Saddam speech July 17, 1999
In the Name of God, Most Compassionate, Most Merciful
Great People of Iraq, Capable by the Will of God, Mujahids, Steadfast and Trustworthy…
The Valiant of our Brave, Honest Armed Forces,
Men and Women of the State,
Courageous Men of the National Security…
Praiseworthy Women and Men, the Conscience and Mind of Wakeful Iraq…
Freedom Fighters and Mujahids Everywhere…
Peace be upon you, and God's Mercy and Blessings…
With the beginning of Man on the life-stage in this broad universe, or after a short time, there emerged in the horizon and in accordance with Man's capabilities, something better than what is common and tangible, more supreme than what is materialized and visible which both rely merely on his sight-range. Concomitant with the above, a thought and a hope were initiated: a thought that exceeds what is visible and tangible, and a hope based on the potentiality of achieving whatever is relevant to them or bridging them by working programmes. Concomitant with this too, there appeared people who stood opposing the thought and the hope. They were thus divided into two groups, or called by two sorts of labels in the conflict: those who aspired after the better and more distant, and those are acquiescent and resigned, being confused or whose will being defeated by items pertaining to the common, tangible and visible, the legacy of the predecessors.
With the new thought and hope, and the degree and level of adherence to the old labels and legacy and to the common and visible or the submission to the status quo and defending it, and to the innovators' persistence in a new thought and a new hope associated with what is more distant, deeper and more supreme than the degree and level can be described. The deeper and the broader the thought and hope, together with their programmes and objectives in their own fields, the wider the gap between various or different labels, and with this the wider and deeper the conflict, and by corollary the more sacrifices.
It is only natural to say that the deeper the thought and the hope beyond what is common and prevalent, the more serious is the transfer of the human surroundings of the thought and hope and humanity in general to a better status. It is only on this premiss, and not on what is common and prevalent that humanity has developed, that Man's role on earth has been enhanced. It has become then possible to perceive the oneness of the Lord of Heavens and Earth with indeed a firm belief in it, since this perception of God's oneness is a developed capability in both vision and conviction. With his liberation from what is only visible to the naked eye, Man was capable to formulate a thought of whatever is better, and a hope of achieving such a betterment, which has been attached to his thought.
With the gradual broadening of Man's intellectual capability, God has bestowed upon him recurrent prophethood. Likewise, by exercising a limited yet escalating role, Man has realized that he is incapable of absolute perception or comprehension, and with such an incapability despite the progress achieved by his mind and capabilities, Man has encountered a human need to make up for his despair of being incapable of absolute comprehension to keep the thought and hope living, to develop his mind, taste, role and endeavour in an incessant manner except at the divine ordinance which God of the absolute comprehension, Most Great, Most Capable, Most Compassionate and Most Merciful, has cared for Man's incapability so as to salvage him from despair and to preserve an inevitable, moral basis for his progress and development.
Thus started the human revolution, as a thought and as a hope: it has assumed various forms and made different attempts. Each revolution started compatibly with its environment, vision, national and human role and the relevant readiness for continuity, steadfastness and offering sacrifices.
Accordingly, our Revolution as a thought and as a hope, even as an embodiment of objectives, in general, is not a new or an exceptional case of the above account, nor of the trend of thought and hope; neither is it so to great people of Iraq, nor to the glorious Arab Nation. We find, here and there, in the people, the nation and humanity various thoughts and hopes and their relevant programmes, objectives and attempts, some went into a certain distance beyond the starting-point, some carried out certain objectives while other have succeeded in conveying a well-developed message, all-including of humanity. Al-mighty God has taught us, through his prophets and messengers, how the general can emerge from the particular and how the latter is governed by the former, by law and by corollary, when He made the Arab Nation and its vast land a cradle of prophethood and heavenly messages and bestowed upon Iraq the honour of having a greater share when he chose Abraham, the Iraqi, a father of prophets. God has rendered a responsibility upon Abraham greater than the land of birth and growth, so he went roaming about parts of the homeland of our Nation, to communicate the message to where he should and with which he was honoured by God, All-Comprehending, Most Capable, Most Generous and All-Powerful.
What is new and more significant is not the thought of the revolution as a starting-point of change, nor its objectives of unity, freedom and socialism, but its seriousness and honesty: the Revolution has risen from a people known historically of its deep seriousness, a people that has always exceeded what is conventional and common of thoughts, programmes and attempts, and has always aspired after what is more supreme, more developed, greater, deeper and more comprehensive. God, glory be to Him, has eventually rescued the people of Iraq from a continual disappointment in achieving deep penetration or sublimity as He made its land a cradle of His prophets, chose Abraham a father of the prophets and a messenger to the whole humanity, and organized Abraham's endeavour and role to be more universal, more supreme, better, deeper and more comprehensive in accordance with the course chosen to him by God, Most Compassionate, Most Merciful.
Your Revolution is serious, in a serious people; it is honest and true to its patriotic, national and humanitarian notion. It has subjected itself to the test of long struggle, not only to test its own seriousness, but also to test the trustworthiness of its leadership, the great people of Iraq and the glorious Ba'ath, to try out their sincerity after they have been unified into an inseparable one. They have rejected any submission, weakness, servility and bargaining at the expense of truth and right, any replacement of certainty by doubt, rendering the particular as a substitute for the general, hesitation for boldness and intrepidity, any sort of distancing itself from the course of achieving its great objectives or giving in to bargain over alternatives which bring no honour to the people.
