Sanskrit Grammar (Whitney)/Chapter XVIII

by William Dwight Whitney

CHAPTER XVIII.

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FORMATION OF COMPOUND STEMS.

1246. The frequent combination of declinable stems with one another to form compounds which then are treated as if simple, in respect to accent, inflection, and construction, is a conspicuous feature of the language, from its earliest period.

a. There is, however, a marked difference between the earlier and the later language as regards the length and intricacy of the combinations allowed. In Veda and Brāhmaṇa, it is quite rare that more than two stems are compounded together — except that to some much used and familiar compound, as to an integral word, a further element is sometimes added. But the later the period, and, especially, the more elaborate the style, the more a cumbrous and difficult aggregate of elements, abnegating the advantages of an inflective language, takes the place of the due syntactical union of formed words into sentences.

1247. Sanskrit compounds fall into three principal classes:

I. a. Copulative or aggregative compounds, of which the members are syntactically coördinate: a joining together into one of words which in an uncompounded condition would be connected by the conjunction and (rarely or).

b. Examples are: índrāváruṇāu Indra and Varuna, satyānṛté truth and falsehood, kṛtākṛtám done and undone, devagandharvamānuṣoragarakṣasās gods and Gandharvas and men and serpents and demons.

c. The members of such a compound may obviously be of any number, two or more than two. No compound of any other class can contain more than two members — of which, however, either or both may be compound, or decompound (below, 1248).

II. d. Determinative compounds, of which the former member is syntactically dependent on the latter, as its determining or qualifying adjunct: being either, 1. a noun (or pronoun) limiting it in a case-relation, or, 2. an adjective or adverb describing it. And, according as it is the one or the other, are to be distinguished the two sub-classes: A. Dependent compounds; and B. Descriptive compounds. Their difference is not an absolute one.

e. Examples are: of dependent compounds, amitrasenā́ army of enemies, pādodaka water for the feet, āyurdā́ life-giving, hástakṛta made with the hands; of descriptive compounds, maharṣí great sage, priyasakhi dear friend, amítra enemy, súkṛta well done.

f. These two classes are of primary value; they have undergone no unifying modification in the process of composition; their character as parts of speech is determined by their final member, and they are capable of being resolved into equivalent phrases by giving the proper independent form and formal means of connection to each member. That is not the case with the remaining class, which accordingly is more fundamentally distinct from them than they are from one another.

III. g. Secondary adjective compounds, the value of which is not given by a simple resolution into their component parts, but which, though having as final member a noun, are themselves adjectives. These, again, are of two sub-classes: A. Possessive compounds, which are noun-compounds of the preceding class, with the idea of possessing added, turning them from nouns into adjectives; B. Compounds in which the second member is a noun syntactically dependent on the first: namely, 1. Prepositional compounds, of a governing preposition and following noun; 2. Participial compounds (only Vedic), of a present participle and its following object.

h. The sub-class B. is comparatively small, and its second division (participial compounds) is hardly met with even in the later Vedic.

i. Examples are: vīrasena possessing a hero-army, prajākāma having desire of progeny, tigmáçṛn̄ga sharphorned, háritasraj wearing green garlands; atimātrá excessive; yāvayáddveṣas driving away enemies.

j. The adjective compounds are, like simple adjectives, liable to be used, especially in the neuter, as abstract and collective nouns, and in the accusative as adverbs; and out of these uses have grown apparent special classes of compounds, reckoned and named as such by the Hindu grammarians. The relation of the classification given above to that presented in the native grammar, and widely adopted from the latter by the European grammars, will be made clear as we go on to treat the classes in detail.

1248. A compound may, like a simple word, become a member in another compound, and this in yet another — and so on, without definite limit. The analysis of any compound, of whatever length (unless it be a copulative), must be made by a succession of bisections.

a. Thus, the dependent compound pūrvajanmakṛta done in a previous existence is first divisible into kṛta and the descriptive pūrvajanman, then this into its elements; the dependent sakalanītiçāstratattvajña knowing the essence of all books of behavior has first the root-stem jña (for √jñā) knowing separated from the rest, which is again dependent; then this is divided into tattva essence and the remainder, which is descriptive; this, again, divides into sakala all and nītiçāstra books of behavior, of which the latter is a dependent compound and the former a possessive (sa and kalā having its parts together).

1249. a. The final of a stem is combined with the initial of another stem in composition according to the general rules for external combination: they have been given, with their exceptions, in chap. III., above.

b. If a stem has a distinction of strong and weak forms, it regularly enters into composition as prior member in its weak form; or, if it has a triple distinction (311), in its middle form.

c. That is, especially, stems in ṛ or ar, at or ant, ac or añc, etc., show in composition the forms in ṛ, at, ac, etc.; while those in an and in usually (exceptions sometimes occur, as vṛṣaṇaçvá, vṛṣaṇvasú) lose their final n, and are combined as if a and i were their proper finals.

d. As in secondary derivation (1203 d), so also as prior member of a compound, a stem sometimes shortens its final long vowel (usually ī, rarely ā): thus, in V., rodasiprā́, pṛthiviṣṭhā́, pṛthiviṣád, dhā́rapūta, dhāravāká; in B., pṛthivi-dā, -bhāga, -loká, sarasvatikṛta, senānigrāmaṇyāù; in S., garbhiniprāyaçcitta, sāmidheniprāiṣa, vasatīvaripariharaṇa, ekādaçinilin̄ga, prapharvidā, devatalakṣaṇa, devatapradhānatva; later, devakinandana, lakṣmivardhana, kumāridatta, muhūrtaja, iṣṭakacita, etc.

e. Occasionally, a stem is used as prior member of a compound which does not appear, or not in that form, as an independent word: examples are mahā great (apparently used independently in V. in accusative), tuvi mighty (V.), dvi two.

f. Not infrequently, the final member of a compound assumes a special form: see below, 1315.

1250. But a case-form in the prior member of a compound is by no means rare, from the earliest period of the language. Thus:

a. Quite often, an accusative, especially before a root-stem, or a derivative in a of equivalent meaning: for example, pataṁgá going by flight, dhanaṁjayá winning wealth, abhayaṁkará causing absence of danger, puṣṭimbhará bringing prosperity, vācamīn̄khayá inciting the voice; but also sometimes before words of other form, as áçvamiṣṭi horse-desiring, çubhaṁyā́van going in splendor, subhāgaṁkáraṇa making happy, bhayaṁkartṛ causer of fear. In a few cases, by analogy with these, a word receives an accusative form to which it has no right: thus, hṛdaṁsáni, makṣúṁgama, vasuṁdhara, ātmambhari.

b. Much more rarely, an instrumental: for example, girāvṛ́dh increasing by praise, vācā́stena stealing by incantation, krátvāmagha gladly bestowing, bhāsā́ketu bright with light, vidmanā́pas active with wisdom.

C. In a very few instances, a dative: thus, nareṣṭhā́ serving a man, asméhiti errand to us, and perhaps kiyedhā́ and mahevṛ́dh.

d. Not seldom, a locative; and this also especially with a root-stem or a-derivative: for example, agregá going at the head, divikṣít dwelling in the sky, vaneṣáh prevailing in the wood, an̄geṣṭhā́ existing in the limbs, proṣṭheçayá lying on a couch, sutékara active with the soma, divícara moving in the sky; āréçatru having enemies far removed, sumnáāpi near in favor, máderaghu hasting in excitement, yudhiṣṭhira firm in battle, antevāsin dwelling near; apsujá born in the waters, hṛtsvás hurling at hearts.

e. Least often, a genitive: thus, rāyáskāma desirous of wealth, akasyavíd knowing no one. But the older language has a few examples of the putting together of a genitive with its governing noun, each member of the combination keeping its own accent: see below, 1267 d.

f. Ablative forms are to be seen in balātkāra violence and balātkṛta, and perhaps in parātpriya. And a stem in ṛ sometimes appears in a copulative compound in its nominative form: thus, pitāputrāu father and son, hotāpotārāu the invoker and purifier. Anyonya one another is a fused phrase, of nominative and oblique case.

g. In a very few words, plural meaning is signified by plural form: thus, apsujā́ etc. (in derivation, also, apsu is used as a stem), hṛtsvás, nṝ́ṅḥpraṇetra conducting men, rujaskara causing pains, (and dual) hanūkampa trembling of the two jaws.

h. Much more often, of words having gender-forms, the feminine is used in composition, when the distinctive feminine sense is to be conveyed: e. g. gopīnātha master of the shepherdesses, dāsīputra son of a female slave, mṛgīdṛç gazelle-eyed, praṇītāpraṇáyana vessel for consecrated water.

1251. The accent of compounds is very various, and liable to considerable irregularity even within the limits of the same formation; and it must be left to be pointed out in detail below. All possible varieties are found to occur. Thus:

a. Each member of the compound retains its own separate accent. This is the most anomalous and infrequent method. It appears in certain Vedic copulative compounds chiefly composed of the names of divinities (so-called devatā-dvandvas: 1255 ff.), and in a small number of aggregations partly containing a genitive case-form as prior member (1267 d).

b. The accent of the compound is that of its prior member. This is especially the case in the great class of possessive compounds; but also in determinatives having the participle in ta or na as final member, in those beginning with the negative a or an, and in other less numerous and important classes.

c. The accent of the compound is that of the final member. This is not on so large a scale the case as the preceding; but it is nevertheless quite common, being found in many compounds having a verbal noun or adjective as final member, in compounds beginning with the numerals dvi and tri or the prefixes su and dus, and elsewhere in not infrequent exceptions.

d. The compound takes an accent of its own, independent of that of either of its constituents, on its final syllable (not always, of course, to be distinguished from the preceding case). This method is largely followed: especially, by the regular copulatives, and by the great mass of dependent and descriptive noun-compounds, by most possessives beginning with the negative prefix; and by others.

e. The compound has an accent which is altered from that of one of its members. This is everywhere an exceptional and sporadically occurring case, and the instances of it, noted below under each formation, do not require to be assembled here. Examples are: medhásāti (médha), tilámiçra (tíla), khā́dihasta (khādí), yāvayáddveṣas (yāváyant); çakadhū́ma (dhūmá), amṛ́ta (mṛtá), suvī́ra (vīrá), tuvigrī́va (grīvā́). A few words — as víçva, pū́rva, and sometimes sárva — take usually a changed accent as prior members of compounds.

I. Copulative Compounds.

1252. Two or more nouns — much less often adjectives, and, in an instance or two, adverbs — having a coördinate construction, as if connected by a conjunction, usually and, are sometimes combined into compounds.

a. This is the class to which the Hindu grammarians give the name of dvandva pair, couple; a dvandva of adjectives, however, is not recognized by them.

b. Compounds in which the relation of the two members is alternative instead of copulative, though only exceptional, are not very rare: examples are nyūnādhika defective or redundant, jayaparājaya victory or defeat, krītotpanna purchased or on hand, kāṣṭhaloṣṭasama like a log or clod, pakṣimṛgatā the condition of being bird or beast, triṅçadviṅça numbering twenty or thirty, catuṣpañcakṛtvas four or five times, dvyekāntara different by one or two. A less marked modification of the copulative idea is seen in such instances as priyasatya agreeable though true, prārthitadurlabha sought after but hard to obtain; or in çrāntāgata arrived weary.

