CHAPTER II
THE FIRST ORDEAL
Ruby wine is drunk by knaves.
Sugar spends to fatten slaves,
***
The Hero is not fed on sweets,
Daily his own heart he eats;
Chambers of the great are jails,
And head-winds right for royal sails.
Emerson
IT has been said of Buddha that the sight, in quick succession, of disease, old age and death took away forever the smile from his lips and joy from his mind and thenceforth the Lord of Compassion devoted all his energies to the solution of the problem of misery. Mr. Tilak's youthful thoughts, too, were clouded by three great events, which produced an indelible impression on his sensitive spirit and here we must seek for the motive which led him to dedicate his life to the service of the Mother-land. The first of these events was the deposition (1875) of the late H. H. Malharrao Gaekwar and his subsequent trial, by a special commission, on the charge of having attempted to poison his Resident Col. Phayre. People in the Baroda State and outside, strongly believed in the innocence of the Maharaja who was not restored to his throne though the Commission differed in its findings. The fate of a hapless Indian Prince, who ought to have got at least the benefit of doubt created a deep wound in Mr. Tilak's mind; for its patriotism was not outlandish, based merely on the perusal of the works of Mill and Bright. It was essentially Indian, and was directly derived from a contemplation of the great and heroic deeds of Shivaji and his descendants. The Maratha History of the 17th and 18th Centuries formed the Bible of his patriotism and his blood was aflame when he reflected on the utter impotence to which the representatives of the Empire-builders of the 18th century were reduced.
If the rumbling of a widespread insurrection attended the birth of Mr. Tilak, the year of his graduation (1876) was marked by an abortive attempt to overturn the British Government. This attempt was confined only to some parts of Maharashtra. Its authors were a few fanatics under the leadership of Wasudeo Balvant Phadke, a clerk in Government employ. The enthusiasm of these people far exceeded their limitations. They had neither birth nor fortune to impress the imagination of the public. Wasudeo Balvant scarcely took note of the practical disappearance of the martial instincts of the race, the apathy and ignorance of the masses, the denationalisation of the classes, the sloth of the degenerate descendants of the old aristocracy. His attempts were doomed to failure; and they could only bring with them their inevitable legacy—repression and suspicion. The Brahmins—Poona Brahmins especially—were the greatest sufferers. Even a 'model' Moderate like Ranade, whose only 'mistake' in life was a youthful essay on Shivaji, that deprived him temporarily of his fellowship in the Elphinstone College did not escape suspicion. The impression of the two upheavels of 1857 and 1876 on the mind of Mr. Tilak was in inverse proportion to their magnitude and importance. The former was an incident which happened when he was quite a baby and so the impression which he formed concerning it in his boyhood was necessarily hazy. In the case of the latter, our hero was a full-fledged gentleman, well-armed and equipped with knowledge and reason. He saw how immature, thoughtless and foolish the attempt of Wasudev Balavant was; and from this time must be dated his horror of bloody revolutions. He clearly saw that if Indians had to fight with Anglo-Indian despots, it could only be, not with sword and gun, but with pen and tongue. He saw that the secret of the English power in India lay in their superior education and organisation, and that we could wrest that power only by meeting the English on their own ground. The collection of a few fire-arms and the slaughter of a handful of officials would not shake the well-established British Government in India and such attempts would only recoil upon us by rivetting our chains.
The third event that impressed his youthful heart was the terrible famine of 1877-8 with its toll of 50 lakhs of lives. He passed sleepless nights and began to find out the cause of such an abnormal condition. Throughout his life Mr. Tilak was a friend of the poor. Even Mr. Nevinson, a casual acquaintance of his was impressed with Mr. Tilak's concern for the poor. It was here, in this terrible famine of 1877-8, that his sympathy for the poor was roused. To add insult to injury, the advisers of Queen Victoria the Good induced her to assume the title of "Kaiser-i-Hind" in this very year of famine and starvation.