In compatibility with the level of the gravity of sacrifices for resisting the greedy foreigners who are hostile to its legitimate objectives, the Revolution has elevated itself to the level of the sublimity, profoundness and comprehensiveness of its objectives, thus coming close to the universal and comprehensive principles, after it has satisfied the Lord of Great Absoluteness, and cleansed the soul and mind of any fanaticism dictated by certain practices of local and national specificity, particularly in the existing circumstances. Such a purification has been an outcome of an action and vision desirous that the good, peace, security, love, justice and fairness based on the principles of truth and eternal heritage should prevail humanity as a whole.
The causes and significance of your patriotic, national, humanitarian, honest, serious and true revolution, capable of long struggle, cannot be explained but in terms of the sublimity and profoundness of its objectives. Thus, amidst humanity, the Revolution has aggrandized in depth and width. Once more, God has honoured our nation after the close of the era of prophethood and humanitarian messages by making the particu, having been minutely perceived, a starting-point towards the general and its right thought and towards a parallel great hope whose programmes have been subjected to test daily as a pronouncement that implementation is possible by relying on God and the ardour of noble Iraqis, the great example, and by the firm support of the sons of our glorious faithful nation as well as all friends in the world at large.
In the light of a right notion and a sound programme, the Revolution, backed by an unshaken conviction, has steadily advanced. Each step it has made has enhanced Iraqis' conviction in the possibility of accomplishing the successive step for the attainment of all objectives. Only God, glory be to Him, of Whom we seek assistance.
Sons of our glorious Arab Nation
Thus was the conflict, and thus it has always been, set off from these principles between the Arab Nation under various titles of revival, development, and a better role to play on the one hand, and enemies on the other. In the forefront of this conflict, the more wakeful and prepared to play such a role the Nation, the more capable to defeat its enemies with firm conviction and other requisites and by reliance upon God. Regardless of anything else, the enemies cannot assent to the Nation's national and humanitarian role before ascertaining its capability to "snatch" that role and to reject humiliation, submissiveness and weakness now that God has strengthened it by the power of firm belief and the necessity of playing its historic role.
On the basis of these principles, your great people, the vanguard of your Nation, the proud, faithful, and capable people of Iraq, is resisting, as it has so far, all attempts of the thwarted Zionism and the despot of this age: the successive U.S administrations which have employed the economic, technological and scientific potentialities directly on behalf of Zionism, known for its hatred and vengeance upon the Arabs, the Muslims in general, and indeed the whole humanity by means of the U.S Zionized Jewish administrations.
On the premiss of such a vision of the doctrine, such a role of the thought, the hope and the programme, and of such seriousness of the effective action to put the programme into practice, we can perceive the Revolution of the people, of the Ba'ath, which set out on July 17, 1968, to turn into a course of programme and a march after it had been merely a hope and an underground struggle, both based on a thought.
Hence, likewise, we call to memory the significance of the Revolution on the occasion of its birthday, as a revolution of a new and special style, as a beam of brilliant light that dismisses darkness, God willing; now that any one who believes in it and its course has been liberated from the slavery of impossibility and unfeasibility and has become free in mind, conscience, programme and objectives in this age, and now that the people of Iraq and its leading party have pronounced in one resounding voice: "Perish be the Impossible", to build, construct and plant the sublime morals and the highest values in the conscience as well as in the mind, so that the zeal may, without the slightest hesitation, overflow onto their fields, and that the sun may rise, yet never set, on the flagpole bearing "God is Most Great", a banner that has embodied the relationship between what is on earth, the Lord of Heavens and Earth and the role of Man, the great and free in his land which is the cradle of early civilizations and first calls for unity of God, and the relationship with the Lord of the World, such calls which freed the Nation from the burden of idols and the intermediaries between the Merciful Lord and Man, the faithful, heedful, true and trustworthy, and capable by the will of God.
Thus, brethren, the forearms have been freed following the freedom of the minds and consciences, and thus they set out to construct and defend the construction. Truly, triumph is firmly certain now that conviction has been ascertained within the souls, minds and ardours. Masks have also been torn , unveiling gloomy, dirty faces with their fangs dripping blood, after they have penetrated deep in the blood of the innocent and martyrs.
On the premiss of these principles, their exquisite significance and their requisites in the struggle and jihad, God has honoured your Nation from which he selected the prophets and messengers in succession. He made them angels of faith and virtue and examples to be followed in the process of change for the better, in setting up justice and fighting oppression and oppressors, for He found them prepared for all this. On these principles and sublime morals God, glory be to Him, selected the prophets and messengers from the Arab land; and he chose them as revolutionary, too, with the hope of communicating the divine messages to the world after ensuring the base of their birth and their starting-point, that is, the Arab Land, and its distinguished people. God prepared them, and developed their capabilities to play the humanitarian role and communicate the message where He wished to be and to the extent their determination could cope within a certain circumstance and capability.
Indeed, the prophets and messengers had revolted to quantitatively change the material world for betterment and advancement. The first lesson from God to Man after creating him is that He taught him how to play his role in life and his obligation to develop it. Yet the most significant lesson relevant to that role was received from the revolutionary messengers and prophets whom God had accorded them a thought and the requisites for its implementation. He had planted in their souls, conscience and minds the hope of firm conviction and great faith that both thought and hope are applicable and spreadable, as they should and as God, glory be to Him permits.
