The Philippine Islands, 1493-1803/Volume 4/Relation and Description of the Phelipinas Islands
RELATION AND DESCRIPTION OF THE PHELIPINAS ISLANDS
[This document (which, in the archives at Sevilla, is separated from the preceding one) is, although dated on June 8, 1577, partly a duplicate of Sande's first report, dated June 7, 1576, which immediately precedes this one in the present volume. We therefore omit such part of it as repeats matter contained therein, and present all that gives additional or new information.]
The natives are all very idle. If they would but apply themselves to work a little of the time, they could have all they wanted; but as it is a hot country and they are barbarians, they go naked. Nevertheless, all know how to raise cotton and silk, and everywhere they know how to spin and weave for clothing. There is no need for anyone to spend any gold; for they catch the fish which they eat; the wine is made from the palms, which are very abundant; and from these same trees they obtain also oil and vinegar. In the mountains there are wild boars, deer, and buffalo, which they can kill in any desired number. Rice, which is the bread of the country, grows in abundance. Therefore they are afflicted by no poverty, and only seek to kill one another, considering it a great triumph to cut off one another's heads and take captives.
In this island there is much gold, in sheets, among the natives; and, although they trade but little, they understand the value of the gold, and know how to adulterate it by mixing it with silver, tin, copper, brass, and other metals brought from China. They have established the value and qualities of gold as follows:
There is a very base gold that has no name, with which they deceive; and a second grade, called malubai, which is worth two pesos. Another quality, called bielu, is worth three pesos; and another, called linguingui, is worth four. The quality called oregeras, for which the Chinese name is panica, is worth five pesos; and this is the best gold in which they trade. It is of sixteen or even eighteen carats, and of this are made all their trinkets and jewelry. The best gold obtained is another grade called guinogulan,[1] which means "the lord of golds;" it weighs about twenty-two carats. From this is made the jewelry which they inherit from their ancestors, with which they never part; and even should they wish to sell these ornaments, there is no one who would give for them more than five pesos in silver. Neither will they give more, even for good gold; and they do not take it in exchange for supplies, or for the goods which they sell. Consequently this is the reason that gold is so valued in this country. It may be illustrated in this way. Should a Spaniard buy food or anything else from a native, the Moro immediately takes out the touchstone which he carries with him; and, even if the value be not over two reals, he takes great pains to see if the gold be conformable to the aforesaid standard. Although it may be stamped and assayed, the Indian will trust to no reckoning but his own. Neither is there any rule by which to pay, beyond the weight and value of the gold; this applies likewise to the orejeras or panica, for all the gold which is used in trade is mixed with other substances, to make the other grades of base gold. Although I have intended and tried to remedy this, it is impossible, as the majority of them are silversmiths for this very purpose; and if any restrictions were made, they would think that they were about to be ruined. It has seemed to me that the country is very new for establishing any other currency than gold, which here is like the king's fifth of silver in Nueva España. I have written to this effect to the viceroy, a copy of which letter accompanies this, and a report concerning this matter; also an account of the gold paid to the royal treasury, and the trade effected by all the Spaniards. The Chinese will not take the panica at more than four pesos of texuela to the tae[l] which, they say, is of that value in their country and they lose one llealla by so doing. This is the weight called tae, and comes from China. It weighs more than one onza, two adármes; so that three taes and thirteen maes are worth two Castilian marcos, or one livra.[2] When I came here the viceroy of Mexico sent an assayer, saying that one had been requested from here. After his arrival no one brought him anything to assay, as he was young and inexperienced in treating gold. Losses suffered at the beginning by those who tried to have gold assayed caused us to abandon the attempt. The Moros understand the laws of gold better than we do. I have given notice of [original illegible]. It may be of service to the royal estate. I have given information thereof which will accompany this, and I think that it is impossible to exercise more diligence. I have ordered that, when the gold enters into possession of the officials of the royal estate, they shall value it before a notary, so that it shall be issued in the same way that it entered. This is done because there seems to be no other remedy, as the Moros, with their standards, buy up all the money of current gold, and necessarily at the prices which they themselves give to it in their debts and traffic.
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As provisions were wont to be sent from Nueva España every year, there were also sent reals until I came. Since then, none have been sent; nor has any money been given to me. On the other hand, I have announced to the public that it is outrageous that we do not serve your Majesty by sending some gold from here; and that even to think of their sending money from there would be to argue that we do not know how to look for it as well as they do in Nueva España. It has been a thankless task to make this ruined land profitable, for he who has Indians, or some wealth, keeps it for himself; everyone else comes, with loud complaints, to ask the governor to give them enough to eat from the royal estate. Accordingly, when I came here the royal treasury had no possibility of income, as his Majesty will see from the accounts and from a memorandum which I am sending. Although but a short time has passed, the condition of things has improved, and the affairs of the royal estate have been put into as good order as in Mexico, considering their extent.
