The Red Insurrection in Finland in 1918/Part 1/Chapter 4

by Henning Söderhjelm

4. OCCURRENCES OF THE AUTUMN AND
WINTER.

October.

The elections for the new Lantdag took place on the 1st October. The independence of Finland was included in the programme of all parties, but in reality a trial of strength was imminent between the "Bourgeois" and the "Socialists," the Social-Democratic Party was still the official name of the Labour Party. This party had appeared as the protector of the mob and the friend of the Russian soldiers. It must now be the object of the country to choose between being dragged into the Russian revolution whithersoever this would tend, or resolutely avoiding it, taking its fate into its own hands and re-establishing order. Fortunately, it was seen that the infection from the Russian revolution had not impregnated the whole people. The Labour Party lost its majority. It returned 92 representatives against 108 bourgeois.

This was a hard blow to the "Socialists." They had gone to the poll with the firm assurance of victory. The many successful strikes, by which wages had been screwed up considerably, had increased the number of the organised labourers almost tenfold, and these were safe votes. Besides this, it was reckoned that the chances for an extreme radicalism were now, in the midst of the world-war and the Russian revolution, better than they had ever been. Only for this reason did the Socialists take part in the elections at all. The Labour Party had not acknowledged the dissolution of the Lantdag, and announced that the new elections were "illegal." They took part in them, however, with the assumption that for the new Lantdag "it could not be claimed that it should in every respect conform to the before-existing legal rules," as it said in the party's call to the poll—but that in opposition to the usual rules of procedure of the Lantdag, it had the right to sanction fundamental laws and taxation acts by simple majority, and also to act as a free constituent assembly.

So that was it. The people elected a Lantdag, but when it was well elected, and had got its Socialistic majority, it would reveal itself as a constituent assembly! By this the power would be placed in the hands of the Labour Party in a way that was as simple as it was shrewd. But it proved a miscalculation. The party therefore changed tactics, and kept very scrupulously to the usual procedure of the Lantdag, in order to bring the influence of their great minority to bear as much as possible.

As soon as their defeat in the elections had become known, the Labour Party began to organise corps of the Red Guard in good earnest. Before they had been mutually independent organisations, now they were to be transformed into a real army. The purpose of this was first stated to be self-defence against the butcher-corps, i.e., the Protective Corps, but soon the real, purely revolutionary, intention is allowed to show through, though only obscurely.

In a procalamation issued on the 20th October the leaders of Finland's Collective Trades Unions say as follows: "As the bourgeoisie is now feverishly arming itself against the labourers in order to stifle their most important endeavours for reform, the leaders are of opinion that in self-defence, and to provide against all contingencies, the labourers should immediately raise corps of Guards all over the country." But already on the 16th October the former chief of the Government, Mr. Tokoi, had pointed out in a speech at Åbo that the defeat at the elections need not be of decisive importance as "the labourers had other means of power besides the ballot to bring home their claims. It was necessary to stand firm, and fight for the victory of the revolution when the right moment had come."

On the 31st October the party council of the Social-Democratic Party calls upon those corps of the Guard that are not yet fully equipped to "get ready as quickly as possible, and collect all the forces of the working-men in order to provide against every contingency, for great events may lie in wait for us." On the next day the "Leading Committee of the Labour Guards Corps" makes the following announcement: " Great events may call upon us before we expect it, and then the Labourers' Guards Corps must be ready to accomplish their task so that we can be on a level with circumstances."

This is an invitation to revolution. Revolution against what? The word was meaningless, as in reality all the claims for reform, preferred by the Labour Party, had already found, or were on their way to finding, a solution in the Lantdag. But something else was on the books. The most democratic of all election acts had pronounced its sentence, and it went against the Labour Party. It was therefore necessary to bring off a coup by which the party could get into power again in spite of the plainly manifested will of the people. The ballot was no good any longer, the "other means of power" were now looked to with confidence. These, however, were for the time being in the hands of a band of men who were the country's enemies, if anyone was, for they were the rifles of the licentious bands of Russian soldiers. With these it was intended to fight and to cow the people in its own country. That, however, is not revolution, it is treason. And the reason for entering into this mad game? Lust of power together with the fascinating attraction of events in Russia. Besides this, the Labour >arty had now wrought up its own adherents to such a pitch that they obstinately demanded victory, power, and the complete subjection of the "bourgeoisie."

A journal belonging to the staff of the Red Guard at Tammerfors shows how the organisation of the corps was carried out. At a meeting on the 6th October, a committee was elected for the securing of weapons from the Russian soldiers. Simultaneously majors were appointed.

10th October. The staff determine that the Guard shall be recruited in accordance with the law of conscription. In North Tavastland are placed eleven battalions of men between twenty-one and forty years. The training to begin immediately.

16th October. Conscription is extended to the ages from eighteen to twenty-one. A special armed troop is formed of completely trustworthy, capable men. Railway men offer to form own battalion. An espionage department is formed. Maps are provided.