Thus Man in the great Arab homeland is the first to learn the thought which transcends what is tangible, common and visible from the prophets. Correlatively, the first Man who has received lessons in the necessities of the revolution, change and the qualifications for the appropriate leadership is the Arab man, under the sponsorship of God's apostles and their leading role. Accordingly, Man's patriotic and national role in our Nation and in Iraq has been associated with a humanitarian role, which is more universal and more comprehensive. His existence and life in a prior being have also been associated with the duty and obligation of the revolutionary man who has shouldered the responsibilities for constant change and revolting against anything that is commonplace and conventional and thus outdated by time and reality, as a task entrusted to the prophets by God or a direct commission to Man from the successive prophets and messengers. But the timing, type, scope, titles and methods of the revolution are independent judgments from which the fundamental one can be inferred so as to be closely related to life, its kind and condition. Consequently, when an Arab refrains from playing his role in the change to the better and from making the required move to confront stagnation, to remove the rust from life, hearts and minds when they become old and blind, and to replace the obsolete by novelties, such refrainment from playing this role and from revolting against his reality is not only a misjudgment according to the standards of divine commission and law of life as well as a low self-estimation, but it is also a misjudgment when he refrains from playing his humanitarian role by being an example for others to follow, an intellectual radiation and everything that plants the promising hope in humanity.
It is on the premiss of these principles and morals, brethren, sons of our great people and glorious Arab Nation and people all over the world, that the great Ba'ath emerged and led the July Revolution, which we celebrate today. This Revolution has substituted what is existing for what is good, and has proceeded along a course of incessant advancement, a revolution in which the revolutionary men do not bargain over such constant ascent nor over prolonging thestruggle without showing any sign of impatience, so as to set up the just society, to unify the Arabs in one will, one potent action capable of defence and advancement and to make the Arab Nation an example to be followed in humanity at large. Having been put to test, the Arab Nation alone is capable of playing this role truly and honestly, and not any oppressive, authoritarian or exploitative role when it becomes distinguished regionally and internationally, in contrast to other nations which have failed to play that role. The Arab Nation's capabilities and potentialities have transcended mere relative comprehension of material life items within its region.
Besides, the favour of the Arab Nation to humanity in communicating the thought and obligations of the unity of God and the heavenly religions which had sprung out of this thought gives this Nation more than any other nation, the priority of possessing these morals and guarantees its steps in that direction.
Such is your Revolution, brothers and friends; a thought, a hope, a working programme, jihad and struggle. It was such when it was a thought in its starting-point and the underground struggle and such it has remained in the conscience of the Ba'athist revolutionary men at the beginning of the change and has been true to this veritable account. It has never substituted the genuine for the bad, nor the good for the evil; it has neither caused the sublime morals sink to the lowest level, nor has it bargained over its course of ascent to bring about progress and change for the better by relying on God, for this Revolution is a descendent of the great Ba'ath which was founded to revive the Nation along its high morals and hence to perform its national, faithful, comprehensive, genuine and humanitarian task.
I realize the sensitivity of some Arab rulers in our Nation to telling the truth or listening to a different opinion as regards matters of destiny and national influence which stretches beyond a limited place into the great Arab homeland, beyond certain people into the glorious Arab Nation and transcends the short present time, fast into the another present which extends into a long time and even into a future whose range of influence may not be wholly conceived. Notwithstanding I realize the sensitivity of some Arabs to telling the bitter truth regarding Palestine, and because we are Arabs, we have relied and still rely upon the sublime principles which we have already stated in the present speech as we did in other previous speeches. Furthermore, Iraqi people has evidenced in all circumstances and time-phases that it has borne, and is still bearing, a special burden and honour compatible to its doctrine and the historic role in reviving the Nation, we have to state the truth and act in pursuance of it, irrespective of the consequences. We shall try to shelter ourselves from the echo of ravens' croak or a stab in the back, by generalizing rather than specifying, so that this topic should be overwhelmed with objectivity and principled motives. We shall also shun mentioning the tokens and their people as we have done in tackling all national issues in general, not evading a certain affair, but hoping for a possible interaction according to the minimum standards of what is right.
Palestine is our unforgettable, national and humanitarian issue. Some may find us insistent on it if relevance is neglected and scrutiny of what has been referred to and stated in this speech as in others is overlooked, albeit it is a vital part of the core of our belief in Iraq's role in the life of the Arabs and humanity as well as the role of our Nation towards itself and humanity. But if anyone scrutinizes a stance which accepts an exchange of viewpoints without being precharged with a counter-stance, he will then understand that what we say on Palestine is not a separated view, nor is it emotional; likewise, it is not part of outdated slogans nor is it a forfeiture on the national and human level. It can, however, be a varied view from those thoughts held by some. It is a hope that does not set with sunset nor does it appear only at sunrise, a hope that derives is constant radiation and proclamation from the legitimacy of its premiss and the relevant right and justice.
Brethren, Palestine is an Arab land, the homeland of the Palestinians, as a part of the great Arab homeland and the glorious Arab Nation; it is the first of the two qiblahs and the third in the hierarchy of sacred places. Is it right for any Arab man or any man who speaks of Arabicism or attributes Arabicism and faith to himself to give up all these morals and principles? Is it possible for anyone who acquiesces and concedes its occupation by the Zionists and al-Quds (Jerusalem) being under the Zionist occupation or captivity to be called a faithful believer and to ascertain that his prayers would be received by God?