1253. The noun-copulatives fall, as regards their inflective form, into two classes:

1. a. The compound has the gender and declension of its final member, and is in number a dual or a plural, according to its logical value, as denoting two or more than two individual things.

b. Examples are: prāṇāpānāú inspiration and expiration, vrīhiyavāú rice and barley, ṛksāmé verse and chant, kapotolukāú dove and owl, candrādityāu moon and sun, hastyaçvāu the elephant and horse, ajāváyas goats and sheep, devāsurā́s the gods and demons, atharvān̄girásas the Atharvans and Angirases, sambādhatandryàs anxieties and fatigues, vidyākarmáṇī knowledge and action, hastyaçvās elephants and horses; of more than two members (no examples quotable from the older language), çayyāsanabhogās lying, sitting, and eating, brāhmaṇakṣatriyaviṭçūdrās a Brahman, Kshatriya, Vaiçya, and Çūdra, rogaçokaparītāpabandhanavyasanāni disease, pain, grief, captivity, and misfortune.

2. c. The compound, without regard to the number denoted, or to the gender of its constituents, becomes a neuter singular collective.

d. Examples are: iṣṭāpūrtám what is offered and bestowed, ahorātrám a day and night, kṛtākṛtám the done and undone, bhūtabhavyám past and future, keçaçmaçrú hair and beard, oṣadhivanaspatí plants and trees, candratārakám moon and stars, ahinakulam snake and ichneumon, çirogrīvam head and neck, yūkāmakṣikamatkuṇam lice, flies, and bugs.

1254. a. That a stem in ṛ as prior member sometimes takes its nominative form, in ā, was noticed above, 1250 f.

b. A stem as final member is sometimes changed to an a-form to make a neuter collective: thus, chattropānaham an umbrella and a shoe.

c. The grammarians give rules as to the order of the elements composing a copulative compound: thus, that a more important, a briefer, a vowel-initial member should stand first; and that one ending in a should be placed last. Violations of them all, however, are not infrequent.

1255. In the oldest language (RV.), copulative compounds such as appear later are quite rare, the class being chiefly represented by dual combinations of the names of divinities and other personages, and of personified natural objects.

a. In these combinations, each name has regularly and usually the dual form, and its own accent; but, in the very rare instances (only three occurrences out of more than three hundred) in which other cases than the nom.-acc.-voc. are formed, the final member only is inflected.

b. Examples are: índrāsómā, índrāvíṣṇū, índrābṛ́haspátī, agnī́ṣómāu, turváçāyádū, dyā́vāpṛthivī́, uṣā́sānáktā (and, with intervening words, náktā... uṣā́sā), sū́ryāmā́sā. The only plural is indrāmarutas (voc.). The cases of other than nominative form are mitrā́váruṇābhyām and mitrā́váruṇayos (also mitráyor váruṇayoḥ), and índrāváruṇayos (each once only).

c. From dyā́vapṛthivī́ is made the very peculiar genitive diváspṛthivyós (4 times: AV. has dyā́vāpṛthivī́bhyām and dyā́vāpṛthivyós).

d. In one compound, parjányavā́tā, the first member (RV., once) does not have the dual ending along with the double accent (indranāsatyā, voc., is doubtful as to accent). In several, the double accent is wanting, while yet the double designation of number is present: thus, indrāpūṣṇós (beside índrāpūṣáṇā), somāpūṣábhyām (somāpūṣaṇā occurs only as voc.), vātāparjanyā́, sūryācandramásā, and indrāgnī́ (with indrāgníbhyām and indrāgnyós): somārudrāú is accented only in ÇB. And in one, indravāyū́, form and accent are both accordant with the usages of the later language.

e. Of other copulatives, like those made later, the RV. has the plural ajāváyas, the duals ṛksāmé, satyānṛté, sāçanānaçané; also the neuter collective iṣṭāpūrtám, and the substantively used neuter of a copulative adjective, nīlalohitám. Further, the neuter plurals ahorātrā́ṇi nycthemera, and ukthārkā́ praises and songs, of which the final members as independent words are not neuter. No one of these words has more than a single occurrence.

1256. In the later Vedic (AV.), the usage is much more nearly accordant with that of the classical language, save that the class of neuter singular collectives is almost wanting.

a. The words with double dual form are only a small minority (a quarter, instead of three quarters, as in RV.); and half of them have only a single accent, on the final: thus, besides those in RV., bhavārudrāú, bhavāçarvāú; agnāviṣṇū, voc., is of anomalous form. The whole number of copulatives is more than double that in RV.

b. The only proper neuter collectives, composed of two nouns, are keçaçmaçrú hair and heard, āñjanābhyañjanám salve and ointment, and kaçipūpabarhaṇám mat and pillow, unified because of the virtual unity of the two objects specified. Neuter singulars, used in a similar collective way, of adjective compounds, are (besides those in RV.): kṛtākṛtám what is done and undone (instead of what is done and what is undone), cittākūtám thought and desire, bhadrapāpám good and evil, bhūtabhavyám past and future.

1257. Copulative compounds composed of adjectives which retain their adjective character are made in the same manner, but are in comparison rare.

a. Examples are çuklakṛṣṇa light and dark, sthalajāudaka terrestrial and aquatic, dāntarājatasāuvarṇa of ivory and silver and gold, used distributively; and vṛttapīna round and plump, çāntānukūla tranquil and propitious, hṛṣitasragrajohīna wearing fresh garlands and free from dust, niṣekādiçmaçānānta beginning with conception and ending with burial, used cumulatively; nā ’tiçītoṣṇa not over cold or hot, used alternatively; kṣaṇadṛṣṭanaṣṭa seen for a moment and then lost, cintitopasthita at hand as soon as thought of, in more pregnant sense.

b. In the Veda, the only examples noted are the cumulative nīlalohitá and iṣṭāpūrtá etc., used in the neut. sing. as collectives (as pointed out above), with tāmradhūmrá dark tawny; and the distributive dakṣiṇasavyá right and left, saptamāṣṭamá seventh and eighth, and bhadrapāpá good and bad (beside the corresponding neut. collective). Such combinations as satyānṛté truth and falsehood, priyāpriyā́ṇi things agreeable and disagreeable, where each component is used substantively, are, of course, not to be separated from the ordinary noun-compounds.

c. A special case is that of the compound adjectives of direction: as uttarapūrva north-east, prāgdakṣiṇa south-east, dakṣiṇapaçcima south-west, etc.: compare 1291 b.

1258. In accentuated texts, the copulative compounds have uniformly the accent (acute) on the final of the stem.

a. Exceptions are a case or two in AV., where doubtless the reading is false: thus, vātāparjanyā̀ (once: beside -nyáyos), devamanuṣyā̀s (once: ÇB. -syá), brahmarājanyā̀bhyām (also VS.); further, vākopavākyà (ÇB.), açanāyā́pipāse (ÇB.).

1259. An example or two are met with of adverbial copulatives: thus, áhardivi day by day, sāyámprātar at evening and in the morning. They have the accent of their prior member. Later occur also bāhyantar, pratyagdakṣiṇā, pratyagudak.

1260. Repeated words. In all ages of the language, nouns and pronouns and adjectives and particles are not infrequently repeated, to give an intensive, or a distributive, or a repetitional meaning.

a. Though these are not properly copulative compounds, there is no better connection in which to notice them than here. They are, as the older language shows, a sort of compound, of which the prior member has its own independent accent, and the other is without accent: hence they are most suitably and properly written (as in the Vedic pada-texts) as compounds. Thus: jahy èṣaṁ váraṁ-varam slay of them each best man; divé-dive or dyávi-dyavi from day to day; án̄gād-an̄gāl lómno-lomnaḥ párvaṇi-parvaṇi from every limb, from every hair, in each joint; prá-pra yajñápatiṁ tira make the master of the sacrifice live on and on; bhū́yo-bhūyaḥ çváḥ-çvaḥ further and further, tomorrow and again tomorrow; ékayāi-’kayā with in each case one; vayáṁ-vayam our very selves.

b. Exceptional and rare cases are those of a personal verb-form repeated: thus, píbā-piba (RV.), yájasva-yajasva (ÇB.), véda-veda (? ÇB.); — and of two words repeated: thus, yā́vad vā-yāvad vā (ÇB.), yatamé vā-yatame vā (ÇB.).

c. In a few instances, a word is found used twice in succession without that loss of accent the second time which makes the repetition a virtual composite: thus, nū́ nú (RV.), sáṁ sám (AV.), ihé ’há (AV.), anáyā- ’náyā (ÇB.), stuhí stuhí (RV., acc. to pada-text).

d. The class of combinations here described is called by the native grammarians āmreḍita added unto (?).

1261. Finally may be noticed in passing the compound numerals, ékādaça 11, dvā́viṅçati 22, tríçata 103, cátuḥsahasra 1004, and so on (476 ff.), as a special and primitive class of copulatives. They are accented on the prior member.

II. Determinative Compounds.

1262. A noun or adjective is often combined into a compound with a preceding determining or qualifying word — a noun, or adjective, or adverb. Such a compound is conveniently called determinative.

1263. This is the class of compounds which is of most general and frequent occurrence in all branches of Indo-European language. Its two principal divisions have been already pointed out: thus, A. Dependent compounds, in which the prior member is a substantive word (noun or pronoun or substantively used adjective), standing to the other member in the relation of a case dependent on it; and B. Descriptive compounds, in which the prior member is an adjective, or other word having the value of an adjective, qualifying a noun; or else an adverb or its equivalent, qualifying an adjective. Each of these divisions then falls into two sub-divisions, according as the final member, and therefore the whole compound, is a noun or an adjective.

a. The whole class of determinatives is called by the Hindu grammarians tatpuruṣa (the term is a specimen of the class, meaning his man); and the second division, the descriptives, has the special name of karmadhāraya (of obscure application: the literal sense is something like office-bearing). After their example, the two divisions are in European usage widely known by these two names respectively.

A. Dependent Compounds.

1264. Dependent Noun-compounds. In this division, the case-relation of the prior member to the other may be of any kind; but, in accordance with the usual relations of one noun to another, it is oftenest genitive, and least often accusative.

a. Examples are: of genitive relation, devasenā́ army of gods, yamadūtá Yama's messenger, jīvaloká the world of the living, indradhanús Indra's bow, brahmagavī́ the Brahman's cow, viṣagirí poison-mount, mitralābha acquisition of friends, mūrkhaçatāni hundreds of fools, vīrasenasuta Vī́rasena's son, rājendra chief of kings, asmatputrās our sons, tadvacas his words; — of dative, pādodaka water for the feet, māsanicaya accumulation for a month; — of instrumental, ātmasādṛçya likeness with self, dhānyārtha wealth acquired by grain, dharmapatnī lawful spouse, pitṛbandhú paternal relation; — of ablative, apsaraḥsambhava descent from a nymph, madviyoga separation from me, cāurabhaya fear of a thief; — of locative, jalakrīḍā sport in the water, grāmavāsa abode in the village, puruṣānṛta untruth about a man; — of accusative, nagaragamana going to the city.