The impressions of these events were strengthened by the companionship of a congenial friend and the message of an inspiring leader. Since 1874, the young men of Maharashtra were watching with passionate enthusiasm the appearance of a luminary in the literary firmament of Poona. This luminary was no other than the illustrious Vishnushastri Chiploonkar, son of Krishnashastri, the memory of whose ability and learning is still green. The hOuse of Krishnashastri was the favourite resort of all the leading hghts of Maharashtra; and of the interesting and instructive discourses cf his father, Vishnu, shy and studious, silent and thoughtful, was an attentive listener. So when, after passing the Matriculation he joined the Deccan College, he could carry thither a correctness of taste and a depth and variety of knowledge which many graduates could not claim. While many of his fellow-students were abusing the liberty of college-life and the liberality of their parents in a variey of ways, the excesses of Vishnu were merely intellectual and amounted to nothing more than a passionate study of history and literature, to the neglect of Logic and Mathematics. After graduation in 1872, he was persuaded to accept a school-master's post in the Educational Department, but this did not prevent from starting, in 1874, the famous magazine, the Nibandhamala, which by its magnificent rhetorical style and trenchant criticism of the Government and of the social and religious movements of the day won instant renown. It was clear that the pioneer of a new School of National thought had arisen, able and eager to fight with the party led by Ranade.
The intellectual plane of Ranade was certainly more elevated than that of Chiploonkar. In profundity of thought, in depth and variety of learning he was unequalled. He had tried his best to organise and discipline a generation of social and religious iconoclasts. He had tried to lead the destructive and rebellious spirit of his time into the constructive channels of Social Reform. He wanted to build a Rationalistic Church out of the materalistic and agnostic elements born of Western education. On the other hand, Vishnushastri, instead of trying to "reform" the people, wanted to rouse them to a consciousness of the glory of their history and religion. Heartily disgusted with the shallowness of the public movements of his time, he called upon the rising generation to make sacrifices; and he himself led the way by "snapping asunder (1879) the chain (of service) once and for ever" and resolved "to try what might be done for public good with the potent instrumentality of a press establishment worked by a vigorous hand."
The example and message of Vishnushastri had undoubtedly a stimulating effect upon Mr, Tilak. They also influenced Gopal Ganesh Agarkar, Mr. Tilak's chief companion in the Deccan College. The early life of this remarkable man was one long fight with "chill penury." Neglected by relatives, occasionally insulted by those whose help he had to seek, this man had faith enough to grapple, undaunted, with every difficulty. When taunted with poverty he had the spirit to tell his teacher—a distinguished M. A.—that he, too, would some day take the degree of Master of Arts. Poverty has "repressed" many a "noble rage." It sours a man and makes him cynical. But even stark povery failed to repress the noble instincts of Agarkar. Not a wrong in this world but had him as its champion; not a cause of liberty or reform but gained his support. A student of Logic and Moral Philosophy, he had lost much of his faith in religion. But there was another Faith, to him higher and nobler, a Faith which evoked the finest qualities of his heart. The pent-up and ungratified desires of long poverty generally tempt a man to their enjoyment at the first opportunity. But such was the greatness of Agarkar that when such an opportunity was within his easy reach, he wrote to his mother " You may be waiting, mother dear, for your son to become an M. A. and lift you up from all the misery that haunts you. I, however, have decided to turn my back on money and happiness and dedicate my life to the service of the country." This utter self-denial, after a life of stark poverty would alone establish Agarkar's title to the ever-lasting gratitude of his countrymen.
There was one point on which Tilak and Agarkar did not agree, even in their college days; it was Social Reform. While admitting the existence of evils and the necessity of eradicating them, Mr. Tilak held that reform, to be lasting, could only be a growth from within; that hasty measures and intemperate talk would only retard the cause of reform; that reform should not be mere imitation of Western life arid culture but should be based on a proper understanding of the genius of our race and the traditions of our society; that the key-note of Indian life is purity more than freedom and that in all programmes of social reform we cannot too much lay stress on this cardinal principle.
But though the attitude of Tilak towards Social Reform differed essentially from that of Agarkar, still they were agreed that this difference in view-point should not prevent both from co-operating with each other with respect to the main part of the programme which was education in the widest sense of the term. To cover the Presidency with a net-work of schools was only a part of their aspirations. They wanted to do something more; they wanted to educate the masses by imparting to them democratic ideas and enlightening them on the true state of the country. The birth of the New English School on the one hand and of the Kesari and the Mahratta on the other, heralded in Maharashtra a new era and galvanised its public life and the credit of this achievement must be given to Chiploonkar, Tilak and Agarkar.
To this band of enthusiastic workers, Ranade gave his blessings and something more; he recommended to their notice Mahadeo Ballal Namjoshi, whose versatile powers, keen perception, sound experience and tactful, pushing nature more than compensated for his lack of academic training. Mr. Namjoshi's indefatigable energy and immense resourcefulness helped his colleagues to tide over numerous crises and earned for him the title of "our foreign secretary." To Tilak,. he pariicularly attached himself; and the almost brotherly friendship that sprang between them remained unclouded till 1895, when Namjoshi closed his brilliant career without leaving the wherewithal to perform his funeral ceremony.