We in great mujahid Iraq do not accept this, having relied upon the principles and morals we have just stated. We pronounce in a voice, which means no harm to anyone but performs our duty towards God, ourselves, the Nation and humanity: Palestine is Arab; the Zionists must depart from it. Jews who want to co-live with its people have a right as citizens of one country, and those who have emigrated to it have likewise rights as well as obligations which they must accept. If they do not, each emigrant should go back to where he has come from and nothing else.
Believers in other religions
It may be said that these thoughts are not realistic, but they represent the historical fact as it is, the truth of what the sons of our Arab and Islamic Nation, and probably other, believe in, albeit they do not act accordingly. As it is itself the historical fact whereas anything else is false or sheer falsification of the statement and deformation of the truth and history, we have to state it as it is and act accordingly. But how to put it into effect is another matter.
Yet, at all events, our endeavour should not contradict the premiss and aspiration. As we wish a just peace for all nations of the world, we ought to adhere to a just peace for our Nation regarding its issues and enemies and to reject surrender and all forms of humiliation, submissiveness and looking down at the Arab Nation.
This is the fact of the matter: if overlooked today and if veiled by deception, dismissed from light by an apparition of fright and failed to elevate itself into visibility due to weakness, there will come at any time, as in the past, someone who will tell the truth as we, and many sons of our Nation, are doing now on the basis of these principles and facts and who will act, struggle and fight in jihad for consolidating the truth and accomplishing its objectives.
Therefore, we see that any treatment, which does not target the core, will be partial, if not deformed or contrary to the truth. It will bring malice to the souls and will incite destructive turmoil more than it appeases them to be calm and peaceful. At all events, any call for so-called peace is merely an opportunity for the Zionists not only to gain time for occupying (the rest) of Palestine but also to cause disagreement among the rulers themselves and even between the rulers and people, which is more serious. When this discord is created between all Arab rulers on one hand and the whole glorious Arab Nation, we mean here the overwhelming majority, on the other hand, it becomes perilous, resolvable only by revolution. Thence, we see that it is better for the Arab rulers to accommodate the viewpoints of the other Arab rulers or leaders vis-à-vis their own, and accept a policy different from theirs as regards the fateful issues on which they disagree, among and foremost of which is the question of Palestine. They should be broad-minded, or at least their minds must be open to accommodate the other opinions of their brothers, the Arab rulers or leaders, when they fail to convince the majority of the Arabs, including the sons of our Arab Nation in various countries, to adopt the thoughts and stances concerning the national pan-Arab fateful issues. Only then and by virtue of taking this attitude, they are able to present a ransom for compatibility instead of revolution which will be ignited by the blazing flame of the disregard of the Nation's opinion and the complete contradiction between one stance and another.
Thus, you see, when we speak of the revolution and its historical necessity, we in point of fact describe it as a means of change for the better; we do not call for it out of an arbitrary, demagogic attitude, nor do we mean certain Arab rulers, still nor out of a personal intention in all events, rather we call for it without labelling tokens and with no prior ill-intention, not even for a subjective, personal purpose but as an objective means when all other recourses fail, as a principled commitment and indispensable cauterization, and as a means for change when all other means fall short, as we have said.
So you see, brethren, that what some of those driven by the lashes of the executioners of information and Western and Zionist diplomacy so call dictatorship in Iraq that actually calls in pursuance of this fair account of the people for the respect of dialogue and different opinions. Thence, through a free and coequal dialogue and good intention, we can be rightly guided to a better way in dealing with information, diplomacy and even armies, should the circumstance requires. The accommodation of more than one opinion in the Arab homeland vis-à-vis fundamental or fateful issues without constraints and without the discord which may cause destruction or collaboration with foreigners, and consultation strengthen the Arabs and is even beneficent to those who hold the view which is close to the appearance rather than the essence of the so-called available, peaceful solutions by this or that concerned and with the spirit of this stance, and the allusion to the Zionists and their allies to the so-called extremists and hawks in the confrontation of the humiliating insolence and arrogance rejectable by anyone with a sound mind and will. So you see Arabs that differences in viewpoints is useful.
Brethren Arab rulers: the haste of some of you for the so-called peaceful solutions which are in essence surrendering, has made the Zionists in Palestine, the centre of Zionism, or in other supporting places, disesteem and disdain the Arabs irrespective of what they say or call for. The plethora of relinquishments have caused the Arab Nation not to trust those who patronize this losing approach.
Let it be known to you, Arab brethren, that the public confidence is vital for any ruler or any leader, be it in peace or in war; it is even more compelling in negotiation with a second party than in any other situation. If the negotiator forfeits it, he may have to offer relinquishments not required by the balance of power, let alone countering principles. He may desist from flexibility under the influence of sensitivity to peoples' rejection and distrust of whoever represents them. Hence it is not wise that any of the Nation's sons should forfeit the trust of the People and Nation except, without regret, the despicable traitor albeit what treason brings to a Nation known to be faithful to God, His holy books and messengers, a Nation which has played a leading role in conveying faithfulness, love, peace, justice and fairness to the whole humanity.
Thus, on these premisses we evaluate the statements by exhausted cravers for the threshold of Zionism who entertain hopes of the so-called new prime minister of the Zionist entity and his Western allies. At the time Lebanon is being destroyed, allegedly as an implementation of the resolution by the former Zionist prime minister, none of the Arabs concerned has uttered imprecations on the former prime minister until they have been given a green light from the U.S Black-House. Thereupon, praise and flattery have hailed down on a new Zionist prime minister in the hope of enabling the flatterer to play a new card on a new horse, not knowing that the exchange of roles, faces and names is merely a circumstance needed by Zionism to gain time, involve those led astray in new mazes and leave them all the time in a trend contrary to the trends of their Nation's opinion and will, and by corollary helping Zionism to utilize despair or revolution triggered by people's distrust of the ruler.