1265. Dependent Adjective-compounds. In this division, only a very small proportion of the compounds have an ordinary adjective as final member; but usually a participle, or a derivative of agency with the value of a participle. The prior member stands in any case-relation which is possible in the independent construction of such words.

a. Examples are: of locative relation, sthālīpakva cooked in a pot, açvakovida knowing in horses, vayaḥsama alike in age, yudhiṣṭhira steadfast in battle, tanū́çubhra beautiful in body; — of instrumental, mātṛsadṛça like his mother; — of dative, gohita good for cattle; — of ablative, bhavadanya other than you, garbhāṣṭama eighth from birth, dṛçyetara other than visible (i. e. invisible); — of genitive, bharataçreṣṭha best of the Bharatas, dvijottama foremost of Brahmans; — with participial words, in accusative relation, vedavíd Veda-knowing, annādá food-eating, tanūpā́na body-protecting, satyavādín truth-speaking, pattragata committed to paper (lit. gone to a leaf); — in instrumental, madhupū́ cleansing with honey, svayáṁkṛta self-made, índragupta protected by Indra, vidyāhīna deserted by (i. e. destitute of) knowledge; — in locative, hṛdayāvídh pierced in the heart, ṛtvíj sacrificing in due season, divícara moving in the sky; — in ablative, rājyabhraṣṭa fallen from the kingdom, vṛkabhīta afraid of a wolf; — in dative, çaraṇāgata come for refuge.

1266. We take up now some of the principal groups of compounds falling under these two heads, in order to notice their specialities of formation and use, their relative frequency, their accentuation, and so on.

1267. Compounds having as final member ordinary nouns (such, namely, as do not distinctly exhibit the character of verbal nouns, of action or agency) are quite common. They are regularly and usually accented on the final syllable, without reference to the accent of either constituent. Examples were given above (1264 a).

a. A principal exception with regard to accent is páti master, lord (and its feminine pátnī), compounds with which usually retain the accent of the prior member: thus, prajā́pati, vásupati, átithipati, gópati, gṛhápatnī, etc. etc. (compare the verbal nouns in ti, below, 1274). But in a few words páti retains its own accent: thus, viçpáti, rayipáti, paçupáti, vasupátnī, etc.; and the more general rule is followed in apsarāpatí and vrājapatí (AV.), and nadīpatí (VS.), citpatí (MS.; elsewhere citpáti).

b. Other exceptions are sporadic only: for example, janarā́jan, devavárman, hiraṇyatéjas, pṛtanāháva, godhū́ma and çakadhū́ma (but dhūmá); vācā́stena.

c. The appearance of a case-form in such compounds is rare: examples are dívodāsa, vācā́stena, uccāíḥçravas, uccāírghoṣa, dūrébhās (the three last in possessive application).

d. A number of compounds are accented on both members: thus, çácīpáti, sádaspáti, bṛ́haspáti, vánaspáti, ráthaspáti, jā́spáti (also jā́spati), nárāçáṅsa, tánūnáptṛ, tánūnápāt (tanū́ as independent word), çúnaḥçépa. And ÇB. has a long list of metronymics having the anomalous accentuation kāútsīpútra, gā́rgīpútra, etc.

1268. The compounds having an ordinary adjective as final member are (as already noticed) comparatively few.

a. So far as can be gathered from the scanty examples occurring in the older language, they retain the accent of the prior member: thus, gáviṣṭhira (AV. gavíṣṭhira), tanū́çubhra, máderaghu, yajñádhīra, sā́mavipra, tilámiçra (but tíla); but kṛṣṭapacyá ripening in cultivated soil.

1269. The adjective dependent compounds having as final member the bare root — or, if it end in a short vowel, generally with an added t — are very numerous in all periods of the language, as has been already repeatedly noticed (thus, 383 f–h, 1147). They are accented on the root.

a. In a very few instances, the accent of words having apparently or conjecturally this origin is otherwise laid: thus, áṅsatra, ánarviç, svā́vṛj, pratyákṣadṛç, púraṁdhi, óṣadhi, áramiṣ, uçádagh, vatsápa, ábda.

b. Before a final root-stem appears not very seldom a case-form: for example, pataṁgá, girāvṛ́dh, dhiyājúr, akṣṇayādrúh, hṛdispṛ́ç, divispṛ́ç, vanesáh, diviṣád, an̄geṣṭhā́, hṛtsvás, pṛtsutúr, apsujá.

C. The root-stem has sometimes a middle or passive value: for example, manoyúj yoked (yoking themselves) by the will, hṛdayāvídh pierced to the heart, manuja born of Manu.

1270. Compounds made with verbal derivatives in a, both of action and of agency, are numerous, and take the accent usually on their final syllable (as in the case of compounds with verbal prefixes: 1148 m).

a. Examples are: hastagrābhá hand-grasping, devavandá god-praising, haviradá devouring the offering, bhuvanacyavá shaking the world, vrātyabruvá calling one's self a vrātya; akṣaparājayá failure at play, vaṣaṭkārá utterance of vashaṭ, gopoṣá prosperity in cattle, an̄gajvará pain in the limbs.

b. In a few instances, the accent is (as in compounds with ordinary adjectives: above, 1268) that of the prior member: thus, marúdvṛdha, sutékara, divícara (and other more questionable words). And dúgha milking, yielding is so accented as final: thus, madhudúgha, kāmadúgha.

c. Case-forms are especially frequent in the prior members of compounds with adjective derivatives in a showing guṇa-strengthening of the root: thus, fox example, abhayaṁkará, yudhiṁgamá, dhanaṁjayá, puraṁdará, viçvambhará, divākará, talpeçayá, diviṣṭambhá.

1271. Compounds with verbal nouns and adjectives in ana are very numerous, and have the accent always on the radical syllable (as in the case of compounds with verbal prefixes: 1150 e).

a. Examples are: keçavárdhana hair-increasing, āyuṣpratáraṇa life-lengthening, tanūpā́na body-protecting; devahéḍana hatred of the gods, puṁsúvana giving birth to males.

b. A very few apparent exceptions as regards accent are really cases where the derivative has lost its verbal character: thus, yamasādaná Yama's realm, āchádvidhāna means of protection.

c. An accusative-form is sometimes found before a derivative in ana: thus, sarūpaṁkáraṇa, ayakṣmaṁkáraṇa, subhāgaṁkáraṇa, vanaṁkáraṇa.

1272. a. The action-nouns in ya (1213) are not infrequent in composition as final member, and retain their own proper accent (as in combination with prefixes). Sufficient examples were given above (1213).

b. The same is true of the equivalent feminines in yā́: see above, 1213 d.

c. The gerundives in ya (1213) hardly occur in the older language in combination with other elements than prefixes. The two nīvibhāryà and prathamavāsyà (the latter a descriptive) have the accent of the independent words of the same form; balavijñāyá and áçvabudhya (?) are inconsistent with these and with one another.

1273. Compounds made with the passive participle in ta or na have the accent of their prior member (as do the combinations of the same words with prefixes: 1085 a).

a. Examples are: hástakṛta made with the hand, vīrájāta born of a hero, ghóṣabuddha awakened by noise, prajā́patisṛṣṭa created by Prajāpati, devátta given by the gods; and, of participles combined with prefixes, índraprasūta incited by Indra, bṛ́haspátipraṇutta driven away by Brihaspati, ulkā́bhihata struck by a thunderbolt, vájravihata, saṁvatsarásammita commensurate with the year. AV. has the anomalous apsúsaṁçita quickened by the waters.

b. A number of exceptions occur, in which the final syllable of the compound has the accent: for example, agnitaptá, indrotá, pitṛvittá, rathakrītá, agnidagdhá (beside agnídagdha), kaviçastá (beside kavíçasta), kavipraçastá.

c. One or two special usages may be noticed. The participle gata, gone to, as final of a compound, is used in a loose way in the later language to express relation of various kinds: thus, jagatīgata existing in the world, tvadgata belonging to thee, sakhīgata relating to a friend, citragata in a picture, putragataṁ sneham affection toward a son, etc. The participle bhūta been, become is used in composition with a noun as hardly more than a grammatical device to give it an adjective form: thus, idaṁ tamobhūtam this creation, being darkness (existing in the condition of darkness); tāṁ ratnabhūtāṁ lokasya her, being the pearl of the world; kṣetrabhūtā smṛtā nārī bījabhūtaḥ smṛtaḥ pumān a woman is regarded as a field; a man, as seed; and so on.

d. The other participles only seldom occur as finals of compounds: thus, prāsakārmukabibhrat bearing javelin and bow, açāstravidvāṅs not knowing the text-books, arjunadarçivāṅs having seen Arjuna, apriyaçaṅsivāṅs announcing what is disagreeable, gāutamabruvāṇá calling himself Gautama.

1274. Compounds with derivatives in ti have (like combinations with the prefixes: 1157 e) the accent of the prior member.

a. Examples are: dhánasāti winning of wealth, sómapīti soma-drinking, deváhūti invocation of the gods, námaükti utterance of homage, havyádāti presentation of offerings; and so tokásāti, deváhiti, rudráhūti, sūktókti, svagā́kṛti, díviṣṭi.

b. In nemádhiti, medhásāti, vanádhiti (all RV.), the accent of the prior member is changed from penult to final.

c. Where the verbal character of the derivative is lost, the general rule of final accent (1267) is followed: thus, devahetí weapon of the gods, devasumatí favor of the gods, brahmacití Brahman-pile. Also in sarvajyāní entire ruin, the accent is that of compounds with ordinary nouns.

1275. Compounds with a derivative in in as final member have (as in all other cases) the accent on the ín.

a. Thus, ukthaçaṅsín psalm-singing, vratacārín vow-performing, ṛṣabhadāyín bullock-giving, satyavādín truth-speaking, çroṇipratodín thigh-pounding.

1276. There is a group of compounds with derivatives in i, having the accent on the penult or radical syllable.

a. Thus, pathirákṣi road-protecting, havirmáthi sacrifice-disturbing, ātmadū́ṣi soul-harming, pathiṣádi sitting in the path, sahobhári strength-bearing, vasuváni winning good-things, dhanasáni gaining wealth, manomúṣi mind-stealing, phalagráhi setting fruit; and, from reduplicated root, urucákri making room. Compounds with -sáni and -váni are especially frequent in Veda and Brāhmaṇa; as independent words, nouns, these are accented saní and vaní. In many cases, the words are not found in independent use. Combinations with prefixes do not occur in sufficient numbers to establish a distinct rule, but they appear to be oftenest accented on the suffix (1155 f).

b. From √han are made in composition -ghni and -ghnī, with accent on the ending: thus, sahasraghní, ahighnī́, çvaghnī́; -dhi from √dhā, (1155 g) has the accent in its numerous compounds: thus, iṣudhí, garbhadhí, pucchadhí.

1277. Compounds with derivatives in van have (like combinations with prefixes: 1169 c) the accent of the final member: namely, on the radical syllable.

a. Thus, somapā́van soma-drinking, baladā́van strength-giving, pāpakṛ́tvan evil-doing, bahusū́van much-yielding, talpaçī́van lying on a couch, rathayā́van going in a chariot, druṣádvan sitting on a tree, agrétvarī f. going at the head. The accent of the obscure words mātaríçvan and mātaríbhvan is anomalous.

b. The few compounds with final man appear to follow the same rule as those with van: thus, svādukṣádman sharing out sweets, āçuhéman steed-impelling.