I have succeeded in obtaining for the royal crown all the Indians possible, especially those who are useful, and whose tributes are increasing. They are conveniently near Spaniards, so that the latter can more easily make collections, and also profit by the supplies. Thus I will always do, although I have had, and still have, considerable trouble in it.
These natives have not been able to pay their tributes, on account of living scattered and far away; and their country has been at war until now. They have not been taxed, as the number of people is not known. They are so skilful in hiding themselves, that private soldiers have to be sent from here for the collection of the money. These latter collect what they wish, and say that they have collected so much, and not a penny more, and that the entire village is composed of honest men. Whoever goes brings back the same account of these peoples. Therefore little is paid, and the returns to the royal treasury are few. I have made investigations, however, and have imprisoned some of the soldiers, and prevented others from collecting the tributes; but it is only vain endeavor. On account of the few people in this country justice cannot be executed for this or any of the offenses common here.
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No one here is willing to accompany a man who goes on horseback, or serve him in any way. Therefore, I am served only by my servants; but, nevertheless, I have in my house all who wish to come there to live and to eat; and I help them to the extent of my ability. They are served by my slaves and servants in due order. There are many of them, but in my house permission is not given to live with the liberty that is desired by young men. In due season, or when your Majesty may be pleased to provide more troops, the present customs may be suitably changed—my intention being only to establish a reform in this direction.
Item: The voyages to this country are all by sea, and in ships which are often wrecked, many soldiers being thus lost. Those who have the good fortune to escape with their lives lose their arquebuses, coats-of-mail, swords, and daggers, which constitute their military equipment. Since I have been here, I have often helped many of those thus left destitute, who had no other means of succor, although not at so moderate cost to the royal estate as for the poor. In this case I have not spent from the royal estate until after reviewing all other expenses of like nature, and consulting your Majesty. This expense seems to be as necessary as the first provision of weapons and clothing to the soldiers. Nevertheless, it is wise to warn them to be more careful in navigation, and more resolute in guarding their belongings. In my opinion it will be convenient for your Majesty to have the goodness to send instructions on this point, stating especially whether it is possible to give aid, in weapons and clothing, in a moderate quantity, from the royal treasury. It should be always forbidden to give money from the royal treasury even once, although it may thus happen that some soldiers, nobles, and cavaliers may suffer want, for lack of money with which to clothe themselves. It is not convenient to grant encomiendas to all; and although they may ask for food at the houses of their friends, they are in need of clothing. The only means of income here is the payment of the tributes to the encomenderos, whom I have tried to convince that all the soldiers be maintained thereby, as it is a very convenient method; but people of much caprice cannot be persuaded to this, nor can they clear their heads from vapors. On account of the small number of troops here, as I have already stated, I have induced the people to do sentinel-duty and undertake expeditions under leaders—of whom there are not a few, beginning with a brother of mine. Although I do my best, it is impossible to avoid giving them some aid. Last Christmas I aided several with tributes paid by some unapportioned Indians, declaring that, if they had belonged to the royal crown, I could not have done so. I allotted the Indians to a captain by the name of Chacon, and the income arising from them was divided among several persons. I preferred to have the transaction take place under authority of the officials, and to have it attested by the government notary. Therefore this has been recorded, and together with the decree forwarded to your Majesty. I trust that his Majesty will examine it, and send me information of what he may be pleased to provide.
In Nueva España, when an encomendero dies without an heir, the Indians under his charge revert to the royal crown. When Guido de Lavazares was here, he arranged that in such case the Indians should be re-allotted; and thus it was done, being a law of the land when I came here. As the country is so new, and but ill pacified, and there is so great need for people, and this concerns the community, I have followed the same custom since my arrival—although I have assigned to the royal crown the majority of Indians who are left ownerless, thus combining both methods. I have told the people that it is meet for his Majesty to receive income in order to support the friars and his servants here, as well as for the alms and assistance which have been described. Nevertheless, it has seemed to me necessary that his Majesty be informed of the reassignments, and that he have the goodness to issue commands therefor which shall be duly obeyed. I state no reasons for or against this arrangement, since the royal council may judge better than I. If it be considered convenient to grant the grace which these persons desire, as a favor proceeding from the royal person and his royal council, let it not be imagined that this and similar actions emanate from the governor. I am of the opinion that his Majesty is the one to grant the favor; and, if he does so, he will send advices thereof, either secret or public.