God is behind our intention.
Of Him, be gloried, we seek assistance.
Revolt against oppressors.
God is Most Great.
Long live Palestine, free and Arab.
God is Most Great.
Down with Zionism.
We said in a previous speech that "Arab oil is for the Arabs" was one of the Ba'athists' banners, which we had raised and fought for it. On the path of Ba'ath struggle in Iraq, many have died martyrs in the cause of this banner since we were students in preparatory and secondary schools. Days went by. Now we are in the position of responsibility which has given us access to information and now we have assumed authority and supervision, we have realized the rightness of our mujahid party when it had attracted attention in early underground struggle to the significance of the Arab oil to be for the Arabs. Now that it has become explicit that it is for the foreigners as it had been, in the 50's and not for the Arabs, is this then possible?
The Arab oil was seized by the foreign companies of the imperialist and colonialist states whether in extraction, industrial treatment, transportation and exportation, in quality and pricing. Virtually its price was not known then as there was no neutral party to purchase or sell it. The industrially developed world was divided into two camps: communist and capitalist. If any neutral state emerged between the two, it was of no importance in determining the international policy, nor was it aware of this policy tricks but for one exception whose limited potentialities began to grow in the 60's and 70's under the banner of non-aligned states. The world, therefore, was either provided with oil needs from the capitalist states and enjoyed some facilities under (foreign aids) or furnished with similar facilities within the socialist camp or whichever politically affiliated to it under the placard of COMECON, which is an economic group comprising the relevant members.
The first time the real value of oil, the range of market demands and its role in the strategic calculations of the states and their endeavour for foreign hegemony or imperialist-colonialist policy was known when Iraq nationalized its oil in 1972, and when nationalization was crowned with success after nine years of boycott imposed by the concessionary companies backed by their governments then, with the exception of France which took no part in it, but accepted special arrangements made by an initiative from Iraq in the era of the de Gaullist president Pompidou. The imperialist states were then put in an embarrassing situation and were obliged to reconsider their concessionary relations with the countries in the third world at a large scale for fear of the blowing winds of nationalization from Iraq where it triumphed, thanks to Iraq's steadfastness and the world's openness to purchase its oil on a competitive basis and price differential temptations granted to crown nationalization with success and due to the balance policy prevalent then in the two blocks to which we have referred.
At present and after the balance of power in the world has retrograded among superpowers which exercise influence and interest extending beyond their boundaries or among those that seek imperialist and colonialist hegemony, oil prices have been developed in an excessive fogginess. USA together with the Western states which share imperialist ambitions has recoursed to the policy of domination over oil from its resources to transportation and selling via the governance of the balance of offer and demand which is met from the U.S available store a at very low prices, as we explicated on previous occasions. But the worst of it is that USA no longer contended with this ugly imperialism and hegemony over oil so much so that it has become politically valueless or without any effective, strategic significance which might enhance its owners' stance. Indeed USA has imposed on them, particularly in the Arab Gulf, the purchase of the commodities and services it deems necessary, be they civil or military, whether in quantities, kinds, prices and payment schedules, by the help of its fleets and occupation forces in the Arab Gulf. USA has not only dominated all this, but it has dispossessed oil rulers in general of any control, influence or freedom of decision over oil which has turned an ordinary commodity and which the Americans fix its price and decide its influential significance in the Arab land and the third world according to certain terms of description and according to other terms of description elsewhere. The Arab rulers concerned and even non-Arabs are now no more than night watchmen performing sometimes their guard-duty or at others being but crippled rear men and experts for guards brought from beyond the borders and the region.
This tragic situation is in need of a serious consultation among the oil states whenever the will and intention exist, albeit it may start on a small scale and not for all OPEC states which have been penetrated by the foreigners' tricks, because this very small scale may be always appropriate for such a consultation to rescue those who evince the will of rejection of such a situation from being victims to the foreigners' cutting fangs, if not possible to save the others whose strength and will have dwindled under the weight of their inadvertence or slumber, their hatred and rancour.
Thus, it is the responsibility of all those who want to be liberated or preserve their freedom.
The people, each in its country, can play a great and historic role in moving the rulers, supporting them, or putting them in a critical situation if unable to push them forward with the rising current.
One of the strategic objectives of July Revolution is socialism beside Arab unity and freedom of Man, intellectually and constructively, psychologically and mentally, theoretically and practically. As the essence of any socialist activity and its humanitarian and political influence centrally lie within the concept of social and economic justice, establishment of balance in society and fortifying it against imbalance in addition to building it and developing its potentials, resources and kinds of wealth, socialism in our viewpoint and as in our national and pan-Arab progarmmes cannot actually be applied in this particular aspect as it should be and in such a manner as to comply with the principles of great Ba'ath unless and until the Arab relations are truly based on its concepts and not on those mere relations that exist among the sons of the one people within its domestic and national borders. Hence, the good which benefits Iraq, for instance, should, since we are one nation, benefit all the sons of our Arab Nation in one way or another: Iraqis, Egyptians, Syrians, Yemenis, people in the Arab Gulf and Maghrib (Northwest Africa), otherwise, the concept of one nation remains inadequate, unable to cherish the principles of the fateful Arab solidarity among the sons of the Nation to stand in one rank in word, in deed and in trend. We have already proposed various projects and thoughts on previous occasions, particularly prior to embargo, and presented projects and proposals for cooperation to Arab summit conferences in addition to certain initiatives concerning bilateral relations known to many sisterly Arab states and their representatives who are still living, and provided with sustenance.
