The Proletarian Revolution in Russia/Part 5/Chapter 2
II
BOLSHEVISM CONQUERS
The Executive Committee of the All-Russian Soviets, after the Kornilov affair, was still in the control of the moderates, as a Congress had not been held since the June session, and the members of the Committee were hang-overs. The masses had, however, deserted the moderates, and the Executive Committe was becoming as isolated, as helpless as the Provisional Government itself. The Committee determined upon a final maneuvre to preserve its prestige, a final desperate attempt to "compel" the Allies to accept the peace terms of revolutionary Russia. It adopted a series of peace terms, specifying concretely the meaning of "no annexations and no indemnities," as follows:
"1.—Evacuation by the Germans of Russia, and autonomy of Poland, Lithuania, and the Lettish provinces.
"2.—Autonomy of Turkish Armenia.
"3.—Solution of the Alsace-Lorraine question by a plebiscite, the voting being arranged by local civil authorities after the removal of the troops of both belligerents.
"4.—Restoration to Belgium of her old frontiers and compensation for her losses from an international fund.
"5.—Restoration of Serbia and Montenegro with similar compensation, Serbia to have access to the Adriatic, Bosnia and Herzegovina to be autonomous.
"6.—Disputed Balkan districts to receive provisional autonomy, followed by a plebiscite.
"7.—Rumania to be restored her old frontiers on condition that she grant Dobrudja autonomy and grant equal rights to the Jews.
"8.—Autonomy for the Italian provinces of Austria to be followed by a plebiscite.
"9.—Restitution of all colonies to Germany.
"10.—Re-establishment of Greece and Persia.
"11.—Neutralization of all straits leading to inner seas and also the Suez and Panama Canals. Freedom of navigation for merchant ships. Abolition of the right to torpedo merchant ships in war time.
"12.—All belligerents to renounce war contributions or indemnities in any form, but the money spent on the maintenance of prisoners and all contributions levied during the war to be returned.
"13.—Commercial treaties not to be based on the peace treaty; each country may act independently with respect to its commercial policy, but all countries to engage to renounce an economic blockade after the war.
"14.—The conditions of peace should be settled by a peace congress consisting of delegates elected by the people and confirmed by Parliament. Diplomats must engage not to conclude separate treaties, which hereby are declared contrary to the rights of the people, and consequently void.
"15.—Gradual disarmament by land and sea, and the establishing of a non-military system."
The Executive Committee, which still placed emphasis on diplomacy and not on revolutionary action, delegated former Minister of Labor Skobelef to present these terms as its delegate to the Conference of the Allies at Paris. But the Provisional Government secretely advised the Allies against Skobelef,[1] and Jules Cambon, of the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs, declared that "the Allied governments will absolutely refuse to consent to M. Skobelef's taking part in the deliberations" of the Conference; and it was declared, moreover, that the Conference would discuss only military problems, and not problems of peace terms. The attitude of the Allies caused an immediate reaction in the Revolutionary Democracy, destroying completely the influence of the moderates and establishing firmly the ascendancy of the Bolsheviki, who ten days later realized their program of "All power to the Soviets."
All through these days of storm and upheaval, in which the forces of a new revolution were accumulating strength, the Provisional Government was shifting toward the Right, and the more it drifted in that direction the greater became its isolation and its impotence. No action was taken on the pressing problems of the Revolution, on peace, on land, on reconstruction m general. The thunderbolt of complete chaos was about to shatter Russia. The government was a government of words, its policy the empty eloquence of Kerensky. The more the Government wavered, the firmer became the revolutionary policy of the Soviets. The fictitious "unity of the parties" was rent asunder; compromise snapt under the impact of antagonisms that could no longer brook compromise. Two movements were converging upon the Provisional Government, bent upon its destruction: the movement from the Left, the Soviets, and the movent from the Right, the imperialistic bourgeoisie. Kerensky, helpless, dazed, sickly, and a weakling, scolded alternately the Right and the Left, unaware that the issue was now definitely joined, that the basis of his dictatorship was destroyed; and Kerensky, moreover, scolded the Allies for their unsympathetic attitude towards Russia's inability to fight. The climax of these events had come when the Bolsheviki bolted the Preliminary Parliament, and determined to convene an All-Russian Congress of Soviets to act independently and decisively upon the vital problems of the Revolution.