1278. Compounds with other derivatives, of rare or sporadic occurrence, may be briefly noticed: thus, in u, rāṣṭradipsú, devapīyú, govindú, vanargú (?): compare 1178 e; — in nu or tnu, lokakṛtnú, surūpakṛtnú: compare 1196; — in tṛ, nṛpātṛ́, mandhātṛ́, haskartṛ́ (vasudhā́taras, AV., is doubtless a false reading). The derivatives in as are of infrequent occurrence in composition (as in combination with prefixes: above, 1151 k), and appear to be treated as ordinary nouns: thus, yajñavacás (but hiraṇyatéjas, AV.).

B. Descriptive Compounds.

1279. In this division of the class of determinatives, the prior member stands to the other in no distinct case-relation, but qualifies it adjectively or adverbially, according as it (the final member) is noun or adjective.

a. Examples are: nīlotpala blue lotus, sarvaguṇa all good quality, priyasakha dear friend, maharṣí great-sage, rajatapātrá silver cup; ájñāta unknown, súkṛta well done, duṣkṛ́t ill-doing, puruṣṭutá much praised, púnarṇava renewed.

b. The prior member is not always an adjective before a noun, or an adverb before an adjective; other parts of speech are sometimes used adjectively and adverbially in that position.

c. The boundary between descriptive and dependent compounds is not an absolute one; in certain cases it is open to question, for instance, whether a prior noun, or adjective with noun-value, is used more in a case-relation, or adverbially.

d. Moreover, where the final member is a derivative having both noun and adjective value, it is not seldom doubtful whether an adjective compound is to be regarded as descriptive, made with final adjective, or possessive, made with final noun. Sometimes the accent of the word determines its character in this respect, but not always.

e. A satisfactorily simple and perspicuous classification of the descriptive compounds is not practicable; we cannot hold apart throughout the compounds of noun and of adjective value, but may better group both together, as they appear with prefixed elements of various kinds.

1280. The simplest case is that in which a noun as final member is preceded by a qualifying adjective as prior member.

a. In this combination, both noun and adjective may be of any kind, verbal or otherwise. The accent is (as in the corresponding class of dependent noun-compounds: 1267) on the final syllable.

b. Thus, ajñātayakṣmá unknown disease, mahādhaná great wealth, kṣipraçyená swift hawk, kṛṣṇaçakuní black bird, dakṣiṇāgní southern fire, urukṣití wide abode, adharahanú lower jaw, itarajaná other folks, sarvātmán whole soul, ekavīrá sole hero, saptarṣí seven sages, tṛtīyasavaná third libation, ekonaviṅçatí a score diminished by one, jāgratsvapná waking sleep, yāvayatsakhá defending friend, apakṣīyamāṇapakṣá waning half.

c. There are not a few exceptions as regards accent. Especially, compounds with víçva (in composition, accented viçvá), which itself retains the accent: thus, viçvádevās all the gods, viçvámānuṣa every man. For words in ti, see below, 1287 d. Sporadic cases are madhyáṁdina, vṛṣā́kapi, both of which show an irregular shift of tone in the prior member; and a few others.

d. Instead of an adjective, the prior member is in a few cases a noun used appositionally, or with a quasi-adjective value. Thus, rājayakṣmá king-disease, brahmarṣi priest-sage, rājarṣi king-sage, rājadanta king-tooth, devajana god-folk, duhitṛjana daughter-person, çamīlatā creeper named çamī, muṣikākhyā the name "mouse", jayaçabda the word "conquer", ujhitaçabda the word "deserted"; or, more figuratively, gṛhanaraka house-hell (house which is a hell), çāpāgni curse-fire (consuming curse).

e. This group is of consequence, inasmuch as in possessive application it is greatly extended, and forms a numerous class of appositional compounds: see below, 1302.

f. This whole subdivision, of nouns with preceding qualifying adjectives, is not uncommon; but it is greatly (in AV., for example, more than five times) exceeded in frequency by the sub-class of possessives of the same form: see below, 1298.

1281. The adverbial words which are most freely and commonly used as prior members of compounds, qualifying the final member, are the verbal prefixes and the words of direction related with them, and the inseparable prefixes, a or an, su, dus, etc. (1121). These are combined not only with adjectives, but also, in quasi-adjectival value, with nouns; and the two classes of combinations will best be treated together.

1282. Verbal adjectives and nouns with preceding adverbs. As the largest and most important class under this head might properly enough be regarded the derivatives with preceding verbal prefixes. These, however, have been here reckoned rather as derivatives from roots combined with prefixes (1141), and have been treated under the head of derivation, in the preceding chapter. In taking up the others, we will begin with the participles.

1283. The participles belonging to the tense-systems — those in ant (or at), māna, āna, vāṅs — are only rarely compounded with any other adverbial element than the negative a or an, which then takes the accent.

a. Examples are: ánadant, ádadat, ánaçnant, ásravant, álubhyant, ádāsyant, áditsant, ádevayant; ámanyamāna, áhiṅsāna, áchidyamāna; ádadivāṅs, ábibhīvāṅs, atasthāna; and, with verbal prefixes, ánapasphurant, ánāgamiṣyant, ánabhyāgamiṣyant, ávirādhayant, ávicācalat, ápratimanyūyamāna.

b. Exceptions in regard to accent are very few: arundhatī́, ajárantī, acodánt (RV., once: doubtless a false reading; the simple participle is códant); AV. has anipádyamāna for RV. ánipadyamāna (and the published text has asaṁyánt, with a part of the manuscripts); ÇB. has akāmáyamāna.

c. Of other compounds than with the negative prefix have been noted in the Veda -punardīyamāna (in ápunard-) and súvidvāṅs. In alalābhávant and jañjanābhávant (RV.), as in astaṁyánt and astameṣyánt (AV.), we have participles of a compound conjugation (1091), in which, as has been pointed out, the accent is as in combinations with the verbal prefixes.

1284. The passive (or past) participle in ta or na is much more variously compounded; and in general (as in the case of the verbal prefixes: 1085 a) the preceding adverbial element has the accent.

a. Thus, with the negative a or an (by far the most common case): ákṛta, ádabdha, áriṣṭa, ánādhṛṣṭa, áparājita, ásaṁkhyāta, ánabhyārūḍha, áparimitasamṛddha; — with su, sújāta, súhuta, súsaṁçita, svàraṁkṛta; — with dus, dúçcarita, dúrdhita and dúrhita, dúḥçṛta; — with other adverbial words, dáṅsujūta, návajāta, sánaçruta, svayáṁkṛta, trípratiṣṭhita: áraṁkṛta and kakajā́kṛta are rather participles of a compound conjugation.

b. Exceptions in regard to accent are: with a or an, anāçastá, apraçastá, and, with the accent of the participle retracted to the root, amṛ́ta, adṛ́ṣṭa, acítta, ayúta myriad, atū́rta (beside átūrta), asū́rta (? beside sū́rta); — with su (nearly half as numerous as the regular cases), subhūtá, sūktá, supraçastá, svā́kta, sukṛtá and sujātá (beside súkṛta and sújāta), and a few others; with dus (quite as numerous as the regular cases), duritá (also dúrita), duruktá, duṣkṛtá (also dúṣkṛta), durbhūtá; with sa, sajātá; with other adverbs, amotá, ariṣṭutá, tuvijātá, prācīnopavītá, tadānīṁdugdhá, prātardugdhá, etc., and the compounds with puru, purujātá, puruprajātá, purupraçastá, puruṣṭutá, etc., and with svayam, svayaṁkṛtá etc. The proper name aṣāḍhá stands beside áṣāḍha; and AV. has abhinná for RV. ábhinna.

1285. The gerundives occur almost only in combination with the negative prefix, and have usually the accent on the final syllable.

a. Examples are: anāpyá, anindyá, abudhyá, asahyá, ayodhyá, amokyá; adviṣeṇyá; ahnavāyyá; and, along with verbal prefixes, the cases are asaṁkhyeyá, apramṛṣyá, anapavṛjyá, anatyudyá, anādhṛṣyá, avimokyá, anānukṛtyá (the accent of the simple word being saṁkhyéya etc.).

b. Exceptions in regard to accent are: ánedya, ádābhya, ágohya, ájoṣya, áyabhya. The two anavadharṣyà and anativyādhyà (both AV.) belong to the yà-division (1213 b) of gerundives, and have retained the accent of the simple word. And ághnya and aghnyá occur together.

c. The only compounds of these words with other adverbial elements in V. are súyabhya (accented like its twin áyabhya) and prathamavāsyà (which retains the final circumflex), and perhaps ekavādyá.

d. The neuter nouns of the same form (1213 c: except sadhástutya) retain their own accent after an adverbial prior member: thus, purvapā́yya, pūrvapéya, amutrabhū́ya; and sahaçéyya. And the negatived gerundives instanced above are capable of being viewed as possessive compounds with such nouns.

e. Some of the other verbal derivatives which have rules of their own as to accent etc. may be next noticed.

1286. The root-stem (pure root, or with t added after a short final vowel: 1147 d) is very often combined with a preceding adverbial word, of various kinds; and in the combination it retains the accent.

a. Examples are: with inseparable prefixes, adrúh not harming, asū́ not giving birth, arúc not shining; sukṛ́t well-doing, suçrút hearing well; duṣkṛ́t ill-doing, dūḍā́ç (199 d) impious; sayúj joining together, samád conflict; sahajā́ born together, sahaváh carrying together; — with other adverbs, amājúr growing old at home, uparispṛ́ç touching upward, punarbhū́ appearing again, prātaryúj harnessed early, sadyaḥkrī́ bought the same day, sākaṁvṛ́dh growing up together, sadaṁdí ever-binding, viṣūvṛ́t turning to both sides, vṛthāsáh easily overcoming; — with adjectives used adverbially, uruvyác wide-spreading, prathamajā́ first-born, raghuṣyád swift-moving, navasū́ newly giving birth, ekajá only born, çukrapíç brightly adorned, dvijá twice born, trivṛ́t triple, svarā́j self-ruling; — with nouns used adverbially, çambhū́ beneficent, sūryaçvít shining like the sun, īçānakṛ́t acting as lord, svayambhū́ self-existent; and, with accusative case-form, pataṁgá going by flight.

b. When, however, a root-stem is already in composition, whether with a verbal prefix or an element of other character, the further added negative itself takes the accent (as in case of an ordinary adjective: below, 1288 a): thus, for example, ánākṣit not abiding, ánāvṛt not turning back, ávidviṣ not showing hostility, áduṣkṛt not ill-doing, ánaçvadā not giving a horse, ápaçuhan not slaying cattle (anāgā́s would be an exception, if it contained √gā: which is very unlikely). Similar combinations with su seem to retain the radical accent: thus, supratúr, svābhū́, svāyúj: svā́vṛj is an unsupported exception.

c. A few other exceptions occur, mostly of doubtful character, as prátiprāç, sadhástha, ádhrigu, and the words having añc as final member (407 ff.: if this element is not, after all, a suffix): compare 1269 a.

