The Intellectual and the Labor Movement/Comment and Suggestions
Mr. Soule's pamphlet is confined primarily to the value of the technician in the practical work of the trade unions. Historically, the role of the intellectual or "theoretician" (as distinct from the technician) has always been to express the general social ideas of the labor movement, to formulate its political program and to discover and emphasize the common and ultimate interests of the entire working class in the everyday struggles of its.separate detachments. It is, in fact, the recognition that the class struggle of the workers inevitably leads to a higher social order that furnishes common ground for the intellectual idealists and practical trade unionists in the political and economic struggles of organized labor.
ETHICS AND THE LABOR MOVEMENT
A. J. Muste
(Brookwood Labor College)
Dealing with the possible ethical contribution to the radical movement, A. J. Muste, writes: "I believe that the labor movement is fundamentally the idealistic movement of our time; in some connection or other with it is the most tolerable place for the idealist to work. Undoubtedly, intellectuals with high ethical ideals can make a contribution to the solution of the ethical problems involved in labor union activities, provided that they never preach ethical ideals to labor unionists and almost never speak of them, and provided that their ethical convictions are not petrified dogmas mechanically applied to living situations, but hypotheses fearlessly lived by so long as no better are in sight, but constantly tested by being made to meet (not evade) situations and thus enriched and corrected. On the other hand, we need a new statement of ethics in general. The philosopher, who is going to do it, will have to get much of his material from the labor movement and will in turn render a profound service to it."
LABOR BANKING AND POLITICS
Frederic C. Howe
(Secretary, Conference for Progressive Political Action)
There is a large field for the intellectual, so called, in the labor movement in the new economic activities being taken on by the international organizations, During the past two years at least thirteen banks have been organized by labor groups, mostly from the railway unions. The Brotherhood of Locomotive Engineers' Cooperative National Bank of Cleveland has grown to nearly $20,000,000 in resources in two years' time. Other banks have also shown a remarkable growth. The cooperative movement is making headway among the railway workers and miners. So also is group buying. The last election showed the possibilities of a labor political movement in this country. In the central and western states the forces of organized labor were mobilized as they never had been before. They worked intelligently and with a generous spirit of cooperation. The labor vote should be mobilized in our cities' elections. That is probably where labor will begin its real political salvation. From that it will move on.
Editor's Note: Labor banking in this country has been one of the most interesting and significant of the recent developments in the labor movement. In November, 1920, the Brotherhood of Locomotive Engineers opened a bank in Cleveland with a capital stock of $1,000,000, all of the stock being subscribed by members of the union. In the previous May, the International Association of Machinists opened the Mount Vernon Savings Bank in Washington, D. C., although this bank is in part owned by outsiders. The Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America followed suit in May, 1922, forming the Amalgamated Trust and Savings Bank of Chicago,—a 100 per cent labor bank. Labor banks have also been established in Philadelphia and in other parts of the country. The Locomotive Engineers have purchased a considerable block in the Empire Trust Company of New York, and this organization, the Amalgamated Clothing Workers, the International Ladies' Garment Workers' and the Central Trades and Labor Council of New York are all going into banking in the Metropolis. There is here, therefore, a growing field for the technical trained banker with labor sympathies.
Labor has not as yet developed in this country a strong independent political movement as in European countries. In Great Britain intellectuals of the type of Sydney and Beatrice Webb, J. Ramsay Macdonald, Philip Snowden, H. N. Brailsford, et al., have given their energies and talents to labor on the political field. Thus far labor has sought to elect to office in this country men more or less friendly to labor in the older political parties. The Conference for Progressive Political Action, formed in February, 1922, as a result of a call of the machinists, railroad brotherhoods, etc., may later develop a powerful national Labor Party. In the meanwhile, the Socialist Party, the Nonpartisan League, the Farmer-Labor Party and the Workers' Party are functioning as parties of labor and the farmer. In some states these groups have combined into a local Labor Party. They have elected numerous congressmen, senators, state legislators and municipal councillors.
Intellectuals function in a labor political movement as speakers, secretaries, organizers, writers, research workers, "lobbyists," legislators, administrators, etc.
The principal labor political groups in the United States include:
Conference for Progressive Political Action, Machinist Building, Washington, D. C.
Farmer-Labor Party, 166 W. Washington Street, Chicago, Ill.
National Non-Partisan League, St. Paul, Minn.
Non-Partisan Political Campaign Committee, A. F. of L., A. F. of L. Building, Washington, D. C.