These two simple decisions were epochal. It was clear that they meant the overthrow of the Provisional Government, and it was so interpreted by all. As the Bolsheviki bolted the Preliminary Parliament, curses and imploring cries soared in a chorus throughout the hall. The decision to convene an All-Russian Congress struck consternation among the moderates. The Executive Committee of the All-Russian Soviets refused to call a new Congress, compelling the Petrograd Soviet to take the initiative,—and this was a symbol of the waning power of the moderates and the calm, stern confidence of the revolutionary masses. This was in the middle of October, and as the Bolsheviki prepared for the Congress, the reactionary forces of the imperialistic bourgeoisie openly prepared a coup against the Soviets and the Provisional Government. But the chief campaign was against the convocation of the All-Russian Congress of Soviets: this was the decisive event. The Executive Committee declared against it, and sent instructions to the local Soviets not to participate; while its organ, the Isvestya, directed an energetic campaign against the Congress. All the forces cf the counter-revolution, from the Centre to the Right, prepared to destroy the coming Congress, the imperialistic bourgeoisie by means of a military coup d'etat.
The prevailing situation and the logic of events compelled the Bolsheviki to supplement their program for the Congress with a movement for an insurrection to overthrow the Provisional Government. At first, this proposal met with small response; but Lenin,[2] basing himself upon facts, declared in a systematic press campaign in Pravda that armed insurrection was absolutely necessary to assure the convocation of the Congress and to thwart the plans for a coup d'etat being organized by the reactionary forces. The Provisional Government was planning the evacuation of Petrograd, Rodzianko declared the loss of Petrograd would dispose of the revolutionary workers and the Baltic Fleet. Realizing that the Petrograd troops were with the Bolsheviki, Kerensky on October 27 ordered the garison to the front; the troops refused, and retaliated by organizing the Military Revolutionary Committee, which played such an important part in the events culminating in the revolution of November 7. The action of the troops was ratified by the Petrograd Soviet. It was then discovered that the General Staff was formulating plans to seize Petrograd with the aid of reactionary regiments and forcibly prevent the meeting of the Soviet Congress; and insurrection became inevitable, reinforced by the argument of Lenin that the insurrection should not wait until the Congress met, but that the Congress should be confronted with the accomplished fact of the overthrow of the Provisional Government.
On November 6, the day before the insurrection, Kerensky appeared before the Preliminary Parliament, and made a statement "authorised by the Provisional Government." Part of the statement follows:
"I considered it my duty to cite for you the most definitely phrased passage from a number of proclamations published in the local paper Rabochy Put[3] in the form of 'Letters to the Comrades' by Ulyanov-Lenin, the much-sought offender against the state who is now in hiding. This said offender against the state called upon the proletariat of Petrograd and upon the troops to repeat the experiment of July 16–17, and argued in favor of the necessity of an immediate uprising. Thus, for example, in one of the issues containing the first of a series of these proclamations, Ulyanov-Lenin wrote: 'On the i6th of October, in the morning, I learned that at a very important Bolshevist meeting in Petrograd the question of the uprising was being discussed in detail. At that meeting were present all who were prominent in the Bolshevist activities in the Capital, and only a negligible minority—two comrades—disapproved of the uprising. It is necessary to analyze their arguments and expose the grounds for their hesitation in order to prove how disgraceful they are.' I shall not expatiate on the arguments in favor of an immediate armed uprising, but I must say that this same proclamation ends in the following way: 'What are you going to wait for? Are you waiting for a miracle? Are you waiting for the Constitutional Assembly? Are you waiting, you who are hungry! Kerensky has promised to call the Constitutional Assembly.' In the next appeal the very same Ulyanov definitely puts the question of an immediate uprising, and says that procrastination in this matter is equivalent to death.
