The Philippine Islands, 1493-1803/Volume 2/Preface
The next attempt to reach the Spice Islands is made by García Jofre de Loaisa. A synopsis of contemporary documents is here presented: discussion as to the location of the India House of Trade; concessions offered by the Spanish government to persons who aid in equipping expeditions for the Moluccas; instructions to Loaisa and his subordinates for the conduct of their enterprise; accounts of their voyage, etc. Loaisa's fleet departs from Spain on July 24, 1525, and ten months later emerges from the Strait of Magellan. Three of his ships have been lost, and a fourth is compelled to seek necessary supplies at the nearest Spanish settlements on the west coast of South America; Loaisa has remaining but three vessels for the long and perilous trip across the Pacific. One of the lost ships finally succeeds in reaching Spain, but its captain, Rodrigo de Acuña, is detained in long and painful captivity at Pernambuco. The partial log of the flagship and an account of the disasters which befell the expedition are sent to the emperor (apparently from Tidore) by Hernando de la Torre, one of its few survivors, who asks that aid be sent them. Loaisa himself and nearly all his officers are dead—one of the captains being killed by his own men. At Tidore meet (June 30, 1528) the few Spaniards remaining alive (in all, twenty-five out of one hundred and forty-six) in the "Victoria" and in the ship of Saavedra, who has been sent by Cortés to search for the missing fleets which had set out from Spain for the Moluccas. Urdaneta's relation of the Loaisa expedition goes over the same ground, but adds many interesting details.
Various documents (in synopsis) show the purpose for which Saavedra is despatched from Mexico, the instructions given to him, and letters which he is to carry to various persons. Among these epistles, that written by Hernando Cortés to the king of Cebú is given in full; he therein takes occasion to blame Magalhães for the conflict with hostile natives which resulted in the discoverer's death. He also asks the Cebúan ruler to liberate any Spaniards who may be in his power, and offers to ransom them, if that be required. Saavedra's own account of the voyage states that the time of his departure from New Spain was October, 1527. Arriving at the island of Visaya, he finds three Spaniards who tell him that the eight companions of Magalhães left at Cebú had been sold by their captors to the Chinese.
Undaunted by these failures, another expedition sets forth (1542) to gain a footing for Spanish power on the Western Islands—that commanded by Ruy Lopez de Villalobos; it is under the auspices of the two most powerful officials in New Spain, and is abundantly supplied with men and provisions. The contracts made with the king by its promoters give interesting details of the methods by which such enterprises were conducted. Various encouragements and favors are offered to colonists who shall settle in those islands; privileges and grants are conferred on Alvarado, extending to his heirs. Provision is made for land-grants, hospitals, religious instruction and worship, and the respective rights of the conquerors and the king. The instructions given to Villalobos and other officials are minute and careful. At Navidad Villalobos and all his officers and men take solemn oaths (October 22, 1542) to carry out the pledges that they have made, and to fulfil their respective duties. In 1543 complaint is made that Villalobos is infringing the Portuguese demarcation line, and plundering the natives, which he denies. An account of his expedition (summarized, like the other documents), written by Fray Jerónimo de Santistéban to the viceroy Mendoza, relates the sufferings of the Spaniards from hardships, famine, and disease. Of the three hundred and seventy men who had left New Spain, only one hundred and forty-seven survive to reach the Portuguese settlements in India. The writer justifies the acts of Villalobos, and asks the viceroy to provide for his orphaned children. Another account of this unfortunate enterprise was left by García Descalante Alvarado, an officer of Villalobos; it also is written to the viceroy of New Spain and is dated at Lisbon, August 1, 1548. Like Santisteban's, this too is a record of famine and other privations, the treachery of the natives, and the hostility of the Portuguese. Finally, a truce is made between the Castilians and the Portuguese, and part of the former embark (February 18, 1546) for the island of Amboina, where many of them perish.