Socialist Party, 2418 W. Madison St., Chicago, Ill.
Workers’ Party, 799 Broadway, New York City.
A CHANCE TO JOIN THE UNION MOVEMENT
Henry R. Linville
(President, The Teachers Union, New York City.)
Teaching is a job worth while socially, and most persons like to teach somewhere and under certain conditions. There are unions of teachers, and they are in the thick of the union movement. They are the real thing. Teachers' unions everywhere in this country are well received by trade union men and women, and give substantial aid in the struggle for the common good. In one sense, organized teachers as a group should be natural leaders in the union movement. They join a teachers' union because they realize the force of the argument that each social group must organize in a fundamental social movement to improve its own working conditions. Moreover, teaching itself is social work. Good teaching helps everybody.
Many teachers' union members work as teachers in workers' education movements. In the cities of New York, Boston, Washington, Atlanta, Chicago, St. Paul, Portland, Oregon, and San Francisco, the workers are being taught in part by members of teachers' unions. The workers prefer to have union teachers.
There may be just one reason why potentially good teachers would hold off from going into teaching as a business. And that reason is connected with the existence of bad conditions. Private schools are often controlled by ultra-conservative financial, social or ecclesiastical interests. Public schools—in which the demand for teachers is greatest—are run largely by politicians. They are conducted without social idealism of a high type, too often by a lot of persons in the administration and among the teachers who regard teaching as a tough job rather than as a social opportunity. Nevertheless, there is the opening for intelligent persons of social vision. The break must come some time. We want big, live and enlightened men and women in the school systems to help in educational reconstruction which is sure to come. When such persons begin to come in, society and the teachers themselves will take a big jump ahead. WORKERS' EDUCATION
Arthur Gleason
Workers' education is not a course on things in general. It presupposes that labor is gaining power rather rapidly, that something like a crisis will be reached within two generations. It is the humanly imperfect effort to meet that situation of responsibility. …
With the alliance of labor and scholarship in workers' education will come a new unionism, an intelligent journalism, a group of interesting teachers. No big rewards and no newspaper fame await the pioneers of this emancipation. Neither teachers nor students will profit by one penny through their devotion. Workers' education does not say "come and be comfortable." It cannot be dressed in the garments of success. It demands the impossible. It calls for hard and clear thinking, for lonely work, for slow results and unregarded growth. The faithful servant of this calling may read “his victory in his children’s eyes," but he will not live to see the day of its advent. He is building for a long future.
Editor’s Note: Workers' education, conducted under distinct trade union auspices, began in this country with the establishment of an educational department of the International Ladies' Garment Workers' Union in 1916. Prior to this date, however, we find a number of institutions such as the Rand School for Social Science (organized in 1906), and the National Women's Trade Union League, engaged in the task of workers' education. By 1923, the number of trade union colleges and labor schools had grown to about fifty. Such international organizations as the International Ladies' Garment Workers' Union (3 West 16th Street, New York City), and the Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America (31 Union Square, New York City), have active educational departments, while central trades councils in Boston, Philadelphia and many other cities have organized city labor colleges. The Pennsylvania Federation of Labor conducts a state wide educational work.
In the spring of 1921, the Workers' Education Bureau of America was formed to collect and disseminate information relative to efforts at education conducted by any part of organized labor, to coordinate the work throughout the nation and encourage the formation of additional enterprises. It publishes text-books, conducts a loan library department, assists in supplying teachers, etc. Its headquarters is 476 West 24th Street, N. Y. C., Spencer Miller, Jr., an Amherst graduate, is Secretary of the Bureau which is now under A. F. of L. auspices. An interesting development in workers’ education has been the organization, in 1921, of a residence labor college, Brookwood Labor College, at Katonah, N. Y., with A. J. Muste, as chairman of the faculty, and Toscan Bennett as executive secretary.
WANTED FOR PUBLIC SERVICE
The Public Ownership League of America, 127 N. Dearborn St., Chicago, Ill., needs a thousand men and women for public service. The cities of America, the states and the nation need and cry out for men who will train and qualify themselves, discipline and equip themselves for specific tasks in the public service.
Everywhere our cities are struggling with their utility problems—their street car service, water works, gas plants, electric light and power plants. The Public Ownership League is organizing and marshalling the forces that help in these struggles. It supplies the facts and information which it has laboriously collected through years of patient research work; it furnishes speakers, writers or campaign managers; it supplies engineers to build the plant, or valuation experts to see that the city is not defrauded in a purchase price; and, where needed, it supplies attorneys to help the city fight its legal battles. In short the League endeavors to help a city or community at every step of the way in the specific task of securing the public ownership and efficient operation of the public utilities.