17th October. Four interpreters (for co-operation with the Russians) are appointed. An offer from the Russian soldiers of 500 rifles, at 50 Finnish marks apiece (their real value was from 600 to 800 marks), and 125,000 cartridges, is received and at once closed with. It is decided to procure revolvers.

In this way it was intended to protect the "poor starving working-men" against the "bloodthirsty citizens." A few weeks later it was to appear for what purpose the Russian rifles had actually been procured.

 

November.

On the 1st November the new Lantdag assembled at Helsingfors. Its most important problem was provisionally, in some way or other, to adjust the complicated relations with Russia. The discussion relating to this question was carried on partly between the party-groups and partly between these and the representative of the Provisional Government in Finland, Governor-General Nekrasov. But while awaiting the solemn opening of the session it was possible to follow in the press how the situation was developing round about in the country The notices thereof in a certain way throw light upon the circumstances.

On the 1st November the papers bring the following communications: Six Russian soldiers have searched an office in Helsingfors, arrested two persons and put them in prison. Cause: a secret—and false—denouncement for having stored weapons.—At Viborg, Cossacks there garrisoned have taken offence at a newspaper notice, prevented the paper from appearing, threatened to arrest and flog the editors.—A drunken marine soldier has thrown paving-stones through the windows of a tram-car in Helsingfors.—A Russian sentry has shot a young Finn who had not succeeded in stopping his runaway horse in time.—Russian soldiers have arrested two persons in a villa suburb of Helsingfors—cause unknown.

2nd November. Drunken soldiers make a scene at Tammerfors station which delays the train two hours.—Twenty soldiers force their way into the editorial offices the Kaskö Tidning and make a search of the house. Cause: a woman has said to a soldier that there were weapons in the yard. The search was without results.—A young girl has been assaulted by two soldiers.—Count Armfelt at Åminnegård has been visited by seven armed marine soldiers who arrived in a motor-car, over-powered a sentry-post and tried to force their way into the main building to "murder and rob," as they said themselves. They, however, retired when they saw that the house was guarded.—At a factory in the up-country the parish constable and two policemen come to fetch a suspected individual for examination. This excites the displeasure of the working-men, who arrest the parish constable and the policemen. They are ordered not to show themselves on the premises of the factory in future.—The council of soldiers at Viborg forbids the appearance of the paper which has excited its displeasure "while the war lasts" and threatens violence.—Finland's Procurator addresses a communication to the Governor-General with the request that the Russian military, totally undisciplined as it is, may be withdrawn from the country.

3rd November. Before the lower court at Åbo a case is proceeding against six persons arrested for the theft of butter. Suddenly 50 Russian marine soldiers, armed with rifles with fixed bayonets, force their way in and surround both judge and prisoners. Two sailors take their stand on either side of the prosecutor and direct their revolvers against him. Then the court is ordered with threats of revolvers and rifles to release the prisoners. As the bench remain silent, the soldiers themselves release the prisoners, seize all the papers of the court, and take their departure with the six happy thieves.—Two soldiers force their way into a shop, knock down the shop-girl and rob the till.—board-school teacher and his wife are fired at without cause as they are walking along a country road. They succeed in concealing themselves in a wood. The pursuing soldiers fire about forty shots at them.—A gentleman is attacked one night in the heart of Helsingfors by two marine soldiers, they catch hold of his head from behind and stab him in the chest. A book he carries in his pocket saves him.

The days from the 4th to the 7th November furnish the following illustrations: A fight in a dancing-saloon with stabbing and revolver shooting. Russian soldiers seize without ceremony 300 kgs. of tin; when the owner appears, the soldiers try to arrest him; he escapes into a house, is fired at, returns the fire; the house is surrounded, the man is seized, bound, and taken to the Russian barracks.—A drunken soldier fires several shots through a window, the bullets hit the wall just above the bed of a sleeping child. After that the man shoots down the streets and breaks some windows. Seven house-searches without results are made by Russian soldiers.—Soldiers commit burglary in a school and a factory.—In the middle of the day a gentleman, who has drawn a considerable sum of money in a bank, is assaulted by three Russian marine soldiers in the heart of Helsingfors. They drag the man into a gateway, strike him till he loses consciousness, and rob him.—A woman of the streets has been arrested for theft. Russian soldiers demand her release or threaten to release her by force.—The Government, who had made energetic attempts to re-establish the highly necessary permanent police, is informed by a deputation of Russian soldiers that the military garrisoned at Helsingfors intends to prevent any such attempt by force of arms.—From an account published in a Russian paper of a soldiers' meeting it appears that the soldiers had made journeys to Russia to procure arms for the Finnish labourers.