On this occasion, we would like to attract attention to what we see useful to our Nation to grant it strength, capability and support, after relying upon the Great, the Most Capable. Yet one may say, particularly of those privileged with natural wealth, that a call indeed indicates realistic miscalculations and remains a mere slogan if it targets the distribution of wealth among the Arab countries, albeit they are diverse states with no constitutional bond of relationship which legitimatizes such an action, invites enthusiasm of the original owners and grants them some sort of readiness for sacrifice vis-à-vis the elements of power and the kind of opportunity bestowed upon them by the type of unity, under a certain constitutional relationship between one Arab country and another or among the concerned parties when they are under a tent sheltering more than one Arab country.
These thoughts are not proposed now, for we are a living part of reality. We realize its truth and consequences, and we know what is possible or impossible, but we also see that the reality of the Arab economics, social and cultural relations and the pursuant bonds of the Arab countries with each other represent a backward reality even in achieving its relative objectives which can be formulated so as to be advanced with respect to the present reality and the Arab status quo. Serious attention should be attracted to the description of the possible and the impossible, since these two are relative, and since the presence or absence of will and awareness behind the true intention plays a decisive role in the account and its applications, for what is not possible in one viewpoint that might be equally possible in another, and each viewpoint is in accordance with the pertinent will, awareness and prior intention. We have experienced in Iraq, even under the embargo circumstances, the possibility of economic cooperation based on the memorandum of understanding with various Arab countries and have found it possible. This cooperation has activated the economic markets, enhanced relations and enlivened social thinking, though perhaps not according to the above account at any previous time. So and by giving priority to the Arab-Arab relations in this respect, by word and deed, the Arab markets will become lively, relations will be enhanced, products will grow both quantitatively and qualitatively, and the weight of influence of every Arab market will be in accordance with its capabilities. Too, one of the most important of any Arab country's capabilities, indeed the most fundamental, is people. Thus we shall see after a while that the market which is more developed will contribute to raise the standard of the less developed in everything, and likewise the country with greater population will participate in making its production larger when it ensures a market for its commodities and services. Only then the whole can benefit and all can genuinely cooperate within the tent of the one nation. The expanding and intricate economic relations will be correlated with social and cultural ones, so that their texture becomes a new shield sheltering the heads of the good men from afflictions of time. This tent with its multiple means of protection and expanding space will be also a new haven for the Arab Nation protecting them from heat and cold, otherwise development and progress in most times, various fields and diverse countries become mere words which others may call nonsense under the domination of the big powers on the world markets of raw materials down to the shaving commodities and services. Furthermore, capitalism which was used to propagating (Let work, let pass) as a type of anti-communist propaganda now calls for a different thing, having become vexed over the simplest things, and the U.S administration which has recently exaggerated the nonsensical talk on freedom, now stifles the free flow of goods, commodities, services and persons to their fields, and even tries to dictate on others what to sell, and before it, what to manufacture, which goods and commodities they have to buy, how and how many; what accruements of money they have to deposit, where and how?
A condition like the above renders economic development and progress merely an unattainable wish for many Arabs, if not all, in our greater homeland and even in the third world countries for some time to come. It also makes thick a burden and a major obstacle to development and progress and by corollary to stability, instead of serving as a decisive factor when cooperation in what we have cited is open to the Arabs on the premisses of the sense of one nation, one market and one will. Besides, the hostile powers may employ under-population in the lands isolated from the depth of the Nation and its great potentiality under the apparition of fear and scare as a means of destruction in the wall, depth and soul of the Nation.
What we call for, brethren, represents the minimum as regards the relations within the one nation, and aims at primarily future results more than those pertaining to a short time. In formulating these thoughts, embargo has not played any role; rather, they have been triggered by the principles of the Arab Nation, its great Ba'ath, and our national and humanitarian responsibility towards the sons of our Nation and its role and our humanitarian duty towards humanity at large. Unless the Nation is in a good condition, it is arduous for any of its countries alone to be so, and it is equally hard for itself to be a good example for others to follow who will find it difficult to accept any effective role it might play amidst them or even to be conceived as a model for a better life.
Iraq has evidenced that it is capable of acting as though it were a nation by itself when it summons the spirit and morals of the glorious Arab Nation, of shouldering the responsibility of bearing the message and of reviving the Nation's role on the national and human levels. Hence Iraq, the strong, is not our main concern in these thoughts, but our Nation at large, including Iraq of vanguard and jihad…
God is Most Great.
Perished be the impossible.
Long live mujahids.
Arab brethren, on various occasions and under different addresses: some are formal, some are informal, many pieces of advice have been given to us from Arab brothers concerning our concept of the Arab masses, our prospect of them and our relationship with them. They told us specifically that you hold out too much hope of the Arab masses, and that you, that is we, attach great importance to the masses and think that they have far too much weight than in actuality, all of which necessitate on your part, that is our part in Iraq, a reconsideration, because the Arab and other masses are either absent or absented from taking an effective stance in confronting events, developments and attitudes in the Arab homeland and elsewhere beside being dispossessed of their will and thus incapable of bringing about any change, etc.
