 158 et seq.
- ↑ Id. 163.
- ↑ Id. 164.
- ↑ Snodgrass, 171, et seq.
- ↑ Snodgrass, 172.
- ↑ Lieutenants Smith, Keele, Kellett, and Bazely; acting Lieutenant Hall; Mr. Reed, master’s-mate; and Messrs. Duthy, Hand, Pickey, Lett, Coyde, and Murray, midshipmen.
- ↑ Sir Archibald Campbell’s official despatch of April 9, 1825.
- ↑ Snodgrass, 179.
- ↑ She was then commanded by Lieutenant Drummond Anderson.
- ↑ Snodgrass, 136.
- ↑ Among the detenus at Ava were two American missionaries, who remained in close confinement for the space of fifteen months, loaded occasionally with heavy chains. It may be thought incredible, but these gentlemen declared that the principal cause of their detention was their having white faces; and as they spoke the same language as the English, the Burmese would not believe that they were subjects of any other country.