The situation was not agreeable. Behind the searches and arrests of the Russian soldiers stood the Labour Party, which was not ready itself to come into the foreground, and, for the time being, contented itself with keeping the hated "citizens" in continual terror through all these military assaults. This was not, however, understood by the bourgeoisie as yet. They thought that the proceedings of the Russians were caused by an exaggerated and mad fear of "German agents"; that the soldiers feared a German advance against St. Petersburg, "the heart of the revolution," and therefore ravaged the land as they did. Too great a faith in their own people prevented the Finns from seeing facts as they were, the largest political party in the country joining the demoralised bands of Russian soldiers for purposes of treason.

A speaking proof of this good faith on the one hand, and the treachery of the Labour Party on the other hand, is found in the before-mentioned journal containing reports of the meetings of the Red Guard staff at Tammerfors. On the 6th November the municipal council requests the Red Guard to send some representatives to confer with the Protective Corps with a view to co-operation. This request is refused. On the 8th November there is a fresh communication from the municipal council. Information has been received from Estland giving a terrible description of the ravages of the Russian soldiers there. The municipal council therefore again requests the Red Guard to send some representatives to confer with the Protective Corps, in order that they may act in concert if the Russian military should begin to harry Finland as cruelly as Estland. According to the report the answer of the staff is to the effect that disturbances from the side of the Russians are not to be feared, and that all grounds are wanting for co-operation between the bourgeois and the working-men. At the same time the staff send two representatives and an interpreter to a Russian soldiers' meeting which "is dealing with the question of procuring arms for us." The result is good. They get their weapons. It must be noted that the staff is under the leadership of the Labour Party, and that the latter, as it appears from several places in the report, was also in direct negotiation with the Russians about the procuring of weapons.

This little incident gives a good idea of the situation. As yet the upper classes had such optimistic notions about the Red Guard of the Labour Party that they believed them ready to defend the country if it became necessary. But these latter were in reality already taken up by an energetic revolutionary co-operation with the Russians, and were arming themselves together with them against their own countrymen—at the same time assuring the latter that no danger threatened.

One more act of violence was committed during the first days of November, and one that attracted special attention, partly because it cost several people their lives, and partly because it showed how exceedingly difficult the task of the Protective Corps practically was. On the 6th November, about fifty armed Russian marine soldiers arrived by train and motor-car in the neighbourhood of the estate of Mommila in Tavastland. At Mommila were staying some friends and relatives of the owner, the Landbrugsraad Kordelin—eleven ladies and eleven gentlemen. When they were warned by telephone of the sudden concentration of military in the neighbourhood, they applied to the nearest town for a guard. Six men were sent. The next morning the soldiers marched into Mommila, cut the telephone wires, took the guard captive, and made an energetic search throughout the house. Four of five of the sailors proved to be Finns in uniform, a couple of these were bad characters from the neighbourhood. During the search gold watches, bracelets, rings, bangles, garments, etc., disappeared. The sailors made themselves at home at the breakfast-table and let the hungry visitors see how much they enjoyed the meal intended for them. As a reason for this enforced hospitality, now one reason, now another, was given. The search was for corn, arms, German spies, all according to circumstances. When the search was ended, all the eleven gentlemen were arrested, in order, as it was said, to be taken to Helsingfors. In the meanwhile the news of the proceedings of the soldiers had spread, and from the neighbouring town, Lahti, thirty men of the Protective Corps proceeded to Mommila to find out what was actually going on. On the high road, some kilometres from the estate, the thirty men met a motor-car packed full of armed sailors, and behind it came the whole bevy of prisoners in various vehicles guarded by sailors. The leader of the Protective troop signalled to the motor-car to stop, which it did. On his asking what the soldiers were up to, they answered by giving fire. After that there was brisk firing which lasted for about forty minutes. The prisoners of the Russians ran off towards the wood, but two of them, the Landbrugsraad, Mr. Kordelin, and the manager of a large factory, a civil engineer, Mr. Pettersson, were immediately shot down by their guards before they had made the least attempt to run away. The shots were fired by a sailor sitting behind them in the cart, evidently a Finn in disguise. A valuable ring worn by Kordelin disappeared and was found again a few months after in the possession of a Russian infantryman who was offering it for sale. In the fight two members of the Protective Corps were killed, a photographer and a verderer, while two sailors were killed and several wounded. The Russians fled in different directions, some of them were captured later on after more or less violent conflicts, but they were of course liberated as soon as they were handed over to the military authorities. The Protective Corps of Helsingfors now marched out, but at the same time the Russian military took alarm. They took possession of the important railway junction Riihimaki, in their nervousness fired at a train with exchanged German invalided prisoners, and sent 400 men with rifles and machine guns to Mommila. In order to avoid bigger fights the Protective Corps of Helsingfors retreated.

The murdered owner of Mommila was a very wealthy man. He had made a will by which the whole of his fortune, amounting to more than forty million marks, was left to all sorts of associations and institutions for the education of the people.

Among the bourgeoisie it was believed that the events at Mommila would open the eyes of the labourers and show them the necessity for concord and united action against the Russian outrages and the native ruffianism. All bourgeois papers expressed the hope that the Protective Corps, as well as all the corps of the Red Guard, would now unite and combine to guard the peace and lawful order of the country.