Another man, not less useful, joined them soon after. Vaman Shivram Apte, the celebrated lexicographer had earned in his college career high repute as an accomplished scholar and immediately on passing his M. A. examination had been engaged temporarily as Head Master in a Mission School. He tried his best to get a very good post in the Educational Department. But such is the rigidity of red-tape, that he was offered the modest post of an assistant master in an Anglo-Vernacular school. When the founders of the New English School heard this, they at once approached Mr. Apte and secured his services for the school as its Superintendent. The choice was most appropriate. Mr. Apte fully justified his selection for the post by the diligent and thorough manner in which he discharged his duties. He had in him the school-master's instinct, which taken at its best means a strict but temperate sense of discipline, patience with ignorance, system in exposition, attention to minute details and a readiness to plod unwearied through the dull monotony of school-life.
The Vernacular newspapers in Western India were, in those days mostly conducted by political dilettanti and self-seeking business-men. They therefore could not be expected to properly serve the cause of the public. The only important exceptions were The Indu-Prakash, the Dnyana-Prakash, the Native Opinion and the Subodh Patrika. These, out of the 77 newspapers conducted by the "Natives" commanded some influence. At such a> time, therefore, the appearance of the Kesari (Marathi. weekly) and of the Mahratta (English weekly), with self-sacrificing and patriotic proprietors evoked the liveliest, appreciation in the mind of the public and considerable uneasiness in the mind of the Government. The appreciation of the public was shown by the rapid increase in the circulation of the Kesari—reaching nearly 4,350 within three years and the uneasiness of the Government stands mirrored in a remark in the Report {1882), on the Native Press which characterized the "prevailing tone" of the Kesari as "unfriendly to the Government." This left-handed compliment conclusively proves that even in its infancy, the Kesari had distinguished itself by its fearlessness. We do not however, find the rigorous editorial discipline which we have learnt to associate with the name of Mr. Tilak. This was but natural. The proprietors were, one and all, very young and had yet to form sound views on many of the social and religious questions of the day. The editorial eloquence of Agarkar was still in its dawn; the exuberant rhetorical style of Vishnushastri felt the limitations of a newspaper article; nor do we anywhere find the "parthian shots" of Mr. Tilak, his incisive logic and trenchant criticism. With all their-faults, the news-papers— especially the Kesari—supplied the wants of their readers and were everywhere praised with warmth and enthusiasm.
As editor of the Mahratta, Mr. Tilak always championed the people's cause and in criticising the policy of high officials made no distinction between white and black Bureaucrats. He watched with the greatest solicitude the administration of Indian States, The affairs of Kolhapur in particular attracted his attention. Since 1870, the condition of Kolhapur was far from desirable. In that year died Rajaram Maharaj and in the year following his two widows adopted Prince Shivajirao. Though under good guardianship, the young Prince began to show, ever since 1877, signs of insanity and was often subject to delusions and suicidal tendencies. It was generally believed that this mental derangement was due to compulsory adminstration of intoxicating drugs to the Prince. The author of this mischief was supposed to be Rao Bahadur Barve, State Karbhari, who, spurred by the Queen-Dowager Sakawarbai, wanted to remove the Maharaja from the Gadi either by death or by proof of his lunacy and to have a new youth adopted by the Dowager. People, high and low believed in these rumours, and on November 24th 1881, a monster meeting was held at Poona under the presidency of so distinguished and so moderate a gentleman as the late Hon. Rao Bahadur Gopalrao Hari Deshmukh. In this meeting, a resolution was passed, suggesting that the Prince should be immediately put under the guardianship of some trustworthy persons. Soon after this meeting was held, it was rumoured that an attempt was actually made on the life of the young Maharaja, and while the alarm caused by this rumour had not subsided, Tilak and Agarkar got three letters purporting to be Titten by the Karbhari. In these letters the plan of poisoning the Prince was plainly suggested; and believing that these letters were genuine, Tilak and Agarkar published them in the Mahratta and the Kesari and challenged the State Karbhari, if he dared, to prove his innocence before a court of law.