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The Indians of this country are not simple or foolish, nor are they frightened by anything whatever. They can be dealt with only by the arquebuse, or by gifts of gold or silver. If they were like those of Nueva España, Peru, Tierra Templada, Tierra Firme, and in the other explored places where the ships of Castilla may enter, sound reasoning might have some effect.[3] But these Indians first inquire if they must be Christians, pay money, forsake their wives, and other similar things. They kill the Spaniards so boldly, that without arquebuses we could do nothing. This was the reason that Magallanes, the discoverer of these islands, was killed; and that Villalobos and Sayavedra, and those who came afterward from Nueva España were maltreated. All those who have been killed since the coming of Miguel Lopez de Legazpi received their death through lack of arquebuses. The Indians have thousands of lances, daggers, shields, and other pieces of armor, with which they fight very well. They have no leaders to whom they look up. The havoc caused by the arquebuse, and their own lack of honor, make them seek refuge in flight, and give obedience to our orders.
After imprisoning a soldier, it is necessary to give him food while he is in jail, and also to care for him in sickness. In order to avoid the expense, he is finally set at liberty. I have exercised all possible diligence to deal with them so that they will be afraid, and mend their ways. I have sent the delinquents to work apart, separated from one another; and have also reprimanded them, and informed them that they must do right. Thus, by the aid of God, this commonwealth is entirely reformed. They do not follow the pernicious practice of gambling, because they are occupied, and because they know that he who is engaged in these practices cannot be my friend. Among other men, gambling might be more endurable; but here they attack one another with knives, blaspheme, and steal, and do great harm to one another. There is also almost complete reformation from the swearing, drinking, and like vices which had caused great corruption and the disgrace of many men. There is also improvement in regard to concubinage among them. It is desirable that the soldiers should always lead honest lives; but as they are young, and the women in this country are so many and so bad, it is more difficult to correct this evil.
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By a decree of your Majesty, I was asked [to fix] the boundaries of the city. I assigned five leagues around this place where we live, although as yet these limits are of no use, as in this island there have not been, nor are there now, any customs duties or other imposts. I came at a time full of labors, and the people are few and poor. Considering the losses of the ships of the past year, it seems to me that it is too soon to obtain any duties from the Chinese ships. I have advised your Majesty thereof, and exemption from the customs and other duties has been granted to these islands for thirty years. Consequently, nothing is demanded from the Spaniards; and, as they are all soldiers, and should have some profit from what is sent hence to Nueva España, it would be well to increase the customs duties somewhat. It is also decreed that for the term of ten years there shall be paid the tenth instead of the fifth of all the gold found here. The city already demands, at the end of these ten years, that your Majesty renew his favors. I think that, as a result of this decree, some gold is sent to Nueva España; but, if the entire fifth were taken, the gold would be traded with the Chinese, and thus so great a quantity would not be sent to Nueva España. May your Majesty be pleased to grant this, and advise me as to this point.
When I came to this city there were here two ecclesiastics, and besides them no more in all the islands. One died of illness, and the other is now alone here, under command of the friars. When at one time he read a letter of excommunication he was appointed vicar by the provincial of the order of St. Augustine; and now he complains that he is commanded by friars. There is great need that ecclesiastics be sent here, so that the sacraments can be administered and confessions be heard, as in other colonies.
Although I write to the viceroy of Mexico concerning the religious instruction in this country (a copy of which letter accompanies this), I wish to explain more fully to your Majesty that there is a great lack thereof. Some of the friars sent from Mexico are those who cannot stay there, and must be sent away. Those who come here to lead the apostolic life must be orderly persons, and such as are missed in the place from which they come. But it is of secondary importance to discuss persons, and it is necessary to refer to important matters which require remedies. Your Majesty must understand that there is great lack of religious teachers here, and that the friars labor very diligently, although they do not usually apply themselves to learn the language, or to attract the natives. If I am not mistaken, the surest remedy is for friars and ecclesiastics of all orders to come here, especially those who cannot possess property; for, as this land is so new and there are no inheritances, the friars can have no income in common, except the alms given from the royal treasury. As the Indians are so avaricious, and adore the gold—which they actually kiss, and consider of the highest importance—it is exceedingly necessary that the priest accept no gold, nor should he seek or trouble them for it. He must only desire food, according to the necessities of nature; and as the land is well provided therein, at the lowest prices in the world, he may be well content who wishes nothing more.