1287. Other verbal derivatives, requiring to be treated apart from the general body of adjectives, are few and of minor importance. Thus:

a. The derivatives in a are in great part of doubtful character, became of the possibility of their being used with substantive value to make a possessive compound. The least ambiguous, probably, are the derivatives from present-stems (1148 j), which have the accent on the suffix: thus, asunvá, apaçyá, akṣudhyá, avidasyá, anāmṛṇá, sadāpṛṇá, punarmanyá; and with them belong such cases as atṛpá, avṛdhá, araṁgamá, urukramá, evāvadá, satrāsahá, punaḥsará, puraḥsará; and the nouns sāyambhavá, sahacārá, prātaḥsāvá, mithoyodhá. Differently accented, on the other hand, although apparently of the same formation, are such as ánapasphura, ánavahvara (compare the compounds noticed at 1286 b), sadā́vṛdha, sū́bharva, nyagródha, puroḍā́ça, sadhamā́da, sudúgha, supáca, suháva, and others. Words like adábha, durháṇa, sukára, suyáma, are probably possessives.

b. The derivatives in van keep in general the accent of the final member, on the root (compare 1169 c, 1277): thus, āçupátvan and raghupátvan swift-flying, puroyā́van going in front, sukṛ́tvan well-doing; and sutárman and suváhman and raghuyā́man are probably to be classed with them. But the negative prefix has the accent even before these: thus, áyajvan, árāvan, áprayutvan; and satyámadvan (if it be not possessive) has the accent of its prior member.

c. A few words in i seem to have (as in dependent compounds: 1276) the accent on the radical syllable: thus, durgṛ́bhi, ṛjuváni, tuviṣváṇi.

d. The derivatives in ti are variously treated: the negative prefix has always the accent before them: as, ácitti, ábhūti, ánāhūti; with su and dus, the compound is accented now on the prefix and now on the final, and in some words on either (súnīti and sunītí, dúṣṭuti and duṣṭutí); with other elements, the accent of the prefix prevails: thus, sáhuti, sadhástuti, puróhiti, pūrvápīti, pūrvyástuti.

e. The derivatives in in have, as in general, the accent on the suffix: thus, pūrvāsín, bahucārín, sādhudevín, savāsín, kevalādín. But, with the negative prefix, ánāmin, ávitārin.

f. Other combinations are too various in treatment, or are represented by too few examples in accentuated texts, to justify the setting up of rules respecting them.

1288. Of the remaining combinations, those made with the inseparable prefixes form in some measure a class by themselves.

1. a. The negative prefix a or an, when it directly negatives the word to which it is added, has a very decided tendency to take the accent.

b. We have seen above (1283) that it does so even in the case of present and perfect and future participles, although these in combination with a verbal prefix retain their own accent (1085: but there are exceptions, as avadánt, apaçyánt, etc. ÇB.); and also in the case of a root-stem, if this be already compounded with another element (1286 b). And the same is true of its other combinations.

c. Thus, with various adjective words: átandra, ádabhra, ádāçuri, ánṛju, ádevayu, átṛṣṇaj, átavyāṅs, ánāmin, ádvayāvin, ápracetas, ánapatyavant, ánupadasvant, ápramāyuka, ámamri, áprajajñi, ávidīdhayu, ánagnidagdha, ákāmakarçana, ápaçcāddaghvan. Further, with nouns, ápati, ákumāra, ábrāhmaṇa, ávidyā, āçraddhā, ávrātya.

d. But there are a number of exceptions, in which the accent is on the final syllable, without regard to the original accentuation of the final member: thus, for example, acitrá, açrīrá, aviprá, ayajñiyá, anāsmāká, asthūrí, anāçú, ajarayú, anāmayitnú; and in amítra enemy, and avī́ra unmanly, there is a retraction of the accent from the final syllable of the final member to its penult.

2. e. The prefixes su and dus have this tendency in a much less degree, and their compounds are very variously accented, now on the prefix, now on the final syllable, now on the accented syllable of the final member; and occasionally on either of two syllables.

f. Thus, for example, súbhadra, súvipra, súpakva, súbrāhmaṇa, súbhiṣaj; sutīrthá, suvasaná, suṣārathí, supāçá, sucitrá; suçéva, suhótṛ: suvī́ra is like avī́ra; — durmitrá, duṣvápnya; and ducchúnā (168 b), with irregular retraction of accent (çuná).

3. g. The compounds with sa^{[errata 1]} are too few to furnish occasion for separate mention; and those with the interrogative prefix in its various forms are also extremely rare in the Veda: examples are kucará, katpayá, kábandha, kunannamá, kumārá, kúyava, kuṣáva.

1. Original: sa was amended to sa: detail

1289. The verbal prefixes are sometimes used in a general adverbial way, qualifying a following adjective or noun.

a. Examples of such combinations are not numerous in the Veda. Their accentuation is various, though the tone rests oftenest on the preposition. Thus, ádhipati over-lord, áparūpa mis-form, prátiçatru opposing foe, prápada fore part of foot, práṇapāt great-grandchild, vípakva quite done, sámpriya mutually dear; upajíhvikā side tongue (with retraction of the accent of jihvā́); antardeçá intermediate direction, pradív forward heaven, prapitāmahá (also prápitāmaha) great-grandfather, pratijaná opponent, vyadhvá midway. These compounds are more frequent with possessive value (below, 1305).

b. This use of the verbal prefixes is more common later, and some of them have a regular value in such compounds. Thus, ati denotes excess, as in atidūra very far, atibhaya exceeding fear, átipūruṣa (ÇB.) chief man; adhi, superiority, as in adhidanta upper-tooth, adhistrī chief woman; abhi is intensive, as in abhinamra much incliving, abhinava span-new, abhirucira delightful; ā signifies somewhat, as in ākuṭila somewhat crooked, ānīla bluish; upa denotes something accessory or secondary, as in upapurāṇa additional Purāna; pari, excess, as in paridurbala very weak; prati, opposition, as in pratipakṣa opposing side, pratipustaka copy; vi, variation or excess, as in vidūra very far, vipāṇḍu greyish, vikṣudra respectively small; sam, completeness, as in sampakva quite ripe.

1290. Other compounds with adverbial prior members are quite irregularly accented.

Thus, the compounds with puru, on the final (compare the participles with puru, 1284 b): as, purudasmá, purupriyá, puruçcandrá; those with púnar, on the prior member, as púnarṇava, púnarmagha, púnaryuvan, púnarvasu (but punaḥsará etc.); those with satás, satīná, satyá, the same, as satómahant, satīnámanyu, satyámugra; a few combinations of nouns in tṛ and ana with adverbs akin with the prefixes, on the final syllable, as puraëtṛ́, puraḥsthātṛ́, upariçayaná, prātaḥsavaná; and miscellaneous cases are mithóavadyapa, háriçcandra, álpaçayu, sādhvaryá, yācchreṣṭhá and yāvacchreṣṭhá, jyógāmayāvin.

1291. One or two exceptional cases may be noted, as follows:

a. An adjective is sometimes preceded by a noun standing toward it in a quasi-adverbial relation expressive of comparison or likeness: e. g. çúkababhru (VS.) parrot-brown, ū́rṇāmṛdu (TB.) soft as wool, prāṇapriya dear as life, kuçeçayarajomṛdu soft as lotus-pollen, bakālīna hidden like a heron, mattamātan̄gagāmin moving like a maddened elephant.

b. An adjective is now and then qualified by another adjective: e. g. kṛṣṇāita dark-gray, dhūmrárohita grayish red: and compare the adjectives of intermediate direction, 1257 c.

c. The adjective pūrva is in the later language frequently used as final member of a compound in which its logical value is that of an adverb qualifying the other member (which is said to retain its own accent). Thus, dṛṣṭapūrva previously seen, pariṇītapūrva already married, aparijñātapūrva not before known, somapītapūrva having formerly drunk soma, strīpūrva formerly a woman.

III. Secondary Adjective Compounds.

1292. a. A compound having a noun as its final member very often wins secondarily the value of an adjective, being inflected in the three genders to agree with the noun which it qualifies, and used in all the constructions of an adjective.

b. This class of compounds, as was pointed out above (1247. III.), falls into the two divisions of A. Possessives, having their adjective character given them by addition of the idea of possessing; and B. those in which the final member is syntactically dependent on or governed by the prior member.

A. Possessive Compounds.

1293. The possessives are noun-compounds of the preceding class, determinatives, of all its various subdivisions, to which is given an adjective inflection, and which take on an adjective meaning of a kind which is most conveniently and accurately defined by adding having or possessing to the meaning of the determinative.

a. Thus: the dependent sūryatejás sun's brightness becomes the possessive sū́ryatejas possessing the brightness of the sun; yajñakāmá desire of sacrifice becomes yajñákāma having desire of sacrifice; the descriptive bṛhadratha great chariot becomes the possessive bṛhádratha having great chariots; áhasta not hand becomes ahastá handless; durgandhi ill savor becomes durgándhi of ill savor; and so on.

b. A copulative compound is not convertible into an adjective directly, any more than is a simple noun, but requires, like the latter, a possessive suffix or other means: e. g. vāgghastavant, doṣaguṇin, rajastamaska, açirogrīva, anṛgyajus. A very small number of exceptions, however, are found: thus, somendrá (TS.), stómapṛṣṭha (VS. TS.), hastyṛ̀ṣabha (ÇB.), dāsīniṣka (ChU.), and, later, cakramusala, sadānanda, saccidānanda, sān̄khyayoga (as n. pr.), balābala, bhūtabhāutika.

c. The name given by the native grammarians to the possessive compounds is bahuvrīhi: the word is an example of the class, meaning possessing much rice.

d. The name "relative", instead of possessive, sometimes applied to this class, is an utter misnomer; since, though the meaning of such a compound (as of any attributive word) is easily cast into a relative form, its essential character lies in the possessive verb which has nevertheless to be added, or in the possessive case of the relative which must be used: thus, mahākavi and āyurdā, descriptive and dependent, are "relative" also, who is a great poet, and that is life-giving, but bṛhadratha, possessive, means who has a great chariot, or whose is a great chariot.

1294. a. That a noun, simple or compound, should be added to another noun, in an appositive way, with a value virtually attributive, and that such nouns should occasionally gain by frequent association and application an adjective form also, is natural enough, and occurs in many languages; the peculiarity of the Sanskrit formation lies in two things. First, that such use should have become a perfectly regular and indefinitely extensible one in the case of compounded words, so that any compound with noun-final may be turned without alteration into an adjective, while to a simple noun must be added an adjective-making suffix in order to adapt it to adjective use: for example, that while hasta must become hastin and bāhu must become bāhumant, hiraṇyahasta and mahābāhu change from noun to adjective value with no added ending. And second, that the relation of the qualified noun to the compound should have come to be so generally that of possession, not of likeness, nor of appurtenance, nor of any other relation which is as naturally involved in such a construction: that we may only say, for example, mahābāhuḥ puruṣaḥ man with great arms, and not also mahābāhur maṇiḥ jewel for a great arm, or mahābāhavaḥ çākhāḥ branches like great arms.

b. There are, however, in the older language a few derivative adjective compounds which imply the relation of appurtenance rather than that of possession, and which are with probability to be viewed as survivals of a state of things antecedent to the specialization of the general class as possessive (compare the similar exceptions under possessive suffixes, 1230 g, 1233 f). Examples are: viçvā́nara of or for all men, belonging to all (and so viçvákṛṣṭi, -carṣaṇi, -kṣiti, -gotra, -manus, -āyu, and sarvápaçu, saptámānuṣa), viçváçārada of every autumn, vipathá for bad roads, dvirājá [battle] of two kings, áçvapṛṣṭha carried on horseback, vīrápastya abiding with heroes, pūrṇámāsa at full moon, adévaka for no divinity, bahudevata or -tyà for many divinities, aparisaṁvatsara not lasting a fall year, ekādaçakapāla for eleven dishes, somendrá for Soma and Indra. And the compounds with final member in ana mentioned at 1296 b are probably of the same character. But also in the later language, some of the so-called dvigu-compounds (1312) belong with these: so dvigu itself, as meaning worth two cows, dvināu bought for two ships; also occasional cases like devāsura [saṁgrāma] of the gods and demons, narahaya of man and horse, cakramusala with discus and club, gurutalpa violating the teacher's bed.