I should like therefore to answer them, partly esteeming their opinion and giving a true assessment of the Arab masses as a phenomenon, a stance and an influence, and partly correcting an aspect of the mistake in those Arabs' advice. The major mistake, however, is that they thought that our appeal to the Arab masses to be aware of their role and realize their capabilities so as to appraise their influence in space, time and direction has been hastily made to take a certain stance. Most probably, those Arabs have gone too far in thinking that we hasten the masses for the purpose of lifting the embargo and that we think that these masses are capable of halting an offensive by the aggressors. Accordingly and being hasty, that appeal may seem to them merely circumstantial in both description and relationship to us.
Brethren, our prospect of the people's role, its revolutionary masses and its comprehensive, long-term strategy springs from our doctrine which deems the people a sufficiency to our struggle, fight, jihad and construction, and a historical means intrinsic in all the principles and morals we aspire after in the course of the victorious Revolution and its objectives, and not merely an unspecified, temporary means.
Our rapport with the masses is totally different from what some brothers think. As a corollary of the requisites of the legitimate struggle to which we appeal to the Arab masses including the requisite of awareness of their historic role in the battle we fight against oppressors, we do not dismiss in course and ardour, that the masses should defend, to a certain extent or in one manner or another, the Revolution and its right course, which, pursuant to what we have said in this speech as on other occasions, is their revolution too. The sacrifices offered along its course are not only for the sake of Iraq, but also for the sake of our glorious Arab Nation as long as the Revolution remains national and for the whole Nation as it is for Iraq, as it is for humanity in general. The Revolution has proved by word and deed that the above account is genuine, not an allegation, and has been tested by precious blood in the most complicated circumstances.
We look at the Arab and other masses and their role in a historical perspective which is comprehensive but not temporary, not isolated nor circumstantial, principled and disinterested, continual not sporadic, constant not temperamental. Our prospective has never changed whether the Arab masses have acted in accordance with the level of their role in this or that cause or otherwise when their action or influence are below the level of their real capabilities. Indeed, we more adhere to our role and to our national and moral responsibility towards the Nation and its masses when they are weak; and conversely feel happy and rejoice when they promote their awareness and principles to a higher level. Truly, our moral and principled commitment has never changed nor has our hope retreated from its orbit.
Our Nation is not only known for its civilization and humanitarian role, but also as a nation of prophets and messengers from which God had chosen them and selected it to be a cradle and historical depth for them and for their role as well as a scene of action and holy fight, jihad. Consequently, the Nation shall not be held responsible for any negative account stated, attributed or accordingly described both as a historical formation and a historical force capable of playing its role when the Nation is revived. Others perhaps within the tokens of the Nation's items shall be. Definitely they are not within the live historical texture to which the role they have ascribed for themselves is applicable.
Anyone who describes the Nation in negative terms, be he a journalist, a writer or a man of letters, should, before uttering imprecations upon the public or reminding it or his nation of what is negative, ask himself what he has offered as a person in an advanced position. If his reply is that he is apprehensive for the means of subsistence, for himself, his position, title or chair, or is unable to offer more, the responsibility rests squarely on him and not on the people or nation, because those in prominent posts alone bear the burden and responsibility of any defectiveness or weakness which afflict the Nation, people or a collective part, but not conversely the collective part, people or Nation that should be responsible.
Is it right, for instance and for the sake of approximating the image, that the officers should run away from the battle and simultaneously blame the soldiers for defeat? Nevertheless, the officers have enjoyed commandership as well as giving orders and have exercised them on the soldiers, they have even relished and boasted of the military ranks they have and their privileges in all the circumstances prior to defeat. He who enjoys the material and moral privileges of his post should shoulder the responsibility for any weakness in the people's ranks before such a responsibility should rest on a certain, collective part of those ranks. This, therefore, applies to those who cherish a thought opposite to ours, be they rulers, judges, writers, journalists, men of letters, professors and so on and so forth.
We deal with our Nation and People as a historical capability and as a historical formation on the strength of what is possible when other factors exist, so as their role will be great, but not on the basis of an inane description of a situation in the time of the account without depthe role which revolutionizes and sets it in motion, likewise we have delineated the requisites and our genuine role.
Our dealing with the People and Nation is carried out on the basis of a very accurate, humanitarian, revolutionary and principled account of our responsibility towards them, and on the strength of the common action and effect and reciprocal influence, but not on the basis of loneliness, isolation and abandonment. We are a live part in the Nation and People in order to perform our national and pan-Arab role and duty towards them, and indeed towards humanity. We do not presume that our People and our Nation are two piecework contractors who would relieve us of the duty of executing a certain affair so that all we have to do is to wait and receive the keys of an accomplished project. With both, we construct and take the risk of construction just as we share happiness and delight when the construction is completed within its relative utmost. Too, we all defend the construction when it is exposed to danger.
We are a family of one house, and as long as we bear the epithet of leadership, we have the responsibility of initiation, enlightenment and creation of awareness, beside a higher degree of good patience and endurability, so as to be an example worthy of respect and appreciation. We realize the significance of the morals we hold and our trueness to them. Surely we shall be victorious by the people and by the leadership of all prominent titles in our Nation: rulers or faithful leaders, or the heedful educated, self-sacrificers, mujahids and the steadfast of the People and Nation, men or women, civil or military, judges or university professors, artists, journalists, writers, great engineers or others. The young men and women of the Nation will be a tremendous enlightened force in all this. We do not grow date-palms or oranges, nor oats or barley. Thus our patience knows no limits, except when ordained by God, glory be to Him, in Whom we trust and unto Whom we turn.