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As soon as I arrived in this city, I began proceedings in the residencia, and the examination of accounts, according to your Majesty's commands. Duplicates of the report were sent in the ship "Santiago" and also in the ship "San Phelipe," which were unfortunately lost. In the ship "San Juan" will now be despatched the duplicates, as your Majesty will note in the letter to the viceroy. There is also sent an account of everything else which has been done in regard to the officials. I made all possible endeavor in Mexico to obtain instructions and papers regarding them, and I brought only those which I send with the accounts. They said that there were no others, and the officers of the royal estate declare that they brought no instructions, and never had any. As your Majesty will see by the accounts there were no books of the treasurer or factor, and consequently none can be despatched with the accounts. When these officials were asked, they said that they kept no books. Only the accountant kept a book; but Aldave, who served Guido de Lavazares, had a memorandum-book, which I remit with the accounts. I have issued orders for every official to keep a book, and to have a common book of the treasury, which is now done. Moreover, as they said that they had no instructions, I gave them some orders, according to what I believe is necessary, copies of which I send to the royal council. The officials rendered their accounts, although I have not passed upon some things—such as accounts which are not certified, the tribute collected, and their salaries. If they hold some funds which I have not found, I cannot execute what I am commanded to do; although what I have found has been attended to. For this reason, affairs have been delayed; and in the meantime investigations have been made, and thus many affairs are now sent for the consideration of the royal council. Some of my instructions, however, cannot be carried out, for lack of funds.
On the occasion of the last investigations, it appears that they reported that they had spent more than they had received; and that the loans and deposits thus due should be placed to the account of the royal treasury. As their loans were drawn out as salaries, I have not permitted this.
The officials of the royal estate have each furnished bondsmen, who are their securities for two thousand ducats ; and they gave them, little [original illegible] because they came from Nueva España without furnishing bonds, and, as they say, without instructions; so I have commanded them to find bondsmen for these amounts. Their sureties are all captains and soldiers, from whom their clothes and weapons cannot be taken away, nor their means of support; there are, moreover, no realty holdings here. They regard their accounts, however, as adjusted, and have almost obliged me to wait for your Majesty to examine their pleas, so that their misdeeds may be excused. On this account I am advancing but slowly; and, as our resources for correcting this evil are so inadequate, may your Majesty be pleased to declare his pleasure as soon as possible.
The sureties have not fulfilled their agreements; and, although I have commanded them to give bonds, they do not nor can they do so, as all are soldiers in this country. The best remedy is for his Majesty to command that accounts be audited every year. Thus I have ordered, and they have been audited to the year seventy-six, and accompany this present report. For this reason most of all should the officials give bonds, that they are in charge of various small matters and transactions for which I am not sufficient security. Accordingly, although they have not yet furnished bonds, I have refrained from enforcing this order, until his Majesty shall decide what he wishes done. Guido de Lavazares had appointed Salvador de Aldave as treasurer; and he still holds the position until your Majesty shall make provision therefor. Guido de Lavazares does not wish the office; nor do I think that he is capable of filling an office which requires the keeping of documents.
In investigating the accounts of the officials, execution was levied on their goods, some of which have been entered in the royal treasury. I have commanded half of their salaries to be issued them for their support, and no more, until your Majesty shall provide accordingly. Some slaves, clothing, and bedding were left to them, the same being considered as deposits in the name of the royal estate. His property was left to Guido de Lavazares, but no salary, since that is drawn by another man, who holds his office. I offered to give him an encomienda for his support; but he did not wish it, and asked me for permission to leave this country. I showed to him a clause of the instructions regarding the accounts, which said that close watch must be kept over those who were under surveillance; that, if it were not for that clause, I would permit him to go; and that I would immediately inform your Majesty thereof. I also give information regarding the tributes from the provinces of Bites and Lubao, and elsewhere, which Guido de Lavazares collected for himself. His property was confiscated, to which act his wife was opposed, and also the properties of persons deceased of which there were many. Some of these were placed in the royal treasury, together with another portion, sent from the payments from the valley of Purao. All is set down in the accounts, as is everything concerning this matter, with the proceedings therein.