Nearly twenty years elapse before any further attempt of importance is made to secure possession of the Philippine Archipelago. In 1564 this is begun by the departure from New Spain of an expedition commanded by Miguel Lopez de Legazpi, with which enterprise begins the real history of the Philippine Islands. Synopses of many contemporaneous documents are here presented, covering the years 1559–68. This undertaking has its inception in the commands of Felipe II of Spain (September 24, 1559) to his viceroy in New Spain (now Luis de Velasco) to undertake "the discovery of the western islands toward the Malucos;" but those who shall be sent for this are warned to observe the Demarcation Line. The king also invites Andrés de Urdaneta, now a friar in Mexico, to join the expedition, in which his scientific knowledge, and his early experience in the Orient, will be of great value. Velasco thinks (May 28, 1560) that the Philippines are on the Portuguese side of the Demarcation Line, but he will follow the royal commands as far as he safely can. He has already begun preparations for the enterprise, the purpose of which he is keeping secret as far as possible. By the same mail, Urdaneta writes to the king, acceding to the latter's request that he accompany the proposed expedition. He emphasizes the ownership of "the Filipina Island" (meaning Mindanao) by the Portuguese, and thinks that Spanish ships should not be despatched thither without the king's "showing some legitimate or pious reason therefor." Velasco makes report (February 9, 1561) of progress in the enterprise; the ships have been nearly built and provisioned, and Legazpi has been appointed its general. Urdaneta advises (also in 1561) that Acapulco be selected for their embarcation, as being more convenient and healthful than Navidad. He makes various other suggestions for the outfit of the expedition, which show his excellent judgment and practical good sense; and asks that various needed articles be sent from Spain. He desires that the fleet depart as early as October, 1562. Legazpi in a letter to the king (May 26, 1563) accepts the responsibility placed upon him, and asks for certain favors. Velasco explains (February 25 and June 15, 1564) the delays in the fleet's departure; he hopes that it will be ready to sail by the following September, and describes its condition and equipment. Velasco's death (July 31) makes it necessary for the royal Audiencia of Mexico to assume the charge of this enterprise. Their instructions to Legazpi (September 1, 1564) are given in considerable detail. Especial stress is laid on the necessity of discovering a return route from the Philippines; and Urdaneta is ordered to return with the ships sent back to New Spain for this purpose. By a letter dated September 12, the members of the Audiencia inform the king of the instructions they have given to Legazpi, and their orders that he should direct his course straight to the Philippines, which they regard as belonging to Spain rather than Portugal. In this same year, Juan de la Carrión, recently appointed admiral of the fleet, writes to the king, dissenting (as does the Audiencia) from Urdaneta's project for first exploring New Guinea, and urging that the expedition ought to sail directly to the Philippines. He says that he has been, however, overruled by Urdaneta. Legazpi announces to the king (November 18) his approaching departure from the port of Navidad; and Urdaneta writes a letter of similar tenor two days later. On that date (November 20) they leave port; and on the twenty-fifth Legazpi alters their course so as to turn it from the southwest directly toward the Philippines. This displeases the Augustinian friars on board; but they consent to go with the fleet. After various difficulties and mistakes in reckoning, they reach the Ladrones (January 22, 1565), finally anchoring at Guam. The natives prove to be shameless knaves and robbers, and treacherously murder a Spanish boy; in retaliation, their houses are burned and three men hanged by the enraged Spaniards. Legazpi takes formal possession of the islands for Spain. Proceeding to the Philippines, they reach Cebú on February 13, and thence make various journeys among the islands. They are suffering from lack of food, which they procure in small quantities, and with much difficulty, from the natives—often meeting from them, however, armed hostility. A Spanish detachment succeeds in capturing a Moro junk, after a desperate engagement; its crew are set at liberty, and then become very friendly to the strangers, giving them much interesting information about the commerce of those regions. Finally the leaders of the expedition decide to make a settlement on the island of Cebu. It is captured (April 28) by an armed party; they find in one of the houses an image, of Flemish workmanship, of the child Jesus, which they regard as a valuable prize, and an auspicious omen for their enterprise. The fort is built, and a church erected; and a nominal peace is concluded with the natives, but their treachery is displayed at every opportunity.
On May 28, 1565, the officials of the Western Islands write a report of their proceedings to the Audiencia of New Mexico. They have ascertained that the hostility of the natives arises from the cruelty and treachery of the Portuguese, who in Bohol perfidiously slew five hundred men and carried away six hundred prisoners. The Spaniards ask for immediate aid of soldiers and artillery with which to maintain their present hold, and to relieve the destitution which threatens them. They advise the speedy conquest of the islands, for in no other way can trade be carried on, or the Christian religion be propagated.
Another account of the expedition is given by Estéban Rodriguez, pilot of the fleet; it contains some interesting additional details. On June 1, 1565, the ship "San Pedro" is despatched to New Spain with letters to the authorities, which are in charge of the two Augustinian friars, Urdaneta and Aguirre. The log of the voyage kept by the pilot Espinosa is briefly summarized. When they reach the coast of Lower California the master of the vessel and Estéban Rodriguez, the chief pilot, perish from disease. The ship reaches Navidad on October 1, and Acapulco on the eighth, "after all the crew had endured great hardships." Of the two hundred and ten persons who had sailed on the "San Pedro," sixteen died on the voyage, and less than a score were able to work when they arrived at Acapulco, all the rest being sick.