Thus brought to bay, Rao Bahadur Barve had to accept the challenge with grim determination. He hauled up before the Bombay High Court Tilak and Agarkar and some of his enemies at Kolhapur. His contention was that his enemies at Kolhapur had formed themselves into a caucus and had determined to blaspheme him. His arch-opponent was one Nana Bhide who having been refused a pleader's Sanad, had sought to wreck his vengeance by machinations in and outside the State. A willing tool was found by Nana Bhide in the natural mother of the Prince who had a grievance of her own against the Diwan. Finding themselves impotent to do mischief in the State, these persons had gone over to Poona, caught the ear of a credulous public and having approached the inexperienced editors of the Kesari and the Mahratta, secured an outlet for their fury. The letters, purporting to be his were mere fabrications made by Nana Bhide. He had never plotted against the life or the gadi of his master. The accusations made against him were wantonly wicked and he called for exemplary punishment of the offenders.
The sympathies of an admiring public centred round Tilak and Agarkar. They had championed the cause of the representative cf the historic dynasty of Shivaji the Great. They could gain nothing and had risked much for the peace and happiness of an unlucky Prince. They were defended by the combined ability and eloquence of Bombay's rising leaders—the fiery Mehta and the sweet-tempered Telang. The three letters, of course, formed the pivot of the case. Were they genuine? The State Karbhari asserted that they were not; Nana Bhide till the last persisted in holding that they were. Who could throw light on the question? Some witnesses from Kolhapur were expected to solve the riddle. But, though summoned they did no elect to appear. The High Court could not compel attendance; for the witnesses were beyond its jurisdiction. Neither the Political Agent nor the Government of Bombay were willing to interfere as the case was a private one. The decision of the High Court went against Nana Bhide. The letters were pronounced to be unreliable. Tilak and Agarkar tendered a graceful apology. But the wrath of Barve was not to be so appeased. He pressed for conviction; and Tilak and Agarkar, though declared "free from any suspicion of malvolence" were found guilty of having "thoughtlessly published defamatory " articles and were sentenced (i6th July 1882) each to four months* simple imprisonment.
The decision of the High Court caused no surprise, for it was fully anticipated; and so when Tilak and Agarkar were seated in a closed carriage and taken to the Dongri jail, they were rather proud of having been thus able to show their devotion to their country. Being inmates of the same cell, they could compare notes, review their conduct, weigh men and things, discuss future schemes and past mistakes. Such discussions were often carried far into the night and then the bugs and fleas of the dungeon were forgotten; not so the warders' reprimands for having broken the stillness of the night by their loud and at times heated conversation. In spite of such "lapses" Tilak and Agarkar were on the whole fairly "well behaved" and got 21 days' remission for "good conduct." The disgusting nature of the gaol-diet told heavily on their health, Mr. Tilak losing as much as 24 lbs. in weight. But they never complained. Only one thing troubled them; time hung heavily upon them and they even envied those of their fellow-prisoners who had been sentenced to rigorous imprisonment. Wearied of inaction, they sent in an application to the General Superintendent of gaols for some sort of work and were glad to find that he was kind enough to place books and writing materials at their disposal.
While Tilak and Agarkar were in gaol, a movement, headed by the late Principal Wordsworth and the late Hon. Mr. Mandlik was started to petition the Government to intervene and save these youths from the rigours of prison-life. The appeal fell on deaf ears. The Dinbandhu very properly said "Instead of applying to Government for the cancellation of the punishment, let us show our regard for the patriotic prisoners by giving them a right royal reception on their return." On October 26th 1882, Tilak and Agarkar walked out of the portals of Dongri, free men once more. Enthusiastic crowds awaited them outside. They were borne off in triumph. Addresses were presented; laudatory speeches wese made; and the only reply our heroes could, make to all this overwhelming kindness was to declare that Prisons would never have any terrors for them and would never deter them from discharging bravely and sincerely their duties. Soon after, Agarkar ceased to be a politician and confined his attention only to Education and Social Reform. Mr. Tilak, however, was privileged frequently to enjoy the hospitality of His Majesty's gaols; and unbroken in his resolution, he pursued till the end his self-chosen work of National uplift.
We must not forget to mention that while the Defamation case was proceeding, Gopal Krishna Gokhale, then a mere college student acted a female part in a drama the proceeds of which were to go to the fund started to help Tilak and Agarkar. It is under these circumstances that Gokhale 's name has been first introduced to the public. Considering the future relations between Gokhale and Tilak, who will not love to linger on the fragrant memory of this small but significant episode?