"Simultaneously with these appeals, a series of statements were issued by other leaders of the Bolsheviki at a number of meetings at which they called for an immediate armed uprising. In this respect, especially noteworthy are the speeches made by the President of the Council of Workers' and Soldiers' Delegates of Petrograd, Mr. Bronstein-Trotzky, and by some other organizers of the revolt. . . . .
"Thus, before the Preliminary Parliament I must state that a certain part of the population of Petrograd is now in a state of insurrection. (Remarks from the Right: "Is that what we have come to!") I have already proposed that a judicial investigation be started at once. (A noise.) I have ordered that arrests be made." (Disturbance on the extreme Left.)
After this speech, the Preliminary Parliament passed a vote of confidence in Kerensky by the small majority of I23 to 102. That night Kerensky ordered the suppression of the extreme radical and the extreme conservative papers, and reactionary soldiers seized the offices of Bolshevist papers. But that was all. The storm broke the next day, November 7, and the insurrection of the revolutionary masses, directed by the Military Revolutionary Committee, dispersed the Preliminary Parliament and swept the Provisional Government into oblivion. There was some bitter fighting; the Bolsheviki seized the telephone and telegraph wires, and besieged the members of the Provisional Government in the Winter Palace; but there was never any doubt of the outcome. The revolutionary masses secured a complete victory, the ministers of the Provisional Government were arrested, and Kerensky fled from Petrograd to the front to secure the adhesion of "loyal" troops, march upon Petrograd and crush the sevolution.
The All-Russian Congress of Soviets convened at the Smolny institute, confronted with the accomplished fact of the Provisional Government's overthrow. The Bolsheviki and the Social Revolutionists of the Left, representatives of the peasants who accepted the Bolsheviki program, dominated the Congress. While the armed revolutionary masses were completing the work of overthrowing the government and preparing to meet the attack of any troops that Kerensky might hurl at Petrograd, the Congress heatedly debated the problem of all power to the Soviets. A number of delegates, a small number, wished to ignore the successful revolution of the proletariat, and yield all government power to the Constituent Assembly, the Congress, in the meanwhile, to suspend its sessions while a new bourgeois-coalition government was organized.[4] But their arguments were brushed aside, and the Congress decreed that the Soviets should be constituted as the government of Russia. The Congress elected a ministry in the form of a Council of People's Commissaires, with Lenin as President of the Council (Premier) and Trotzky as Commissaire of Foreign Affairs.
In the meanwhile, Kerensky had succeeded in rallying some troops and marched upon Petrograd, simultaneously issuing proclamations. The revolutionary troops and masses marched out to meet the invaders, armed with tons of revolutionary literature. There was some fighting and more fraternizing and discussion; Kerensky's "army" melted away, and seeing that all was lost, Kerensky fled, against the advice of his officers who urged that he appear in Petrograd even should he be placed under arrest.
The proletarian revolution had conquered. But it still had to pass through a period of civil war and international complications that was to test its capacity, virility and integrity. Upon the basis of its magnificent achievements culminating in the events of November 7, the proletarian revolution prepared confidently and resolutely to meet coming events.
The problem of the Revolution, that each development and each crisis emphasized, was: the destruction of the Soviets, or all power to the Soviets. But all power to the Soviets necessarily meant a proletarian revolution, the assumption of power by the revolutionary proletariat, leading on the poorest masses of the peasantry. And, considering the Russian Revolution retrospectively and in whole, we realize that its fundamental aspect is the development, through hesitation, compromise, temporary defeat and ultimate victory, of a proletarian revolution.