1295. The possessive compound is distinguished from its substrate, the determinative, generally by a difference of accent. This difference is not of the same nature in all the divisions of the class; but oftenest, the possessive has as a compound the natural accent of its prior member (as in most of the examples given above).

1296. Possessively used dependent compounds, or possessive dependents, are very much less common than those corresponding to the other division of determinatives.

a. Further examples are: mayū́raroman having the plumes of peacocks, agnítejas having the brightness of fire, jñātímukha wearing the aspect of relatives, pátikāma desiring a husband, hastipāda having an elephant's feet, rājanyàbandhu having kshatriyas for relatives.

b. The accent is, as in the examples given, regularly that of the prior member, and exceptions are rare and of doubtful character. A few compounds with derivatives in ana have the accent of the final member: e. g. indrapā́na serving as drink for Indra, devasádana serving as seat for the gods, rayisthā́na being source of wealth; but they contain no implication of possession, and are possibly in character, as in accent, dependent (but compare 1294 b). Also a few in as, as nṛcákṣas men-beholding, nṛvā́has men-bearing, kṣetrasā́dhas field-prospering, are probably to be judged in the same way.

1297. Possessively used descriptive compounds, or possessive descriptives, are extremely numerous and of every variety of character; and some kinds of combination which are rare in proper descriptive use are very common as possessives.

a. They will be taken up below in order, according to the character of the prior member — whether the noun-final be preceded by a qualifying adjective, or noun, or adverb.

1298. Possessive compounds in which a noun is preceded by a qualifying ordinary adjective are (as pointed out above, 1280 f) very much more common than descriptives of the same form.

a. They regularly and usually have the accent of their prior member: thus, anyárūpa of other form, ugrábāhu having powerful arms, jīváputra having living sons, dīrgháçmaçru longbearded, bṛhácchravas of great renown, bhū́rimūla many-rooted, mahā́vadha bearing a great weapon, viçvárūpa having all forms, çukrávarṇa of bright color, çivā́bhimarçana of propitious touch, satyásaṁdha of true promises, sárvān̄ga whole-limbed, sváyaças having own glory, háritasraj wearing yellow garlands.

b. Exceptions, however, in regard to accent are not rare (a seventh or eighth of the whole number, perhaps). Thus, the accent is sometimes that of the final member; especially with derivatives in as, as tuvirā́dhas, purupéças, pṛthupákṣas, and others in which (as above, 1296 b) a determinative character may be suspected: thus, urujráyas beside urujrí, uruvyácas beside uruvyác, and so on; but also with those of other final, as ṛjuhásta, çitikákṣa etc., kṛṣṇakárṇa, citradṛ́çīka, tuviçúṣma, ṛjukrátu, pṛthupárçu, puruvártman, raghuyā́man, vīḍupátman. In a very few cases, the accent is retracted from the final to the first syllable of the second member: thus, aṅhubhéda, tuvigrī́va, puruvī́ra, pururū́pa, çitibā́hu (also çitibāhú). The largest class is that of compounds which take the accent upon their final syllable (in part, of course, not distinguishable from those which retain the accent of the final member): for example, bahvanná, nīlanakhá, puruputrá, viçvān̄gá, svapatí, tuvipratí, pṛçniparnī́ f., darçataçrī́, pūtirajjú, asitajñú, pṛthugmán, bahuprajás.

c. The adjective víçva all, as prior member of a compound (and also in derivation), changes its accent regularly to viçvá; sárva whole, all does the same in a few cases.

1299. Possessive compounds with a participle preceding and qualifying the final noun-member are numerous, although such a compound with simple descriptive value is almost unknown. The accent is, with few exceptions, that of the prior member.

a. The participle is oftenest the passive one, in ta or na. Thus, chinnápakṣa with severed wing, dhṛtárāṣṭra of firmly held royalty, hatámātṛ whose mother is slain, iddhā́gni whose fire is kindled, uttānáhasta with outstretched hand, práyatadakṣiṇa having presented sacrificial gifts; and, with prefixed negative, áriṣṭavīra whose men are unharmed, átaptatanu of unburned substance, ánabhimlātavarṇa of untarnished color. Exceptions in regard to accent are very few: there have been noticed only paryastākṣá, vyastakeçī́ f., achinnaparṇá.

b. Examples occur of a present participle in the same situation. In about half the (accentuated) instances, it gives its own accent to the compound: thus, dyutádyāman, dhṛṣádvarṇa etc., çucádratha, rúçadvatsa etc., bhrā́jajjanman etc., saṁyádvīra, stanáyadama, sā́dhadiṣṭi; in the others, the accent is drawn forward to the final syllable of the participle (as in the compounds with governing participle: below, 1309): thus, dravátpāṇi etc. (dravát also occurs as adverb), rapçádūdhan, svanádratha, arcáddhūma, bhandádiṣṭi, krandádiṣṭi. With these last agrees in form jarádaṣṭi attaining old age, long-lived; but its make-up, in view of its meaning, is anomalous.

c. The RV. has two compounds with the perfect middle participle as prior member: thus, yuyujānásapti with harnessed coursers (perhaps rather having harnessed their coursers), and dadṛçānápavi (with regular accent, instead of dádṛçāna, as elsewhere irregularly in this participle) with conspicuous wheel-rims.

d. Of a nearly participial character is the prior element in çrútkarṇa (RV.) of listening ear; and with this are perhaps accordant dī́dyagni and sthā́raçman (RV., each once).

1300. Possessive compounds having a numeral as prior member are very common, and for the most part follow the same rule of accent which is followed by compounds with other adjectives: excepted are those beginning with dvi and tri, which accent in general the final member.

a. Examples with other numerals than dvi and tri are: ékacakra, ékaçīrṣan, ékapad, cáturan̄ga, cátuṣpakṣa, páñcān̄guri, páñcāudana, ṣáḍaçva, ṣáṭpad, saptájihva, saptámātṛ, aṣṭā́pad, aṣṭáputra, návapad, návadvāra, dáçaçākha, dáçaçīrṣan, dvā́daçāra, triṅçádara, çatáparvan, çatádant, sahásraṇāman, sahásramūla.

b. Exceptions in regard to accent are but few, and have the tone on the final syllable, whatever may be that belonging originally to the final member; they are mostly stems in final a, used by substitution for others in an, i, or a consonant: thus, caturakṣá etc. (akṣán or ákṣi: 431), ṣaḍahá etc. (áhan or áhar: 430 a), daçavṛṣá etc. (vṛ́ṣan), ekarātrá etc. (rā́tri or rā́trī), ekarcá etc. (ṛ́c); but also a few others, as ṣaḍyogá, aṣṭāyogá, çatārghá, sahasrārghá, ekapará (?).

c. The compounds with dvi and tri for the most part have the accent of their final member: thus, for example, dvijánman, dvidhā́ra, dvibándhu, dvivartaní, dvipád; tritántu, trinā́bhi, triçóka, trivárūtha, tricakrá, triçīrṣán, tripád. A number of words, however, follow the general analogy, and accent the numeral: thus, for example, dvípakṣa, dvíçavas, dvyā̀sya, tríṣandhi, tryàra, tryā̀çir, and sometimes dvípad and trípad in AV. As in the other numeral compounds, a substituted stem in a is apt to take the accent on the final: thus, dvivṛṣá and trivṛṣá, dvirājá, dvirātrá, tryāyuṣá, tridivá; and a few of other character with tri follow the same rule: thus, trikaçá, trināká, tribandhú, tryudhán, tribarhís, etc.

d. The neuter, or also the feminine, of numeral compounds is often used substantively, with a collective or abstract value, and the accent is then regularly on the final syllable: see below, 1312.

1301. Possessive compounds having as prior member a noun which has a quasi-adjective value in qualifying the final member are very frequent, and show certain specialities of usage.

a. Least peculiar is a noun of material as prior member (hardly to be reckoned as possessive dependents, because the relation of material is not regularly expressed by a case: 295): thus, híraṇyahasta gold-handed, híraṇyasraj with golden garlands, áyaḥsthūṇa having brazen supports, rajatánābhi of silver navel.

1302. Especially common is the use of a noun as prior member to qualify the other appositionally, or by way of equivalence (the occasional occurrence of determinatives of this character has been noticed above, 1280 d). These may conveniently be called appositional possessives. Their accent is that of the prior member, like the ordinary possessive descriptives.

a. Examples are: áçvaparṇa horse-winged, or having horses as wings (said of a chariot), bhū́migṛha having the earth as house, índrasakhi having Indra for friend, agníhotṛ having Agni as priest, gandharvápatnī having a Gandharva for spouse, çūráputra having hero-sons, jarā́mṛtyu having old age as mode of death, living till old age, agnívāsas fire-clad, tadanta ending with that, cāracakṣus using spies for eyes, víṣṇuçarmanāman named Vishnuçarman; and, with pronoun instead of noun, tvā́dūta having thee as messenger, tádapas having this for work. Exceptions in regard to accent occur here, as in the more regular descriptive formation: thus, agnijihvá, vṛṣaṇaçvá, dhūmaçikhá, pavīnasá, asāunā́ma, tatkúla, etc.

b. Not infrequently, a substantively used adjective is the final member in such a compound: thus, índrajyeṣṭha having Indra as chief, mánaḥṣaṣṭha having the mind as sixth, sómaçreṣṭha of which soma is best, ekapará of which the ace is highest (?), ásthibhūyas having bone as the larger part, chiefly of bone, abhirūpabhūyiṣṭha chiefly composed of worthy persons, daçāvara having ten as the lowest number, cintāpara having meditation as highest object or occupation, devoted to meditation, niḥçvāsaparama much addicted to sighing.

c. Certain words are of especial frequency in the compounds here described, and have in part won a peculiar application. Thus:

d. With ādi beginning or ādika or ādya first are made compounds signifying the person or thing specified along with others, such a person or thing et cetera. For example, devā indrādayaḥ the gods having Indra as first, i. e. the gods Indra etc., marīcyādīn munīn Marīci and the other sages, svāyambhuvādyāḥ saptāi ’te manavaḥ those seven Manus, Svāyambhuva etc., agniṣṭomādikān the sacrifices Agnishtoma and so on. Or the qualified noun is omitted, as in annapānendhanādīni food, drink, fuel, etc., dānadharmādikaṁ caratu bhavān let your honor practise liberality, religious rites, and the like. The particles evam and iti are also sometimes used by substitution as prior members: thus, evamādi vacanam words to this and the like effect; ato ‘ham bravīmi kartavyaḥ saṁcayo nityam ityādi hence I say "accumulation is ever to be made" etc.

e. Used in much the same way, but less often, is prabhṛti beginning: thus, viçvāvasuprabhṛtibhir gandharvāiḥ with the Gandharvas Viçvāvasu etc.; especially adverbially, in measurements of space and time, as tatprabhṛti or tataḥprabhṛti thenceforward.

f. Words meaning foregoer, predecessor, and the like — namely, pūrva, pūrvaka, puraḥsara, puraskṛta, purogama — are often employed in a similar manner, and especially adverbially, but for the most part to denote accompaniment, rather than antecedence, of that which is designated by the prior member of the compound: e. g. smitapūrvam with a smile, anāmayapraçnapūrvakam with inquiries after health, pitāmahapurogama accompanied by the Great Father.

g. The noun mātrā measure stands as final of a compound which is used adjectively or in the substantive neuter to signify a limit that is not exceeded, and obtains thus the virtual value of mere, only: thus, jalamātreṇa vartayan living by water only (lit. by that which has water for its measure or limit), garbhacyutimātreṇa by merely issuing from the womb, prāṇayātrikamātraḥ syāt let him be one possessing what does not exceed the preservation of life; uktamātre tu vacane but the words being merely uttered.

h. The noun artha object, purpose is used at the end of a compound, in the adverbial accusative neuter, to signify for the sake of or the like: thus, yajñasiddhyartham in order to the accomplishment of the sacrifice (lit. in a manner having the accomplishment of the sacrifice as its object), damayantyartham for Damayantī's sake (with Damayantī as object).

i. Other examples are ābhā, kalpa, in the sense of like, approaching: thus, hemābha gold-like, mṛtakalpa nearly dead, pratipannakalpa almost accomplished; — vidhā, in the sense of kind, sort: thus, tvadvidha of thy sort, púruṣavidha of human kind; — prāya, in the sense of mostly, often, and the like: thus, duḥkhaprāya full of pain, tṛṇaprāya abounding in grass, nirgamanaprāya often going out; — antara (in substantive neuter), in the sense of other: thus, deçāntara another region (lit. that which has a difference of region), janmāntarāṇi other existences, çākhāntare in another text.