There was all the more reason for nourishing such hopes as Finland had, just at this time, by the force of circumstances, been practically detached from Russia. On the 7th November the Bolshevik insurrection had broken loose in Russia and the Provisional Government had been overthrown. Russia was now without government, for the right to the executive power was not acknowledged by anyone but the party's own members, and so much was plain that the power vested in the Russian Emperor, in his quality of Grand Duke of Finland, could not without ceremony pass over to a Russian party committee which had usurped the power. Finland must now decide her own fate.

The moment was great and historical. The collapse of Russia had now progressed so far that Finland as a detached whole could choose her own way and show that she was really a nation with Western culture, capable of holding her own among the States of Europe. But the Labour Party would not hear of anything of the sort. In accordance with the old form of government the Lantdag was to choose a ruler for the country already on the 8th November. But, on account of the split among the factions, the presidency of the Lantdag was of opinion that there were grounds for proposing an administration committee of three persons. The Labour Party moved a counter-proposal containing the programme of an entire social revolution, and demanding amongst other things that the law—the so-called Power Law—which had been the cause of the dissolution of the former Lantdag should now be confirmed. This party thus considered it adequate—as proposed in this law—to continue to commit all foreign and military affairs to the Russian Government which at the moment did not exist. After a great many difficulties the question was decided to the effect that the Lantdag itself took over the Higher Power in Finland.

In the meanwhile the Labour Party found that the moment had now come to bring into play those "unparliamentary means of power" they had so often threatened to employ. On the 13th November at twelve midnight they proclaimed a general strike throughout the country, and their first act was to take possession of all the printing offices of the bourgeoisie papers, so that the morning papers could not appear on the 14th. The Red Guard had now come into action.

What was the reason for this sudden vigorous measure just at this time? The demands preferred by the party in the strike proclamation did not make the matter clearer. They consisted in a radical regulation of the food question, and the struggle against unemployment on the lines laid down by the Labour Party; the confirmation of the "Power Law," of the law of the eight-hour working-day, and of the proposed extremely radical municipal law; secure guarantees for an old-age pension scheme, for an effective taxation of large incomes and war profits, for the emancipation of cottagers, and the extension of the franchise to persons of the age of twenty; the convening of a constituent assembly.

It is not easy to see how a general strike would be able to act beneficially with regard, e.g., to the providing of food, or do away with unemployment, or why the "Power Law," with its highly unsatisfactory solution of the problem of Finland's relations with Russia, was now so desirable. On the whole there was every possible reason for suspecting that the end and purpose of the strike was something very different from what the proclamation stated, and that this latter was only a mere misleading sign. This was seen in the first instance from the fact that the strike did not end when the Lantdag passed the two Bills it was possible to pass—the eight-hour working-day and the municipal law—but not until a couple of days after, though none of the many other claims had been carried through. Furthermore, the real purpose might be inferred from the fact that the strike leadership was in the hands of a committee bearing the name of the "Revolutionary Central Council"—so it was intended to start a revolution. And last but not least, in the declaration which ended the strike, was found a passage showing that power was the ultimate object. "Finland's bourgeoisie is certainly not yet on its knees before the working-class," it says. And as a consolation: "The general strike has ended, but the revolution persists."

A couple of documents now accessible, from the days before the outbreak of the strike, give us another glimpse into its real purpose. On the 9th November a committee elected by the Social-Democratic Municipal Organisation meets at Åbo, the purpose of which is "to lead the approaching strike " (in the journal is added above the line: "or revolution"). At the meeting two persons are elected who, together with an interpreter, are to take part in the Russian executive committee's and the Bolshevik committee's meetings now sitting, in order to deliberate on the expediency of united action during the approaching revolution. The meeting is adjourned in order to await the return of the deputation, and is continued again at twelve midnight. Two representatives of the executive committee of the Russians are now present. The report of the meeting runs as follows: "The Russian comrades gave an account of their plans; we then explained the situation from our point of view. We agreed that the beginning of the fight should be signalled by three gunshots (first one and then two quickly after one another). At the same time the Russians stated that they had no objection to our people taking the Hotel Pœnix for headquarters, with the exception of the rooms already occupied by the Russian Soldiers' Committee. We informed the Russians that before morning we would submit a strategical plan for the taking of the city. This plan is later submitted to the Russians."

At the meeting next day the "strategical plan" is discussed, with a few small amendments it is carried, and then sent on to the Russian soldiers. At the same time it is determined that "the leading persons and other such" of the bourgeoisie—a special list is found—are to be arrested immediately on the outbreak of the revolution, and that all "central places" must be taken.

Also in Tammerfors the strike is prepared after joint deliberation with the Russians. The work is thus distributed that the Russian soldiers are to make all searches after weapons and take possession of the telegraph, while the Finnish Red Guard does the rest.