On continuing the investigation, it was found that property had been delivered to the person serving in the office of captain of artillery. When an account was demanded from him, it was many months before he was obliged to give it, as may be seen by his petitions accompanying the record of his trial. After waiting six or seven months (I shall not mention here all the words spoken), and on seeing that he was so reluctant to present his account and explanation, I took advantage of a petition which he had made—in which he resigned his office, and begged that I give it to some one else. This I did, giving the position to him who was sergeant-major of the camp. After these changes, I had his property seized. This compelled him to attend to the account, and he began to be willing to hand it in, as appears very clearly in the report of his trial, which accompanies this. It might be well that I should not habitually show similar lenity; but in this case there could be naught but compassion felt, as he had no judgment whatever.[4] I was therefore moved; and, by his Majesty's favor, this captain of artillery has an encomienda of more than a thousand men, near this city. This I have had set aside for him, and have commanded that he support himself from half the tributes thereof; likewise his clothes, and weapons, and his servants, were left to him. He asked permission to go to España, saying that he was married, and that he had not seen his wife for twenty years. His Majesty will command what shall be provided in this case.
In the investigation of the former captain of artillery (appointed by Miguel Lopez de Legazpi, at Puerto de la Navidad), inasmuch as no bonds were taken from this soldier, I have attached the property of Miguel Lopez, and that of the officials, for not having attended to their duty in this regard. After seeing the account and investigation of this matter made by the officials of the royal estate, I decided to transfer the blame to the account of Miguel Lopez, and to seize his goods for the same reason.
At my arrival here, Guido de Lavazares had allotted Indians to the officials of the royal estate. When I entered upon my office, they sent to ask his Majesty for permission to hold them. They were answered by a decree, which was shown to me when I came, which declared that this could not be allowed. For this reason I placed all their salaries to the account of the royal crown, to which they still belong. Salvador de Aldave presented a petition, saying that he is not a proprietary official, but merely holds the office of treasurer until another shall be provided in his place. This was done in order that his Indians should not be taken away; and on this account I have allowed him to keep them. They have all appealed, asking that your Majesty declare his pleasure. I wish that the officials of the royal estate would apply themselves more to their duties, and the exercise of diligence therein, as is very needful where there is so much to be administered; and that they should be free from other obligations and have no other means of earning a support.
As his Majesty will have already understood, I have declared that neither the officers nor other persons here can give bonds. The labors here are and have been those of which your Majesty will have knowledge. One and all have served your Majesty for many years, and as soldiers and among soldiers. If there should be any fault in the papers, I beg your Majesty to extend his mercy to all, and to deign to forget these errors. May your Majesty be pleased to pardon me this boldness, and to command that the accounts be examined. May replies be sent by the first ship and any faults of mine which may be found therein be pardoned, and all necessary instructions be furnished to me.
Moreover, in regard to the inquiry which discusses the exchange of different grades of gold, the people here are of such sort that no one makes a payment without declaring that he is giving gold of a good quality; but, on the other hand, the one who collects declares to the contrary. By the accounts for the year seventy-six, which are now finished, and by the entire expense account, which I have examined personally, it seems to me that good faith in the past year may be deduced. In this country, the heat of the sun is very great; and for even one week's work, or when a ship is going to be launched, it is necessary to erect a shelter for the workmen. This is made in a short time, with poles, bamboo, and palm-leaves. In the shipyards there is much waste; and, as the wood rots from dampness here, the soldiers take it at night to use in their houses, and relieve their misery. This cannot be called a theft, as it is done by menials who came hither at your Majesty's expense and are engaged in his service.
When I came here I found the country swept by fire, everything in ruins, and the Indians in rebellion, having taken advantage of the coming of the pirate [Limahon]. Since then I have not ceased in my endeavors to promote all possible peace here. I have surrounded the city with a palisade and rampart, building therein two cavaliers, which are further strengthened by ramparts—one toward the southeast, where the pirate landed; and the other toward the northwest. It seemed to me very important to guard the point formed by the river and the sea. People declare that after Miguel Lopez de Legazpi came here the water wore away the land for the distance of two gunshots. I have all the river staked in, as also the point by the sea; and have had the latter filled in with earth, until it is all level. I think that it will, therefore, be always stable, if it is repaired from time to time. I have had the fort of this city repaired, building ramparts where they were lacking, so that one may walk around it on the rampart. I have covered two cavaliers, although communication may be had between them at a pike's length, which could not be done before. The floors have been covered with wood, so that the pieces of artillery may be dragged about more easily. I have also constructed many chests, both for the interior of the fort and for the galleys, and have mounted all the guns here.