1303. In appositional possessive compounds, the second member, if it designates a part of the body, sometimes logically signifies that part to which what is designated by the prior member belongs, that on or in which it is.

a. Thus, ghṛtápṛṣṭha butter-backed, mádhujihva honey-tongued, niṣkágrīva and maṇigrīva necklace-necked, pā́trahasta vessel-handed, vájrabāhu lightning-armed, ásṛn̄mukha blood-faced, kīlā́lodhan mead-uddered, vā́jajaṭhara sacrifice-bellied, vāṣpakaṇṭha with tears in the throat, çraddhā́manas with faith in the heart; with irregular accent, dhūmākṣī́ f. smoke-eyed, açrumukhī́ f. tear-faced; and khā́dihasta ring-handed (khādí). In the later language, such compounds are not infrequent with words meaning hand: thus, çastrapāṇi having a sword in the hand, laguḍahasta carrying a staff.

1304. Of possessive compounds having an adverbial element as prior member, the most numerous by far are those made with the inseparable prefixes. Their accent is various. Thus:

a. In compounds with the negative prefix a or an (in which the latter logically negatives the imported idea of possession), the accent is prevailingly on the final syllable, without regard to the original accent of the final member. For example: anantá having no end, abalá not possessing strength, arathá without chariot, açraddhá faithless, amaṇí without ornament, açatrú without a foe, avarmán not cuirassed, adánt toothless, apád footless, atejás without brightness, anārambhaṇá not to be gotten hold of, apratimāná incomparable, aducchuná bringing no harm, apakṣapucchá without sides or tail.

b. But a number of examples (few in proportion to those already instanced) have the prefix accented (like the simple descriptives: 1288 a): thus, ákṣiti indestructible, águ kineless, ágopā without shepherd, ájīvana lifeless, ánāpi without friends, áçiçvī f. without young, ámṛtyu deathless, ábrahman without priest, ávyacas without extension, áhavis without oblation, and a few others; AV. has áprajas, but ÇB. aprajás. A very few have the accent on the penult: namely, açéṣas, ajā́ni, and avī́ra (with retraction, from vīrá), apútra (do., from putrá); and AV. has abhrā́tṛ, but RV. abhrātṛ́.

c. In compounds with the prefixes of praise and dispraise, su and dus, the accent is in the great majority of cases that of the final member: thus, sukálpa of easy make, subhága well portioned, sunákṣatra of propitious star, suputrá having excellent sons, sugopā́ well-shepherded, sukīrtí of good fame, sugándhi fragrant, subāhú well-armed, suyáṁtu of easy control, sukrátu of good capacity, suhā́rd good-hearted, susráj well-garlanded, suvárman well-cuirassed, suvā́sas well-clad, supráṇīti well guiding; durbhága ill-portioned, durdṛ́çīka of evil aspect, durdhára hard to restrain, durgándhi ill-savored, durādhī́ of evil designs, durdhártu hard to restrain, duṣṭárītu hard to excel, duratyétu hard to cross, durdhúr ill-yoked, durṇā́man ill-named, durvā́sas ill-clad.

d. There are, however, a not inconsiderable number of instances in which the accent of these compounds is upon the final syllable: thus, suçiprá well-lipped, svapatyá of good progeny, susaṁkāçá of good aspect, svan̄gurí well-fingered, sviṣú having good arrows, supīvás well fatted; and compounds with derivatives in ana, as suvijñaná of easy discernment, sūpasarpaṇá of easy approach, duçcyavaná hard to shake; and AV. has suphalá and subandhú against RV. suphála and subándhu. Like avī́ra, suvī́ra shows retraction of accent. Only dúrāçir has the tone on the prefix.

e. On the whole, the distinction by accent of possessive from determinative is less clearly shown in the words made with su and dus than in any other body of compounds.

f. The associative prefix sa or (less often) sahá is treated like an adjective element, and itself takes the accent in a possessive compound: thus, sákratu of joint will, sánāman of like name, sárūpa of similar form, sáyoni having a common origin, sávācas of assenting words, sátoka having progeny along, with one's progeny, sábrāhmaṇa together with the Brahmans, sámūla with the root, sā́ntardeça with the intermediate directions; sahágopa with the shepherd, sahávatsa accompanied by one's young, sahápatnī having her husband with her, sahápūruṣa along with our men.

g. In RV. (save in a doubtful case or two), only saha in such compounds gives the meaning of having with one, accompanied by; and, since saha governs the instrumental, the words beginning with it might be of the prepositional class (below, 1310). But in AV. both sa and saha have this value (as illustrated by examples given above); and in the later language, the combinations with sa are much the more numerous.

h. There are a few exceptions, in which the accent is that of the final member: thus, sajóṣa, sajóṣas, sadṛ́ça, sapráthas, sabā́dhas, samanyú and AV. shows the accent on the final syllable in sān̄gá (ÇB. sā́n̄ga) and the substantivized (1312) savidyutá.

i. Possessive compounds with the exclamatory prefixes ka etc. are too few in the older language to furnish ground for any rule as to accent: kábandha is perhaps an example of such.

1305. Possessive compounds in which a verbal prefix is used as prior member with adjective value, qualifying a noun as final member, are found even in the oldest language, and are rather more common later (compare the descriptive compounds, above, 1289; and the prepositional, below, 1310). They usually have the accent of the prefix.

a. Most common are those made with pra, vi, and sam: thus, for example, prámahas having exceeding might, práçravas widely famed; vígrīva of wry neck, vyàn̄ga having limbs away or gone, limbless, víjāni wifeless, víparva and víparus jointless, vyàdhvan of wide ways, vímanas both of wide mind and mindless, vívācas of discordant speech; sámpatnī having one's husband along, sámmanas of accordant mind, sáṁsahasra accompanied by a thousand, sámokas of joint abode. Examples of others are: átyūrmi surging over, ádhivastra having a garment on, ádhyardha with a half over, ádhyakṣa overseer, ápodaka without water, abhírūpa of adapted character, ávatoka that has aborted, ā́manas of favorable mind, údojas of exalted power, nímanyu of assuaged fury, nírmāya free from guile, nírhasta handless.

b. In a comparatively small number of cases, the accent is otherwise, and generally on the final: thus, avakeçá, upamanyú, viçaphá, viçikhá (AV. víçikha), vikarṇá, saṁmātṛ́, etc.; in an instance or two, that of the final member: thus, samçíçvarī having a common young.

1306. Possessive compounds with an ordinary adverb as prior member are also found in every period of the language. They usually have the accent which belongs to the adverb as independent word.

a. Examples are: ántyūti bringing near help, avódeva calling down the gods, itáūti helping on this side, ihácitta with mind directed hither, dakṣiṇatáskaparda wearing the braid on the right side, nā́nādharman of various character, purudhápratīka of manifold aspect, viçvátomukha with faces on all sides, sadyáūti of immediate aid, víṣurūpa of various form, smádūdhan with udder, adhástāllakṣman with mark below, ekatomukha with face on one side, táthāvidha of such sort.

b. An instance or two of irregular accent are met with: thus, purorathá whose chariot is foremost, evaṁkratú so-minded.

1307. a. It was pointed out in the preceding chapter (1222 h) that the indifferent suffix ka is often added to a pure possessive compound, to help the conversion of the compounded stem into an adjective; especially, where the final of the stem is less usual or manageable in adjective inflection.

b. Also, the compound possessive stem occasionally takes further a possessive-making suffix: thus, yaçobhagín, suçiprin, varavarṇin, dīrghasūtrin, puṇyavāgbuddhikarmin, sutásomavant, tādṛgrūpavant, trayodaçadvīpavant, nārakapālakuṇḍalavant, amṛtabuddhimant.

c. The frequent changes which are undergone by the final of a stem occurring at the end of a compound are noticed further on (1315).

1308. The possessive compounds are not always used in the later language with the simple value of qualifying adjective; often they have a pregnant sense, and become the equivalents of dependent clauses; or the having which is implied in them obtains virtually the value of our having as sign of past time.

a. Thus, for example, prāptayāuvana possessing attained adolescence, i.e. having arrived at adolescence; anadhigataçāstra with unstudied books, i. e. who has neglected study; kṛtaprayatna possessing performed effort, i. e. on whom effort is expended; an̄gulīyakadarçanāvasāna having the sight of the ring as termination, i. e. destined to end on sight of the ring; uddhṛtaviṣādaçalyaḥ having an extracted despair-arrow, i. e. when I shall have extracted the barb of despair; çrutavistāraḥ kriyatām let him be made with heard details, i. e. let him be informed of the details; dṛṣṭavīryo me rāmaḥ Rāma has seen my prowess, bhagnabhāṇḍo dvijo yathā like the Brahman that broke the pots, uktānṛtam ṛṣiṁ yathā^{[errata 1]} like a sage that has spoken falsely.

1. Original: ukhānṛtam ṛṣiṁ yathā was amended to uktānṛtam ṛṣiṁ yathā: detail

B. Compounds with Governed Final Member.

1309. Participial Compounds. This group of compounds, in which the prior member is a present participle and the final member its object, is a small one (toward thirty examples), and exclusively Vedic — indeed, almost limited to the oldest Vedic (of the Rig-Veda). The accent is on the final syllable of the participle, whatever may have been the latter's accent as an independent word.

a. Examples are: vidádvasu winning good things, kṣayádvīra governing (kṣáyant) heroes, taráddveṣas overcoming (tárant) foes, ābharádvasu bringing good things, codayánmati inciting (codáyant) devotion, mandayátsakha rejoicing friends, dhārayátkavi sustaining sages, maṅhayádrayi bestowing wealth.

b. In sādádyoni sitting in the lap (sādat quite anomalously for sīdat or sadat), and spṛhayádvarṇa emulous of color, the case-relation of the final member is other than accusative. In patayán mandayátsakham (RV. i. 4. 7), patayát, with accent changed accordingly, represents patayátsakham, the final member being understood from the following word. Vidádaçva is to be inferred from its derivative vāídadaçvi. Of this formation appear to be jamádagni, pratádvasu (prathád?), and trasádasyu (for trasáddasyu?). It was noticed above (1299 c) that yuyujānásapti is capable of being understood as a unique compound of like character, with a perfect instead of present participle; sā́dhadiṣṭi, on account of its accent, is probably possessive.