It is thus plainly seen that the real purpose of the November strike was to carry out the "revolution," for which the signal had been given already before, and none other. Now the time had come. The Bolsheviks had taken over the Government in Russia; now they wanted to do the same in Finland. The Finnish Labour Party was allowed to hang on to the circumference of the big Russian revolution and secure the power to themselves at home. In view of this the party was quite indifferent to what the result would be for the country in its entirety if pure anarchy and complete mob-rule should be the result. It looked as if the party had already lost the last remnant of its sense of responsibility and all understanding of law, order and civilisation, and that its road now lay in the direction of treason and civil war.

The course the strike took showed what the Red Guard was worth. For several days cartloads of Russian weapons had been rolling out towards the "People's House" at Helsingfors. Now the "Working-men's Guard Corps for the Maintenance of Order" were fully equipped. They went round the streets and forcibly closed the shops. They took possession of the headquarters of the police, went over the photographic collection of criminals, and destroyed photographs of thirty-one individuals who were now trusted men in the Guard. Eight of them were murderers. A lot of houses were searched, and in Helsingfors alone close upon 200 persons were arrested. Among these was the district magistrate, who sat imprisoned until the month of January. The district magistrate at Åbo suffered the same fate. In the streets patrols sauntered about with guns, now and then firing a few volleys "for the maintenance of order."

But worse was still to come. At the order of the "Revolutionary Central Council" the eighteen above-mentioned ruffians from Helsinge were let out of the district prison at Helsingfors. This was soon felt in their native parish. For thither they went, cheered by the crowd, after having been armed in the "People's House,"and there they began their ravages again. First they looked up a board-school teacher, rummaged through his house, found nothing, took him with them into the yard, set him against a wall and shot him. Laughing, the band went on. The parish constable was visited by them, and when he met them on his stairs he was fired at and fell down badly wounded. The band went on and shot the owner of an estate, who came driving along the high road. In his company was a young tradesman who succeeded in escaping. But the next morning he was caught in his home and shot—he might have proved an unpleasant witness. At the estate of Härtonäs the owner, Mr. Bergbonn, was sitting at his breakfast table when a band of Red Guardsmen entered and cried: "Hands up!" Mr. Bergbonn was deaf, and turned to his wife, asking: "What is it they are saying?" At the same moment there was a loud report and the old gentleman fell dead to the floor, shot through the head. As if nothing had happened the Red "ordermen" now began to search for arms—which, of course, were not found. A guards constable in private service was the next victim. He was sitting in his little house when the Red entered and ordered him to follow them. The wife and children clung to the head of the family and would not let him go. "You shall have him back again," say the Red consolingly to the woman. Half an hour later the door is opened and the dead body of the man is thrown in. "There, you have your husband!" cries a voice outside.

In a detached villa near Helsingfors lived a widowed lady, Mrs. Sahlstrøm, with her four young sons. They had no reason for believing themselves hated or disliked by the "people." But one morning at seven o'clock they are awakened by a shot from the forest, and looking out through the window they see that the watch-dog lies shot by the steps. At the same moment there is a hammering on the door, and the eldest son, Gunnar, goes out to open it. Hardly has he put his head through the opening when there is the crash of a volley and he rolls down the steps into the yard, wounded though still alive. At the sound of the reports and the savage oaths Mrs. Sahlstrøm comes hurrying up, as also a younger son, Ragnar, only dressed in his night-clothes. As soon as he shows himself he, too, is saluted by a volley and falls down beside his brother's body. Three bayonet thrusts put an end to his life. The ruffians now rush into the house and there find the two youngest boys, the eldest fifteen years old. A gun is raised against him, but the despairing mother has time to throw herself between, and the bullet misses him. A thorough search of the house is now begun, and with revolvers directed against their breasts the boys are ordered to confess "where arms were concealed." There were none. Then the men went out. Mrs. Sahlstrøm asked them to help her to carry in the bodies of her two murdered sons lying in a pool of blood in the yard. But the men only laughed, and when she asked them to remove themselves from out of her sight, they declared that they intended to stay and "guard the house." Against whom?

The strike lasted a week. In this short time the Red force for the maintenance of order murdered thirty-four persons. But besides these there were many wounded, and several of the persons arrested were severely ill-treated in prison. At the house-searches and by the sequestration of various kinds of goods very great values were lost. Articles of gold and silver disappeared, wine-cellars were plundered. At Åbo the funds of the food control committee, 60,000 marks, were stolen, and sugar to the value of 200,000 was distributed among "the revolutionary people."

The general strike was brought to an end when it was found that it did not lead to any actual result. It had been a premature echo of the Bolshevik revolution in St. Petersburg, but it had been started in the wrong way by the official insistence on certain claims on Government and Lantdag. In order that these claims might be fulfilled the latter institutions had to function, whereas the aim of a real revolution would, of course, be their downfall. So the strike ended with the declaration that the "valiant Red Guard of the Labouring Class shall always be maintained as an organisation," and that "the Revolution continues." In the journal of the Red Guard at Tammerfors the situation after the general strike is designated as an "armistice," during which the Guard is to be reorganised and put into good fighting condition.