Brethren who raise queries: such has been our commitment, thinking and our prospect of affairs at the starting point. Yet the experience, which has been replete with the morals of construction and ardour in our fight against the unjust and injustice, the despots and despotism for more than thirty years during which we have lead the great people of Iraq within the Ba'ath responsible, collective leadership, has taught us scientific, practical and social lessons as regards the People and its role with respect top the Nation's vitality as a base and a practical, spiritual and moral profundity, the basis of which is the human morals with which we interact and share our Nation and people.
Like you, we realize that the Nation and People may slug or neglect playing a certain role or roles, but they can never be inadvertent, sluggish or defeated for the whole time, indeed they cannot be negligent, slothful, indolent or defeated if they have a genuine leadership appropriate in mind, conscience, intellect and sword beside other conditions which are prerequisites to their tasks. They cannot be put to fight or neglect except when their leadership is put to rout, is indolent or treasonable. Hence the People and the Nation cannot be held responsible for any shortcoming even when they recoil from playing a role by which they are supposed to advance. Rather the leading, key posts shall be responsible. We have not seen or heard of a people under a leadership whose role has met all principled, moral and practical requisites at reasonable utmost has ever been defeated, sluggish or lazy and has left the leadership alone to bare upper arms in construction. Too, we have not seen or heard of a leader who has the minimal requisites of leadership, has acted soundly and has unsheathed his sword without having simultaneously heard the clatter of the swords of those who fight at his right, at his left, in front and behind, having caused the ears of those nearby tingled when those swords have been drawn of their sheaths aiming at the covetous, despot, occupant or oppressor.
Yet no blame should lie on a people or a nation if it neglects its role in construction when the leader or leaders do not call for construction except at the time their pockets or accounts in the banks grow less than the minimum and hence have to be filled under the token of construction, whereby the slogan of construction and the appeal to it will be but a trickery.
Likewise, no blame should lie on the people, nation, masses and armies when they see those designated with leading titles are whiling away their time, busying themselves in such affairs which are of no concern to the masses, and that they betray them to the foreigners, in which case their call against the foreigners who have ill-intentions and bad-deeds will be no more than a trick-cover.
The masses, like any living being, do not act unless fed, and their essential food to support the ruler or leader is their unmistakable feeling that the leader or ruler has given his life for their cause, pride, glory and welfare. Only then the masses will forgive and indulge the lapses and faults which do not involve relinquishment, treason or prior ill intention. Furthermore, one of the most significant, historical duties towards the nation and people is either to back the one who presides over a leading post and dignify him or else to utter a resounding pronouncement of what is right to attract attention to a deviation or an unusual commission. If he does not retreat, he will have nothing before him save cauterization, i.e., revolution, which will substitute what is bad for good lest the masses' aspirations should be buried alive and their forward movement should be hampered.
When we address the masses and the Arab masses in particular, we do not do so because we deem them a practical substitute from now on for any Arab ruler performing his national duty albeit it is not as perfect as it should be, but as a rear support for any national case and its great profundity together with other tokens including the cases of some rulers as described in accordance with what we have referred to. But the ruler, any ruler, is on his way to vanish, whereas the people and nation are the historical forces that can never disappear even though they might be enveloped in lunar or solar eclipse. In them both, the sun rises from the east, and the moon is full in its due day. Those who never vanish, like the nation and people, are the ones with great acts and stances, which represent the essence of the Nation's conscience and its living mind. Among those who are concealed from the vision and the tangible feel of the masses, albeit they are living and sustained, are the ones who have assumed, at an undated time, a prominent responsibility yet they do not comprehend its significance nor are they trustworthy for it and its honour.
In pursuance with this description, they are merely lifeless carcasses though they are living.
God is Most Great.
Gallant Iraqis, who are a source of joy and delight for your leadership, but a malady for the enemies, who are salubrious to great Iraq, but arrows set at the foes of God and humanity
Praiseworthy, magnificent women whose ardour we call together with the sublime morals when mishaps intensify, when we honour someone highly and preciously and when the soul's great morals are summoned
The fragrance of Iraq and sweet smelling of its battle trenches
Peace be upon you, and God's mercy and blessings.
Your presence has been brilliant, with all the significance of the model and example, which you represent in every part of the present speech and in what we have been talking about to the Arabs since you constitute with them the sons of one nation and because you have realized from gesture or wink what must and ought to be, what is acceptable or rejectable after this long time of relationship and attitude.
Because we do not defer any act or statement which is of importance, waiting for what to say or act on occasions only, albeit everything has its circumstance and due time to be said and acted, God willing, we have not found it necessnor do we want to burden you with a long speech, reiterating what we have already said or done, what we did in the years past or intend to do in a new year which will come into view with goodness and delight for all of us and our Nation. Thus I find it sufficient to greet you and the revolutionary men and hail your great steadfastness, your high inventiveness for creating an example of life which will enter, for the first time and in accordance with its usual context, the history and action of the Arabs in the present age.
Because we trust in God, our confidence is great in His capability to strengthen your victory as it is already evinced and witnessed without any shade, and to be incessant, God willing, without interruption.
I implore God to bestow upon you more pride, glory, health and well-being, to perpetuate the grace of faith and patience and to rejoice you with whatever delights the soul and brings comfort to it.
Long live our glorious Arab Nation.
Long live Iraq.
Long live Iraq.
Long live Palestine, free and Arab.
God is Most Great.
God is Most Great.
Shame be on the despicable.