The rapidity of events should not obscure their developmental character. As a revolutionary process, the proletarian revolution in Russia developed through all the necessary stages. The overthrow of Czarism resulted in the establishment of the imperialistic bourgeois republic of the Milyukov-Guchkov government. But the frankly imperialistic character of this government was incompatible with the stage on which it operated. Imperialism was undermined by the oncoming proletarian revolution, and Imperialism had to camouflage itself in the colors of radical democracy to promote its purposes and preserve Capitalism. The camouflage assumed the form of the "radical-Socialist" government of the coalition and of Kerensky. This is a significant development. That period comes in Capitalism when, shaken by the oncoming proletarian revolution, it adopts as a last bulwark of defense the "radical democracy" of the moderate labor and Socialist movement, which is dominantly the movement of skilled labor and the petit bourgeoisie. This phenomenon assumed the form of "laborism" in Australia, where the "labor" government became the centre of Imperialism and bourgeois reaction against the revolution. It seems, apparently, that a similar development may occur in England, where the Labor Party, through its slogan of a "democratic peace," promoted the war and reaction, and is the party of social-imperialistic State Capitalism as against the proletarian revolution. Democracy serves to promote Imperialism, and democracy may serve to prevent, temporarily, the proletarian revolution. The "radical" bourgeois republic of the Menshevist-Kerensky government was precisely of this character—the final stage of the republic of Capitalism. Pluming itself as revolutionary, it acted against the Revolution; it put pacifism in the service of Imperialism; it used Socialism to deceive the masses; it incorporated within itself the "revolutionary democracy" of moderate Socialism to provide Capitalism with a new lease of life. But this final stage of Capitalism multiplies the inherent contradictions of Capitalism, and is temporary. The "Socialism" of a bourgeois government is in the very nature of things mere camouflage, and being such it acts as a developer of class consciousness and revolutionary Socialism. The oncoming proletarian revolution in Russia, passing through a series of defeats which alternately weakened Capitalism and strengthened the Revolution, finally annihilated the bourgeois-"Socialist" republic. The proletarian revolution in Russia was not an isolated or arbitrary seizure of power, as was the Paris Commune; it was the outcome of an historical development characteristic of the proletarian revolution as a process of action and development.
***
Proclamation issued by Lenin, as Chairman of the Council of People's Commissaires, November 18, 1917.
Comrades: Workers, Soldiers, Peasants, All who Toil!
The workers' and peasants' Revolution has finally been victorious in Petrograd, scattering and capturing the last remnants of the small bands of Cossacks duped by Kerensky. In Moscow the Revolution was successful even before a few trainloads of our fighting forces arrived there from Petrograd. In Moscocw the Junkers and other Kornilovites have accepted the conditions of peace: the disarming of the Junkers, the dissolution of the "committees of safety." From the front and from the provinces there flows in, daily and hourly, news of the support by the overwhelming majority of the soldiers in the trenches and by the peasants in their villages of the new government and its decrees on peace and giving the land to the peasants. The success of the Revolution of workers and peasants is assured, for the majority of the people have already come out in its favor.
It is quite clear that the landholders and capitalists, the chinovniks (bureaucracy) and office-holders, closely connected .with the bourgeoisie, in a word, all those who are rich or who are aiding the rich, will be hostile to the new Revolution, will oppose its success, will threaten to cease the activity of the banks, will disorganize or stop the work of certain institutions, will spread confusion and sabotage in every way, directly and indirectly. Every class conscious worker knows very well that we must inevitably meet with such opposition, that the higher officials are opposed to the people and will not surrender their charges to the people without opposition. The toiling classes are in no way intimidated by this opposition, not for a moment do they tremble before the threats and sabotage of the supporters of the bourgeoisie.
Behind us are the majority of the people. Behind us are the majority of the toilers and the oppressed of all the world. We are fighting in the cause of justice, and our victory is certain.
The opposition of the capitalists and of the higher officials will be broken. Not a man will be deprived by us of his possessions without a special law for the nationalization of the banks and syndicates. This law is being drawn up. Not a single worker will be deprived of a copek; on the contrary, aid will be given him. Without establishing any new imposts, for the present, the Government will first take up the task of a strict supervision and control of the collection of taxes already established, without any concealment whatever.