One or two things seem to indicate that the revolution strike was organised at the instance of Russia. Lenin and his friends were not yet secure in their seats at St. Petersburg, and, on the other hand, they had their warmest adherents among the sailors in the Baltic fleet at Helsingfors. If the Bolsheviks had been forced to leave the Russian capital, Helsingfors would therefore have been an eminently suitable retreat. It is not improbable—certain features of the preparation for the strike lends support to this idea—that Finland's soil was to be prepared for making Helsingfors a safe head-quarter for Bolshevism. From this place the work for the world revolution could be directed just as well as, or better than, from St. Petersburg. Still, this is a conjecture which at least for the present cannot be proved.

When the strike broke out the country was without any supreme State power, and the Government had resigned. The exchequer was empty, and the food crisis had reached a crucial point. Free Finland did not find herself in any enviable position. As soon as the Lantdag had assumed the supreme power it had to choose a government. The Labour Party proposed an unmixed "Red" senate. This would, however, presuppose that a general pardon was to be granted for the crimes perpetrated during the week of the strike. As this was a condition impossible to fulfil, a purely bourgeoisie government was elected with Mr. Svinhufvud at the head.

At this time there was much talk of a split within the ranks of the Labour Party. It was said that some of its more important members were beginning to lose their enthusiasm for the Russian anarchy, and to realise that the social revolution of the Bolsheviks, extended to Finland, would mean the destruction of this country. And undoubtedly there were signs that the week of the strike, with its experience and consequences that so little benefited the party, had sobered down several persons. But this fact could lead to no result now the Red Guard had once for all been let loose, and the continuance of the revolution proclaimed. Those who could not go to this length had to content themselves with silence or faint protests and retreat. In spite of a bourgeoisie majority in the Lantdag, and a purely bourgeoisie government, in spite of the scruples .of the Socialists themselves, the country had now been delivered up to the two great anarchist and terrorist organisations, the disbanding Russian army and the corps of the Red Guard.

The first task of the Government was to take measures for the re-establishment of order. It was met by almost insuperable obstacles. The force for the maintenance of order, the police, had, as stated before, disappeared, and in its place was found a local militia dependent on the Labour Party. This militia was very soon forced to a complete submission to all the demands of the Red Guard. It was therefore necessary to establish a new force, a force for the maintenance of order that would be independent of all parties, a national militia. Before the problem of this strong force for the maintenance of order could be solved—and its solution in the Lantdag on positive lines became the signal for the outbreak of the insurrrection in January—the Protective Corps had to be strengthened and armed. The already mentioned police school near Borgå had been stormed during the week of the strike by a large force of Red Guards and Russian sailors, the men had fled, the kitchen staff had been murdered, the horses stolen.^[1]

A fresh beginning had to be made, and Østerbotten was chosen as the centre for the new organisation.

But the Government had other equally important problems to solve. The independence of Finland had to be secured, food to be procured, and finances to be restored. The field of work was extensive, it all took time, and the Red gang and their comrades, the Russians, could therefore continue their activity undisturbed.

It became one of the chief tasks of the Red Guard after the strike to protect its felonious members against all designs on the part of the force for the maintenance of order. In this they were very successful. None of the murderers or robbers from the strike were caught; only an unfortunate thief was twice arrested by detectives and twice forcibly liberated by his comrades. Each time he was liberated he scolded them soundly because they had not made more haste. Likewise the gains of the revolution were defended by retaining the prisoners in gaol. The district magistrates at Åbo and Helsingfors were each in his separate cell. At Åbo the Red had also taken possession of the lower and higher courts which were thus prevented from working. But a new branch of activity soon flourished for the corps of the Red Guard. From the local representatives in town and country they claimed compensation for the maintenance of order during the strike! At Åbo a claim of half a million was lodged, with the threat of plundering the city if the money were not forthcoming. The money was advanced—worse luck! At Helsingfors the amount was one million, at Tammerfors only 100,000, etc. In like manner, the working men began to demand full pay from their employers for the strike days. It was extortion on a grand scale.