The previous record of the expedition is now continued. Legazpi makes a treaty with the chiefs of Cebú, who acknowledge the king of Spain as their suzerain. Gradually the natives regain their confidence in the Spaniards, return to their homes, and freely trade with the foreigners. Legazpi now is obliged to contend with drunkenness and licentiousness among his followers, but finds that these evils do not annoy the natives, among whom the standard of morality is exceedingly low. They worship their ancestors and the Devil, whom they invoke through their priests (who are usually women). Legazpi administers justice to all, protects the natives from wrong, and treats them with kindness and liberality. The head chief's niece is baptized, and soon afterward marries one of Legazpi's ship-men, a Greek; and other natives also are converted. The Spaniards aid the Cebúans against their enemies, and thus gain great prestige among all the islands. They find the Moros keen traders, and through them obtain abundance of provisions; the Moros also induce their countrymen in the northern islands to come to Cebú for trade. An attempt to reduce Matan fails, except in irritating its people. A dangerous mutiny in the Spanish camp is discovered and the ringleaders are hanged. The Spaniards experience much difficulty in procuring food, and are continually deceived and duped by the natives, "who have no idea of honor," even among themselves. Several expeditions are sent out to obtain food, and this opportunity is seized by some malcontents to arouse another mutiny, which ends as did the former. On October 15, 1566, a ship from New Spain arrives at Cebú, sent to aid Legazpi, but its voyage is a record of hardships, mutinies, deaths, and other calamities; it arrives in so rotten a condition that no smaller vessel could be made from it. A number of men die from "eating too much cinnamon." Portuguese ships prowl about, to discover what the Spaniards are doing, and the infant colony is threatened (July, 1567) with an attack by them.
A petition (probably written in 1566), signed by the Spanish officials in the Philippines, asks for more priests there, more soldiers and muskets ("so that if the natives will not be converted otherwise, they may be compelled to it by force of arms"), rewards for Legazpi, exemptions from taxes for all engaged in the expedition, grants of land, monopoly of trade, etc. A separate petition, by Legazpi, asks the king for various privileges, dignities, and grants. Still other requests are made (probably in 1568) by his son Melchor, who claims that Legazpi had spent all his fortune in the service of Spain, without receiving any reward therefor.
Certain documents illustrative of this history of Legazpi's enterprise in 1565 are given in full. An interesting document—first published (in Latin) at Manila in 1901, but never before, we think, in English—is the official warrant of the Augustinian authorities in Mexico establishing the first branch of their order in the Philippines (1564). It was found among the archives of the Augustinian convent at Culhuacan, Mexico; and is communicated to us in an English translation made by Rev. T. C. Middleton, of Villanova College. The other documents are: the act of taking possession of Çibabao (February 15); a proclamation that all gold taken from the burial-places of the natives must be declared to the authorities (May 16); several letters written (May 27 and 29, and June 1) by Legazpi and other officials to the king; a letter (May 28) from the officials to the Audiencia at Mexico, with a list of supplies needed at Çebu. To these is added a specially valuable and interesting document—hitherto unpublished, we believe—Legazpi's own relation of his voyage to the Philippines, and of affairs there up to the departure of the "San Pedro" for New Spain. As might be expected, he relates many things not found, or not clearly expressed, in the accounts given by his subordinates.
Next is presented (in both original text and English translation) a document of especial bibliographical interest—Copia de vna carta venida de Seuilla a Miguel Saluador de Valencia. It is the earliest printed account of Legazpi's expedition, and was published at Barcelona in 1566. But one copy of this pamphlet is supposed to be extant; it is at present owned in Barcelona. It outlines the main achievements of the expedition, but makes extravagant and highly-colored statements regarding the islands and their people.
In a group of letters from Legazpi (July, 1567, and June 26, 1568) mention is made of various interesting matters connected with the early days of the settlement on Cebú Island, and the resources and commerce of the archipelago. He asks again that the king will aid his faithful subjects who have begun a colony there; no assistance has been received since their arrival there, and they are in great need of everything. The Portuguese are jealous of any Spanish control in the Philippines, and already threaten the infant colony. He sends (1568) a considerable amount of cinnamon to Spain, and could send much more if he had goods to trade therefor with the natives. Legazpi advises that small ships be built at the Philippines, with which to prosecute farther explorations and reduce more islands to subjection; and that the mines be opened, and worked by slave-labor.
The Spanish settlement on Cebú was regarded with great jealousy by the Portuguese established in the Moluccas, and they sent an armed expedition (1568) to break it up. As the two nations were at peace, the Portuguese commander and Legazpi did not at once engage in war, but carried on protracted negotiations—a detailed account of which is here presented, from the official notarial records kept by Legazpi's chief notary, and transmitted to the home government. Legazpi claims that he has come to make new discoveries for his king, to propagate the Christian religion, and to ransom Christians held captive by the heathen in these regions; and that he had regarded the Philippines as being within the jurisdiction of Spain. If he has been mistaken, he will depart from the islands at once, if Pereira will provide him with two ships. The latter refuses to accept Legazpi's excuses, and makes vigorous complaints against the encroachments of the Spaniards. Pereira summons all the Spaniards to depart from the islands, promising to transport them to India, and offering them all aid and kindness, if they will accede to this demand; but Legazpi declines these proposals, and adroitly fences with the Portuguese commander. These documents are of great interest, as showing the legal and diplomatic formalities current in international difficulties of this sort.