And scarcely a day passes that the League does not help some city somewhere in securing the public ownership of one or the other of its public utilities. Over 750 cities have installed municipal electric light and power plants since the League began its work and at least 50 of these have been directly assisted by the League while scores of others have been helped indirectly. And the field grows daily. What the League has been doing heretofore in helping the individual city here and there, it must now do on a much larger scale. For a new phase of the public utility problem has arisen—that of the private monopoly in the hydro-electric and superpower field. The private corporations are swiftly seizing upon every possible resource of water power and coal for the production of electric current, capturing and consolidating both private and municipal plants and tieing them into vast interconnected superpower systems. Thus they will shortly be in complete control of the hydro-electric and superpower field in America and controlling the power they will control every phase of modern civilization. For electricity is the power of the future. For the home, for industry, transportation, mining and for agriculture—electricity from now on is the one absolute essential. He who controls the power controls all.
Hence the commanding need for public ownership in this larger field. And the Public Ownership League is organizing forces, drafting and introducing bills, pressing publicity in a dozen states at once. But the need and the task grow daily. There is need for engineers, writers, organizers, speakers, utility specialists, research workers, attorneys.
LABOR RESEARCH
Labor during the past few years has been learning the value of facts—facts on wages, on profits, on the cost of living, on living standards, on the state of the market, on the efficiency of the industry, etc.; facts to serve as a basis for union strategy; facts to present to the public in time of strike; facts to bring before the impartial arbitrators in the settlement of labor controversies.
To obtain and present these facts in the most effective manner, some international unions, such as the Amalgamated Clothing Workers, have organized their own research departments. Others, as in the case of the railway crafts, have combined with allied unions in establishing a joint bureau with headquarters in Chicago. A third group has hired economists and statisticians of the type of W. Jett Lauck of Washington. Others still are employing such statistical bureaus as the Labor Bureau, Inc., on a fee basis to do specific jobs. Labor organizations have also received a considerable amount of voluntary assistance from such organizations as the Bureau of Industrial Research.
The following addresses of labor research groups may be noted:
Labor Bureau, Inc., 2 West 43rd St., New York City.
Publicity and Information Service, A. F. of L. Building, Washington, D. C.
W. Jett Lauck, Southern Building, Washington, D. C.
Research Department, Railway Employees Department, A. F. of L., 4750 Broadway, Chicago, Ill.
Research Department, Industrial Workers' of the World, 1001 W. Madison St., Chicago, Ill.
Research Department, Amalgamated Clothing Workers, Dr. Leo Wolman, Director, 31 Union Square, New York City.
Bureau of Industrial Research, 289 Fourth Ave., New York City.
Research Department, Rand School of Social Science, 7 E. 15th Street, New York City.
A number of other labor organizations have research and publicity departments more or less developed.
The Industrial Workers of the World have also taken a keen interest of late in industrial research.
OTHER OPPORTUNITIES
Frank V. Anderson, librarian, calls attention to the need for labor architects and managers for trade union buildings, and for labor librarians. Bruno Lasker, in elaborating on the need for the last named group, has the following to say:
"Librarianship is becoming of increasing importance but is usually badly done if at all. Each of the larger craft unions should, for the use of its officers and members, have a library of books, laws, pamphlets, clippings."
LABOR'S HEALTH SERVICE
The labor movement of the country has recently given increasing attention to the health of its members. A significant development in this field has been the organization of the Workers' Health Bureau on July 1, 1921, to serve organized labor in the field of Health, formed in the belief that trade unions should assume a new function, namely the protection of workers' bodies against the ravages of occupational diseases.
The Bureau acts as an engineering body, studies health destroying processes in the various sections of a trade, analyzes harmful materials, works out a program of health education and builds up on this information a health plan suited to the needs of the particular group of local unions uniting for the work.
The program is to be carried out in each trade union through the establishment of a Health Department, financed and controlled by the union: membership. In other words, this is the application of the cooperative principle to medical science.
The Bureau, with headquarters at Broadway and Eleventh Street, New York City, is supported by yearly affiliation fees from locals joining the Bureau.