Such was the condition of affairs when the month of

 

December

came. Immediately on the morning of the 1st the newspaper-readers had a fresh sensation: Seven armed men in plain clothes had escorted two goods vans packed full of fire-arms across the frontier; they prevented all examination, failed to show any papers whatever, but saw to it that the vans reached their destination—the towns Kuopio and Lahti, where the contents were unloaded and taken to the houses of the working-men's club in the charge of a guard. This was the first of the many batches of fire-arms which arrived from Russia in the course of the month. The corps of the Red Guard had tasted blood, and the rifles they had employed during the general strike had for the greater part been borrowed of the Russians, and had to be given back again. Instead, the kind Russian Bolsheviks, who in meeting after meeting had proclaimed the principle of self-determination for the peoples, and specially laid stress upon the right of Finland to full independence being as plain as day, now sent any amount of weapons and ammunition to the corps of the Red Guard, whose task it was to crush the Finnish parties which were really in earnest about the right of self-determination. The customs and railway authorities lodged one objection after another but could do nothing, as they lacked all means of power. Thus the Russians distributed arms to the corps of the Red Guard throughout the country. Not only rifles and cartridges arrived, but also machine-guns—at the very least about a hundred. As the Russian military were besides provided with a lot of cannon, and to all intents and purposes they identified themselves with the Red, it was only natural that all sensible citizens looked to the future with anxiety.

In an excess of optimism it was, however, hoped that the alteration of the external position of the country would also carry along with it a fortunate solution of the internal problems. On the 4th December the Government solemnly, in the Lantdag, declared Finland to be an independent, neutral State. The Foreign Powers would be immediately communicated with in order to obtain recognition of her independence, and, with regard to the relations with Russia, this question would be submitted to the Russian Constituent Assembly on its meeting. If Finland's emancipation from Russia was once acknowledged, it was the general opinion that the departure of the Russian troops from Finland would come about of its own accord. And as the Bolsheviks were labouring to secure an early peace, and had commenced the demobilisation of the army immediately after the armistice, it looked as if the stay of the Russian military in Finland was not going to be of any great length. If the military again took its departure it would no longer be an impossibility to restore order in the country. When the corps of the Red Guard were deprived of their strongest support, they were sure to return to sense.

Thus it was argued under the influence of the bright prospects shown by foreign affairs. But the acts of violation were continued. On the 4th December the City Council at Tammerfors were locked in by great crowds of working-men who demanded higher wages, and refused to let the council disperse before their demands were granted. After being imprisoned for a day and a night under threats and bawling, the besieged were liberated. One of them was, however, wounded with a knife as he went away. It is a characteristic fact that as the besiegers, consisting of all sorts of vagabonds, formerly labourers at the fortification works, had not carried out their action with the permission of the Red Guard, the latter determined at a meeting to take the city council under its protection in its character of maintainer of order. After a short debate, the Guard is quite clear as to what shape the "protection" should take. The Red Guard undertakes to liberate the prisoners if they will consent to the conditions of the working-men. But if they do not, the Red Guard will consider their function as members of the city council as suspended, and they will not be allowed to hold any meetings unless the Red Guard gives its consent. At the same meeting the militia (police) corps of the city declares that it wishes to co-operate with the Guard in all respects, and that it will discard all "untrustworthy" elements from its midst. The working-men at Tammerfors demanded full pay later on for the two days they had kept the city council locked up.

Next came the turn of the city council at Viborg. They were locked up for one night. Then the city fathers of Kotka. Against these latter proceedings were carried on in another way. A crowd of working-men sought them out in their homes, and forcibly conveyed them to a meeting in the city hall. Here they were to grant the Red Guard 150,000 marks at once. This took place on the nth December. Already on the 9th the militia corps had declared a strike, so that the city had no police force. Until the evening of the 12th the prisoners received no food. All factories in the town had stopped, and all Government offices suspended their activities as a counter-move. Red Guards and Russian soldiers were on guard, searched houses and made arrests. On account of the threatening situation, the city council at last acceded to the demands of the Red and were liberated.

On the 13th the city council at Björneborg were locked in, and liberated on the 14th.

This kind of farce was played all over the country, and the course it took was entirely dependent on how quick the threatened authorities were in acceding to the demands of the Red. But mob-rule reached its culminating point at Åbo. In this town the co-operation between the Red and the Russians had all the time been specially intimate, and the elements of pure ruffianism had also been unusually amply represented. The population of the town which had experienced an endless succession of threats and outrages groaned heavily under the yoke of terrorism, and showed signs of despair, a fact which as a matter of course increased the valour and exactions of the Red. They had taken over the police force and formed their own "militia." As the latter was of more than doubtful worth, the authorities of the town naturally wished to put in a word on the subject, but the Red would not agree to this. As their demands had been twice granted, but new demands were constantly forthcoming, the authorities thought it might now be reasonable to refuse and to propose a conference. This proposal was answered by the striking of the militia, and with a sufficiently plain threat that the state of the city would be made so unsafe that the effects could not be foreseen. On Saturday the 5th December the militia was withdrawn, and Sunday evening the mob was sent to show what could be arranged if desired. Riotous crowds, among them many Russian soldiers, swarmed towards the middle of the town, and began to loot the shops. The large show-windows were smashed, the fixtures destroyed, and the goods dragged off in sacks and bundles, on handbarrows, or in any way that suggested itself. This uproar kept on all night, and the militia-men rejoiced in their successful strike. On the Monday the Red Guard took possession of the post office, the banks, etc. In the evening the looting was madly continued. In the course of Tuesday Russian dragoon patrols interfered—it is stated: Ukrainians—and restored order in the course of the next day and night, much shooting.