1310. Prepositional Compounds. By this name may be conveniently called those combinations in which the prior member is a particle having true prepositional value, and the final member is a noun governed by it. Such combinations, though few in number as compared with other classes of compounds, are not rare, either in the earlier language or in the later. Their accent is so various that no rule can be set up respecting it.

a. Examples are: átyavi passing through the wool, atirātrá overnight, atimātrá exceeding measure; ádhiratha lying on the chariot, adhigavá belonging to the cow; adhaspadá under the feet, adhoakṣá below the axle; ánupatha following the road, anupūrvá following the one preceding, one after another, anuṣatyá in accordance with truth, anukū́la down stream, etc.; ántaspatha (with anomalously changed accent of antár), within the way, antardāvá within the flame (?), antarhastá in the hand; ántigṛha near the house; apiprā́ṇa accompanying the breath (prāṇá), ápivrata concerned with the ceremony, apiçarvará bordering on night, apikarṇá next the ear; abhijñú reaching to the knee, abhívīra and abhísatvan overcoming heroes; ā́pathi on the road, ā́deva going to the gods, ājarasá reaching old age, ādvādaçá up to twelve; upakakṣá reaching to the armpits, upottamá next to last, penultimate; upáribudhna above the bottom, upárimartya rising above mortals; tirojaná beyond people; niḥsālá out of the house; paripád (about the feet) snare, parihastá about the hand, bracelet; parókṣa out of sight, parómātra beyond measure, parogavyūtí beyond the fields, paraḥsahasrá (páraḥsahasra, ÇB.) above a thousand; purokṣá in front of the eyes; pratidosá toward evening, pratilomá against the grain, pratikū́la up stream, pratyákṣa before the eyes; bahiḥparidhí outside the enclosure; vípathi outside the road; samakṣá close to the eyes, in sight.

b. Compounds of this character are in the later language especially common with adhi: thus, adhyātma relating to the soul or self, adhiyajña relating to the sacrifice, etc.

c. A suffixal a is sometimes added to a final consonant, as in upānasá on the wagon, āvyuṣá until daybreak. In a few instances, the suffix ya is taken (see above, 1212 m); and in one word the suffix in: thus, paripanthín besetting the path.

d. The prepositional compounds are especially liable to adverbial use: see below, 1313 b.

Adjective Compounds as Nouns and as Adverbs.

1311. Compound adjectives, like simple ones, are freely used substantively as abstracts and collectives, especially in the neuter, less often in the feminine; and they are also much used adverbially, especially in the accusative neuter.

a. The matter is entitled to special notice only because certain forms of combination have become of special frequency in these uses, and because the Hindu grammarians have made out of them distinct classes of compounds, with separate names. There is nothing in the older language which by its own merits would call for particular remark under this head.

1312. The substantively used compounds having a numeral as prior member, along with, in part, the adjective compounds themselves, are treated by the Hindus as a separate class, called dvigu.

a. The name is a sample of the class, and means of two cows, said to be used in the sense of worth two cows; as also pañcagu bought for five cows, dvināu worth two ships, páñcakapāla made in five cups, and so on.

b. Vedic examples of numeral abstracts and collectives are: dvirājá [combat] of two kings, triyugá three ages, triyojaná space of three leagues, tridivá the triple heaven, pañcayojaná space of five leagues, ṣaḍahá six days' time, daçān̄gulá ten fingers' breadth; and, with suffix ya, sahasrāhṇyá thousand days' journey. Others, not numeral, but essentially of the same character, are, for example: anamitrá freedom from enemies, nikilbiṣá freedom from guilt, savidyutá thunderstorm, víhṛdaya heartlessness, and sáhṛdaya heartiness, sudivá prosperity by day, sumṛgá and suçakuná prosperity with beasts and birds. Feminines of like use are not quotable from RV. or AV.; later occur such as triçatī three hundred (481), trilokī the three worlds, pañcamūlī aggregate of five roots.

c. As the examples show, the accent of words thus used is various; but it is more prevailingly on the final syllable than in the adjective compounds in their ordinary use.

1313. Those adverbially used accusatives of secondary adjective compounds which have an indeclinable or particle as prior member are reckoned by the Hindu grammarians as a separate class of compounds, and called by the name avyayībhāva.

a. This term is a derivative from the compound verb (1094) made up of avyaya uninflected and √bhū, and means conversion to an indeclinable.

b. The prepositional compounds (1310) are especially frequent in this use: thus, for example, anuṣvadhám by one's own will, abhipūrvám and parovarám in succession, ādvādaçám up to twelve, pratidoṣám at evening, samakṣám in sight. Instances given by the grammarians are: adhihari upon Hari, uparājam with the king, upanadam or upanadi near the river, pratyagni toward the fire, pratiniçam every night, nirmakṣikam with freedom from flies.

c. A large and important class is made up of words having a relative adverb, especially yathā, as prior member. Thus, for example, yathāvaçám as one chooses (váça will), yathākṛtám as done [before], according to usage, yathānāmá by name, yathābhāgám according to several portion, yathān̄gám and yathāparú limb by limb, yatrakā́mam whither one will, yāvanmātrám in some measure, yāvajjīvám as long as one lives, yāvatsábandhu according to the number of relations.

d. These compounds are not common in the old language; RV. has with yathā only four of them, AV. only ten; and no such compound is used adjectively except yācchreṣṭha RV., yāvacchreṣṭhá AV. as good as possible. ÇB. has yathākārín, yathācārín, yáthākāma, yáthākratu as adjectives (followed in each case by a correlative táthā). The adjective use in the later language also is quite rare as compared with the adverbial.

e. Other cases than the accusative occasionally occur: thus, instrumental, as yathāsaṁkhyena, yathāçaktyā, yathepsayā, yathāpratiguṇāis; and ablative, as yathāucityāt.

f. A class of adverbs of frequent occurrence is made with sa: e. g. sakopam angrily, sādaram respectfully, sasmitam with a smile, saviçeṣam especially.

g. Other adverbial compounds of equivalent character occur earlier, and are common later: for example, ṛtekarmám without work, nānārathám on different chariots, ubhayadyús two days in succession, citrapadakramam with wonderful progress, pradānapūrvam with accompaniment of a gift; etc.

Anomalous Compounds.

1314. As in every language, compounds are now and then met with which are of anomalous character, as exhibiting combinations of elements not usually put together, or not after such a method, or for such a purpose. Some of these, especially of those occurring in the old language, may well be noticed here.

a. Compounds having a particle as final member: as, apratí having no equal, tuvipratí mightily opposing, átathā refusing, vitatha false, yathātathá as it really is, súsaha prosperity in companionship, aniha and anamutra having no here and no yonder, etc.

b. Agglomerations of two or more elements out of phrases: thus, ahampūrvá eager to be first, ahamuttará contest for preëminence, mamasatyá contest for possession, itihāsá legend (iti hā ”sa thus, indeed, it was), naghamārá and naghāriṣá not, surely, dying or coming to harm, kuvítsa some unknown person, tadídartha having just that as aim, kūcidarthín having errands in every direction, kācitkará doing all sorts of things, kuhacidvíd wherever found, akutaçcidbhaya out of all danger, yadbhaviṣya What-is-to-be, etc.

c. Agglomerations in which the prior member retains a syntactic form: as, anyonya and paraspara one another, avaraspara inverted.

d. Aggregations with the natural order inverted: e. g. pitāmahá and tatāmahá grandfather, putrahata with his sons slain, jānvākná and -jānvakta with bended knee, dantajāta provided with teeth, somāpahṛtá deprived of soma, pan̄ktírādhas having groups of gifts, gojara old bull, agrajihvá, agranāsikā, etc. tip of the tongue, of the nose, etc. Compare also 1291 c.

e. Aggregations of particles were pointed out above (1111 a); also (1122 e) cases in which ná and mā́ are used in composition.

f. In late Sanskrit (perhaps after the false analogy of combinations like tad anu, viewed as tadanu, with tad as stem instead of neuter accusative), a preposition is sometimes compounded as final member with the noun governed by it: e. g. vṛkṣādhas or vṛkṣādhastāt under the tree, dantāntaḥ between the teeth, bhavanopari on top of the house, satyavinā without truth.

Stem-finals altered in Composition.

1315. Transfers to an a-form of declension from other less common finals, which are not rare in independent use, are especially common in the final members of compounds. Thus:

a. A stem in an often drops its final consonant (compare 429 a, 437): examples are akṣa, adhva, arva, astha, aha, takṣa, brahma, mūrdha, rāja, loma, vṛṣa, çva, saktha, sāma.

b. An i or ī is changed to a: examples are an̄gula, añjala, açra, kukṣa, khāra, nada, nābha, bhūma, rātra, sakha.

c. An a is added after a final consonant, and sometimes after an u-vowel or a diphthong (compare 399): examples are ṛca, tvaca; uda, pada, çarada; apa; dhura, pura; ahna, açmana, ūdhna, rājña; anasa, ayasa, āyuṣa, urasa, enasa, tamasa, manasa, yajuṣa, rajasa, rahasa, varcasa, vedasa, çreyasa, sarasa; bhruva, diva, gava, gāva, nāva.

d. More sporadic and anomalous cases are such as: apanna-da (-dant), pañca-ṣa (-ṣaṣ), ajāika-pa (-pad), çata-bhiṣā (-bhiṣaj), vipaç-ci (-cit), yathā-pura (-puras).

Loose Construction with Compounds.

1316. In the looseness of unlimited and fortuitous combination, especially in the later language, it is by no means rare that a word in composition has an independent word in the sentence depending upon or qualifying it alone, rather than the compound of which it forms a part.

a. Examples are: rāyáskāmo viçvápsnyasya (RV.) desirous of all-enjoyable wealth; aṅhór urucákriḥ (RV.) causing relief from distress; mahādhané árbhe (RV.) in great contest and in small; svāhāṁ çrāiṣṭhyakāmaḥ (AÇS.) desiring superiority over his fellows; brāhmaṇāñ chrutaçīlavṛttasampannān ekena vā (AGS.) Brahmans endowed with learning, character, and behavior, or with one [of the three]; cittapramāthinī bālā devānām api (MBh.) a girl disturbing the minds even of the gods; vasiṣṭhavacanād ṛṣyaçṛn̄gasya co ’bhayoḥ (R.) at the words of both Vasishtha and Rishyaçringa, sītādravyāpaharaṇe çastrāṇām āuṣadhasya ca (M.) in case of stealing ploughing implements or weapons or medicament; jyotiṣām madhyacārī (H.) moving in the midst of the stars; dārupātraṁ ca mṛnmayam (M.) a wooden and an earthen vessel; syandane dattadṛṣṭiḥ (Ç.) with eye fixed on the chariot; tasminn ullambitamṛtaḥ (KSS.) dead and hanging upon it.