LAWYERS AND LABOR
A labor union is a business organization, engaged in selling the services of its members for the best price it can get. In the course of that business from time to time it has legal work to be done. Such legal work may be of various sorts, such as advising as to employment contracts, appearing at wage arbitrations, contesting the claim so often made that the unions are conspiracies either in restraint of trade or to serve some other unlawful purpose. Members of labor organizations accused of unlawful acts are entitled to legal defence.
The conscientious lawyer in active practice should be ready to accept retainers from labor organizations for such work and he should be ready to accept them irrespective of what his other clients may think of it. He is a technician and he should be ready to put his technical skill at the service of the unions when called upon. And, moreover, the lawyer who is ready and willing to undertake work of that sort should fit himself for it by learning something about the present condition of the unions and their history and background. Those are subjects which are only just beginning to be taught at a few law schools, yet the lawyer who intends to number labor unions among his clients must know them if he is to do good work.
The law of industrial disputes is at the present time in the process of rapid growth. It is fast being molded by judicial decisions and is becoming a branch of the law more and more important to the community as a whole. Its growth along more equitable lines can be assisted only by the skillful and able presentation of the unions’ side of the controversies which constantly arise. That is the job of the lawyer who would be of service to the labor movement.
ENGINEERS AND THE HUMAN MACHINE
The engineer is the man who applies the physical sciences to the production of wealth. He has been responsible for the development of steel mills, railroads, radio and water power. Science is his handmaiden. To him the earth gives up her oil and her coal, and the trees their rubber. No profession appeals more strongly to the imagination. No profession is nearer, apparently, to the center of modern civilization.
And yet the engineer finds himself a less and less dominating force in industry. He no longer controls his own time, nor determines the direction of his own efforts. Like a blind Samson he turns the mill for others, often far less strong than he.
The engineer has remained too completely an engineer. While he has been working with machines and materials, others have mastered the human machine in which he is no more than a cog.
With the rise of the corporation there has evolved the new business of "ownership." The engineer finds his time and his opportunities "owned" by others—not human employers with whom he can talk—but boards of directors to whose single purpose, the making of profits, all his activities must contribute. These new "owners" are wise in their generation and they pay him well for his services.
But he is not blind. He is aware of the increasingly subordinate position to which he is being relegated, and he is beginning to study the human machine with the same analytical mind with which he has solved so many mechanical problems. There are already some notable examples of engineers who have mastered the operation of the human machine, and it may be that out of the minds of men trained to produce rather than to exploit, a new social consciousness will be born.
MINISTERS AND LABOR
The average church contains a mixture of economic groups in varying proportions, each group thinking economically in its own terms. The minister or priest can interpret those two groups to each other, stressing the dominant human note that is back of labor's aspirations. Much excellent work along that line has been done through newspapers in small cities where a minister conducts a column into which he can put matter that ordinarily gets into the news columns.
In choosing a particular congregation to work in the minister can pick one which is preponderantly labor in its make-up (for there are such in every denomination) and give himself fully to forwarding the spiritual interests of the group. In times of strike or industrial cleavage a minister can often assist definitely in getting the fundamental facts before the public either directly through the press or through the organization of a committee of broad-minded men and women. Ministers have sometimes aided the cause of labor by acting as watchers when picketing is going on in order to testify in regard to illegal interference. Others have opened their churches or other buildings to strikers to whom public halls have been barred. The large number of cases where ministers have been called in as arbitrators in labor disputes suggests another field for those who have won a reputation for fair-minded dealing as well as interest in the human problems involved. The Labor College movement has had conspicuous assistance from ministers in various cities. The Forum movement which has provided platforms from which various angles of the labor problem could be discussed before a general public has had large backing from ministers, George Lackland estimating that more than fifty per cent of such forums are to be found in churches.
In general, the minister’s best field in connection with labor is, from the peculiar nature of his position, primarily that of mediation in such forms as have been suggested above rather than that of direct participation. But the synthesizing element which he can thus supply is one which is especially needed at this time. There is a certain risk that the minister may lose his job by this course of action, but that risk is less than it sometimes seems and there is no job worth while that does not involve risk.
The cooperative movement is still weak in the United States. Therefore at first sight it seems to offer fewer opportunities to the intellectual than the labor movement. As a matter of fact, however, it may offer more. Many a sincere and capable young fellow has sought entrance to the labor movement only to find on getting in that his economic interests were not those of the manual worker and that he did not naturally belong there. There is no such barrier to the consumers' cooperative movement. The intellectual and the laborer, as consumers, have identical economic interests; and many an intellectual has been amazed to see how readily the cooperative society welcomes him even into a position of responsibility.