As I advised by the ship "Santiago," I sent to the island of Panay for galleys to be made. Two built there were launched in this city, and I have another of sixteen [toneladas?] finished, and one of twenty-five is in course of construction. It would have been completed four months ago had it not been for the overhauling of this ship "San Juan," which carries this letter. Nevertheless, it will be finished inside of two months, because all the boarding, planking, and sheathing has been done, and there is nothing more to hinder the workmen on the ship. I have also had oars brought for all four galleys, and the majority of them are made. Also the provisions for them and some casks have been supplied. The oars are not yet ready for use, as there are not eight quintals of lead in this country. I am expecting supplies from Nueva España, with some men to command the galleys. Besides these occupations, all the workmen were engaged during the past year, from Christmas until July, in overhauling the ships "Santiago" and "San Phelipe." They have been busy since October in overhauling this ship "San Juan" until its sailing today, to repair damages caused by its wreck. It is now put in very good condition, with pine masts, which I took from that of the [original illegible] which are said to be better than those here; for the wood of this land is very heavy. After the completion of the galleys which were built here, I have commanded them to build there a large ship of four hundred toneladas. After completing the galley, another will be made here of the same style, God willing; we have bought much iron and everything necessary, as I have written to the viceroy in his letter. God permitting, we shall build ships here which would be worth in Nueva España one hundred thousand ducats, and which cost here less than fifteen [thousand]. Consequently the situation here may be improved thereby. Moreover, some light sail-boats have been made; we have succeeded in subduing all the natives; search has been made for mines, and everything possible has been done, as your Majesty may see by the letter to the viceroy. There has also been built a hospital in this city, to which I have granted an encomienda, as I have already advised your Majesty. I have built the church of San Agustin, the expenses of justice have been paid, and a house has been built for the friars. As the corsair had burned everything, they were given three hundred pesos from the royal treasury for this purpose. As the city was without a public church, I have had as large a one as possible built of wood. There could not be a better or larger one in this country; and the work has been going on for five months, but even yet it is not finished.
He who is governor here must exercise constant vigilance in affairs. He must know what is being accomplished in the different works, and when the persons who draw salaries journey to and from different points. He must be watchful of the provisions and supplies, and in truth, the governor must be an overseer of all the offices. It is especially difficult to prevent things from happening behind one's back. I have also had a house built where the governor lives, as there was none here before. In truth, I may say that when your Majesty was pleased to order me to come here, the path was not discovered by which they brought me on the sea, and the land was neither subdued nor peopled. I say this without prejudice to the services of my neighbors, and I humbly beg that your Majesty be pleased to grant me grace and remember me. In Manila, June the eighth, 1577.
[Endorsed on front: "Relation of the condition in which were found the Filipinas Islands. Their location is described in detail, and the fertility of the soil for food products, pasturage, the sugar industry, and that of indigo. The year 1577."]
- ↑ Crawfurd says, in his Dictionary of the Indian Islands (London, 1856), p. 144: "In the language of the Bugis, whose country produces gold, we find a native word, ulawang, and this is again the case in the languages of the Tagalas of the Philippines, where we have the indigenous name balituk; while in the language of the volcanic Bisaya Islands we find the word bulawang, most probably a corruption of the Bugis word."
- ↑ There is some mistake in this calculation; for the Chinese tael is equivalent to 1.1334 ounces, and the Spanish onza to 1.0161 ounces, in English or U. S. avoirdupois. The mace is one-tenth of the tael. 8 onzas = 1 marco; 2 marcos = 1 libra = 1.016097 U. S. pounds. The equivalent of one libra, then, would be nearly 12 taels and 2 mace. By texuela is apparently meant the sheet gold previously mentioned.
- ↑ In New Spain, the hot and fertile regions along the coast, having an elevation of seldom more than 1,000 feet, are called Tierras calientes ("regions of heat"). On the declivity of the Cordilleras, at an elevation of 4,000 to 5,000 feet, there reigns perpetually a soft spring temperature, which never varies more than 10° Fahr. The natives give to this region the name of Tierras templadas ("temperate country"), in which the mean heat of the whole year is about 70° Fahr. The plains elevated more than 7,000 feet above the sea level are called Tierras frias ("cold regions"), where the mean temperature is under 62° Fahr. See Humboldt's New Spain (Black's trans.), I, pp. 64–67.
The name Tierra Firme was applied not only to the northern part of the South American continent, but to a definite region which extended from the middle of the Gulf of Darien to Cape Gracias á Dios. It was at first called Darien, and Castilla del Oro.
- ↑ Span., de no aver pies ni cabeza, "as he had neither feet nor head."