In the name of these just demands, the vast majority of the people have rallied around the Provisional Workers' and Peasants' Government.
Comrades and Toilers: Remember that it is you who now control the government. No one will help you unless you yourself unite and take all government functions into your hands. From now on your Soviets are the organs of government power, fully authorized, decisive organs.
Rally around your Soviets. Strengthen them. Take hold yourselves of this task, from below, and wage relentless warfare on all attempts at anarchy on the part of drunkards, hooligans, counter-revolutionists. Junkers, Kornilovites.
Introduce strict control over production and an inventory of products. Arrest and bring before the revolutionary tribunals of the people, all persons who injure the cause of the people, whether this injury takes the form of sabotage (destruction and interruption) of production, or that of hoarding supplies of grains or products, or that of holding up carloads of grain, or disorganizing the activity of the railroads, teleqraph, post office, and in general, any form of opposition to the great common cause of peace, of assuring to the worker control over the production and distribution of goods.
Comrades: workers, soldiers, peasants, all who toil! Put all the power in your districts into the hands of your Soviets. Preserve and guard as the apple of your eye, the land, grain, the factories, tools, products, transportation—all these are henceforth your common possession. Gradually, in agreement with the majority of the pleasantry, and with their approval, as we learn the lessons of their practical experience and that of the workers, we shall advance steadfastly and unwaveringly to the realization of Socialism, in which we shall be aided by the advanced workers of the most civilized countries and which will give to the nations permanent peace and delivery from all oppression and from all exploitation.
- ↑ On October 29, Tereschenko, the Minister of Foreign Affairs in the Kerensky government sent a secret telegram (subsequently published by the Bolshevik government) to the Russian Ambassador in London, reading in part as follows: "With regard to your conversation with Balfour, I deem it important to confirm that in our opinion the forthcoming Allied Conference shall have for its problem an appraisal of views of the Allies with regard to the same. At the same time the Conference should determine the means of further conduct of the war and mutual assistance which the Allies must show to each other. With regard to the participation at the Conference of a person [Skobelef] having the confidence of our Democracy, it is important to bear in mind that this person will be one of the personnel of the Russian government delegation, in whose name only its head will speak officially." The hint was enough. This is proof that the Provisional Government conspired secretly with imperialistic governments to continue the war and intrigued against the Revolutionary Democracy.
- ↑ Lenin, at this time, was still in hiding, the warrant for his arrest issued after the July uprising being still in force. But during all this time he directed the activity of the Bolsheviki; and, it is said, most of the time he was in Petrograd receiving delegations and issuing instructions.
- ↑ This was the new name of the organ of the Bolsheviki, Pravda having been suppressed.
- ↑ L. A. Martov, on behalf of the Menshevik-Internadonalists, proposed the following resolution:
Whereas, First, the coup d'etat which placed all authority in Petrograd in the hands of the Military Revolutionary Committee but a single day before the opening of the Congress, was accomplished by the action of the Bolsheviki Party alone, and by means which were exclusively military in their nature; and,
Whereas, Second, this coup d'etat threatens to produce bloodshed, civil war and a triumph of the counter-revolution which will drown in blood the entire proletarian movement and thereby destroy all the achievements of the Revolution; and,
Whereas, Third, the sole remedy for this situation, which might still prevent the outbreak of civil war, is an agreement between the insurgent section of the democracy and the remaining democratic organizations, concerning the formation of a democratic government that would be recognized by the whole revolutionary democracy and to whom the Provisional Government could hand over its authority without a struggle;
Therefore, the Menshevik Fraction calls upon the Congress to recognize officially the absolute necessity of an amicable settlement of the crisis thus produced, by forming a government composed of representatives of all the democratic elements; and the Menshevik-Internationalists, with this purpose in view, offer the Congress to appoint a deletion to consult with the other organs of democracy and with the socialistic parties.
And, until the results of the work of this delegation shall become apparent, the Menshevik-Internationalist Fraction proposes to the Congress that it discontinue its labors.