Also, because of the variety of commercial enterprises which are the legitimate prey of the cooperative society, the demand for skilled workers is much more varied than in the organized labor movement. Today intellectuals, as cooperators, are active in many of the following professions or lines of business and the demand for such experts is increasing: Accountancy, publicity, law, research, teaching, organization work, architecture, store management and merchandising, bakery management, restaurant management, laundry management, banking, insurance, dairying, contracting and building, coal distribution.
The average intellectual probably does not care to be professionally employed by any radical movement; he may desire to serve some one of them voluntarily as the opportunity arises.
Editor's Note: The Cooperative League of America, 167 West 12th Street, New York City, Dr. James P. Warbasse, President, is the foremost educational body in the country devoted to the interest of consumers' cooperation.
The All American Cooperative Commission, 806 B. of L. E. Building, Cleveland, Ohio, gives considerable attention to producers' as well as consumers' cooperative enterprises.
The American Federation of Labor also has a committee on cooperation.
WANTED: LABOR PAPER EDITORS
(Formerly City Editor New York Sun, Director Bureau of Industrial Research)
How long would it take to become a labor paper editor?
To be a good one, about four years. Two to learn the newspaper job; one to learn the economics of the trade you propose to labor in and to serve; one to learn how to work with leaders.
Four years looks longish to the youth of twenty-one; would it be worth while? Don’t judge wholly by the present perspective. The day of the labor editor is just commencing.
Newspapering is a trade. Avoid the set schools of journalism, training for the commercial press. Get job after job as reporter or copyreader on six or eight papers and one news agency in as many cities, including a metropolitan paper, a big small-town paper, and one in a state capital or in Washington. Learn something about the business office—the advertising revenue and circulation—and about the printing plant of each paper you work on. Study the news agencies. Your ambition is to lose your job the minute you have made good on it. Good reporters can bum it from desk to desk as successfully as good plumbers.
In these two years you will happen on your quota of labor stories to cover. The machinists, the railroaders, the miners, the printers, or some one piece of the trade union movement gets more and more of your interest. Put on overalls, break a bone or two, live lean and fight around inside your fellows' union. Beside observing what they don't read, you will learn what men live for and what little they work for.
It will take six months to study hard the economics of one or two of the great industries, yours among them; for the news of your future career is largely a new kind of news.
With trade union status, you will be leaving the local union in the direction of your real job—the labor press—probably via the road of publicity man in a strike, or in an organizing or defense campaign. You will work with six leaders and disagree with five. You will learn to assert that independence of judgment which is the backbone of any sound press; and to practice that cooperation which abides by the mistakes of fellow workers.
Thus you find that spot in the movement which needs a labor paper or that sheet which might be a paper if it had an editor. There are a hundred such needy places right now.
This piece reads like a prescription. It is written for one hundred men leaving college or wanting to leave newspapers, young, of good heart, vertebrae and intestines, but suffering dull pains whenever they think of a life-work. The prescription mainly assures them of a decent living while taking the cure.
NOTES ON LABOR PAPERS
The Federated Press, Carl Haessler, manager, 511 N. Peoria St., Chicago, Ill. Supplies more than 100 labor papers with 4 daily news service.
There are several hundred labor papers in the country. among those of outstanding importance are:
MONTHLIES
The Locomotive Engineers' Journal, Albert C. Coyle, acting editor, B, L. E. Building, Cleveland, Ohio. This journal has of late developed features of great interest to all students of labor problems. Magazine of Locomotive Enginemen and Firemen, John McNamee, editor, Guardian Building, Cleveland, Ohio. Machinists' Journal, Fred Hewitt, editor, Machinists' Building, Washington, D. C. The American Federationist, Samuel Gompers, editor, Washington, D. C. International Molders' Journal, John P. Frey, editor, Box 699, Cincinnati, Ohio. The United Mine Workers' Journal, Indianapolis, Ind. International Typographical Journal, Bankers Trust Building, Indianapolis, Ind.
WEEKLIES
Justice,; organ of International Ladies' Garment Workers' Union, Max D. Danish, editor, 3 W. 16th St., New York City. Advance, organ of Amalgamated Clothing Workers, Joseph Schlossberg, editor, 31 Union Square, New York City. Industrial Solidarity, I. W. W. organ, 1001 W. Madison St., Chicago, Ill. The Illinois Miner, Illinois Miners' Building, Springfield, Ill.
DAILIES
New York Call, Minneapolis Daily Star, Seattle Union Record, Milwaukee Leader, Oklahoma Leader, Jewish Daily Forward (Yiddish).
Among papers not the organ of any particular union, but which deal with various phases of the labor problem are:
Labor Age, Louis Budenz, manager, 16th Street and Seventh Avenue, New York City. This monthly devotes each issue to some constructive feature of the labor movement in America.
Labor Herald, William Z. Foster, editor, 118 N. LaSalle Street, Chicago, Ill., organ of the Trade Union Educational League. Devoted to development of a program of industrial unionism among American trade unions.
Liberator, 799 Broadway, New York City. Organ of Workers' Party.
The National Leader, Box 2072, Minneapolis, Minn. Monthly. Organ of National Non-Partisan League.
The Socialist World, 2418 W. Madison St., Chicago, Ill. Organ of the Socialist Party.
Labor, Edward Keating, editor, Machinist Building, Washington, D. C, Weekly. Supported by railroad unions.
New Majority, 166 W. Washington St., Chicago, Ill. Weekly. Organ of Farmer-Labor Party.
The Nation, 20 Vesey St., New York City; New Republic, 421 W. 21st St., New York City; The Survey, 112 East 19th St., New York City; The Freeman, 116 W. 13th St., New York City; World Tomorrow, 396 Broadway, New York City; Arbitrator, 114 E. 31st St., New York City; also deal extensively with various phases of labor.
A FEW "BRAIN WORKERS" UNIONS
American Federation of Teachers, F. J. Stecker, Secretary, 166 W. Washington Street, Chicago, Ill.
The Press Writers' Union of New York City, Arthur Warner, George Soule, Room 932, 70 Fifth Avenue, New York City.
Associated Actors and Artists of America, H. Montford, 1440 Broadway, New York City. This organization includes groups specifically representative of vaudeville actors, opera choruses, etc. The Actors' Equity Association, Frank Gilmore, Secretary, 115 W. 47th Street, New York City, contains most of the prominent English speaking actors.
National Federation of Federal Employes, E. J. Newmyer, 1423 New York Avenue, N. W., Washington, D. C.
American Federation of Musicians, W. Kerngood, 239 Halsey Street, Newark, N. J.
Retail Clerks' International Protective Association, H. J. Conway, Lock Drawer 248, Lafayette, Ind.
ORGANIZATIONS PROMOTING LABOR LEGISLATION
During the past twenty years, a number of men and women outside of the labor movement have done and are continuing to do valuable work for labor in promoting protective legislation for women and children workers; legislation improving the health conditions, ameliorating the unemployment problem, etc.
The associations include:
American Association for Labor Legislation, Dr. John B. Andrews, Secretary, 131 East 23rd Street, New York City.
National Consumers' League, Mrs. Florence Kelley, General Secretary, 44 E. 23rd St., New York City.
National Child Labor Association, Owen R. Lovejoy, Secretary, 105 E. 22nd St., New York City.
Peoples' Legislative Service, Basil Manly, 605 Fendall Bldg., Washington, D. C.
EDUCATIONAL GROUPS
More purely educational groups which utilize brain workers in activities that relate to the labor movement include:
The League for Industrial Democracy, 70 Fifth Avenue, New York City.
Public Ownership League of America, Carl D. Thompson, Secretary, 127 N. Dearborn Street, Chicago, Ill.
RELIGIOUS GROUPS INTERESTED IN LABOR
Church League for Industrial Democracy, (Episcopal), Rev. F. B. Barnett, Wrightstown, Pa.
Fellowship of Reconciliation, Bishop Paul Jones, Secretary, 396 Broadway, New York City.
Fellowship of the Christian Social Order, Kirby Page, Hasbrouck Heights, N. J.
National Catholic Welfare Council, 1312 Massachusetts Ave., Washington, D. C. The Rev. John A. Ryan, Secretary.
Research Council, Social Service Commission of the Federal Council of Churches of America, F. Ernest Johnson, Director, 105 E. 22nd Street, New York City.
Social Service Commission of the Methodist Church, Harry F. Ward, Secretary, 150 Fifth Avenue, New York City.
The Young Men's Christian Association (address 347 Madison Avenue, New York City), the Young Women's Christian Association (600 Lexington Avenue, New York City) and various other church groups have committees or separate organizations which give increasing attention to labor problems.
The American Civil Liberties Union, Roger N. Baldwin and Albert De Silver, directors, 100 Fifth Avenue, New York City, does an invaluable work through its national office and volunteer helpers for the protection of labor's civil rights.