The Labour Party, of course, dissociated itself from events at Åbo, and declared that they were provoked by the citizens themselves. Against this may be adduced what the soldiers at Åbo communicate in their own paper. In this it is said: "The Soldiers' Executive Committee knew beforehand what would happen, but on account of a private communication from the Finnish Revolutionary Committee no measures were taken."

Thus also the month of December passed in violent unrest and under unlimited mob-rule; we have only been able to report a few of the most sensational events here. The Red bands harried the country, the Russian bands harried the country, no resistance could be offered nor any effective defence set up. A couple of examples of some aspects of the activity of the Red, which have not yet been touched upon, may complete the picture. The Red Guard, which thought itself that it had a great task to accomplish, of course felt painfully the manner in which the bourgeoisie papers exposed its doings. At a public meeting held by the Red Guard at Tammerfors on the 29th November, the style of writing of the papers is sharply blamed and the assembly decide to administer a warning as "the papers cannot be stopped now during the armistice." Two weeks later Russian soldiers forbid the appearance of a Tammerfors paper as it had contained a paragraph stating that not all Russian soldiers in Finland are Bolsheviks. This is plainly enough felt as an outrage upon their honour. The staff of the Red Guard deal with this curious judgment and resolve that the Russians can do as they like, stop the paper or not, according to their pleasure. A peculiar view of the liberty of speech and the independence of Finland!

Another occurrence. In the middle of December seven goods vans arrived from St. Petersburg, sealed and guarded by armed men of the Red Guard. They contained spirits for technical use—it was said—and went as military goods. At Helsingfors, where the vans were to be unloaded, the authorities interfered so energetically that the unloading did not come off, but no more did the customs examination. The vans stood in the station, guarded both by Red Guards and custom-house officers. There were rumours abroad: was it firearms, explosives, or what? The riddle was soon solved and the contents of the vans proved to be actually spirits, i.e., 1,296 cases of Russian spirits purchased in Russia by the English Legation and designed for the English Red Cross. The cases had disappeared from the custom-house office at St. Petersburg. The Reds at Helsingfors thus missed their stolen Christmas liquor, and these ardent teetotallers, who poured away all spirits they found in their house-searches, at Åbo in the week of the strike alone 30,000 litres, now had to go sober all the holidays.

 

January.

While this marauding was continued round about in the country, the Government laboured at obtaining recognition of Finland's independence. In the first days of January the goal was very nearly reached; the Bolshevik government in Russia had acknowledged the country's independence, so had Germany, Austria-Hungary, Sweden, Denmark and Norway. This fact, as well as the peace conference in Brest-Litovsk, which revealed the utter impotence of Russia, influenced the situation in Finland. It was necessary for the Labour Party to take a stand upon the subject. Either the peaceful development of free Finland to a Western State emancipated from Russian dependence and Russian anarchy, or a Finland continually whirling round in the maelstrom of the Russian revolution, sinking into an Eastern chaos, into a gulf of anarchy and terrorism. The party chose the latter alternative. It was the natural consequence of its previous activity and of Russian pressure. But it could not have sunk into the arms of Bolshevism if it had let itself be guided by fairly reasonable views and not by the two powerful passions which now quite blinded it: lust of power and class hatred. The party subordinated itself to the plans of the Russian Bolsheviks, though reluctantly in certain quarters.

These latter were no secret. The formula of the self-determination of nations threatened Russia with destruction. And the peace with Germany was soon to establish the fact that the provinces which had emancipated themselves were politically independent. Undoubtedly Lenin's whole policy was directed towards preventing such a national disaster to Russia. And the means he employed was the social revolution of the world. It was to paralyze Germany's power, and it was to keep hold of the provinces within the boundaries of the Russian Empire which, without being occupied by the troops of the Central Powers, were now wandering their own ways. The same course was taken in the Ukraine, Estland, and Finland. The Bolsheviks intended to monopolise the power, if in no other way, by force. In this way these states would again become attached to Russia. For even if no separate nations existed to the Bolsheviks, even if they formed an international proletariat, yet they had one centre and one chief: St. Petersburg and Lenin. The mighty Russian dreams of conquest here appeared in a new garb. The conquest of the world which so many highstrung Russian souls had imagined in the time of Tsarism, now cropped up again in a new shape: a proletariat world dictatorship under Russian leadership. If this dim goal was not reached, what had formerly constituted the Russian Empire should at least be retained under the Russian sceptre—the sceptre of the Russian proletariat.

Now, as regards Finland specially, we see the tendencies of Bolshevism reflected in some observations from this time. At a congress in St. Petersburg on the 5th December, 1917, Lenin says: "Let the bourgeoisie despicably and pitiably quarrel over and bargain about the frontiers. The working-men in all countries and of all nationalities will not let themselves be divided for so paltry a reason. We are just about to conquer Finland." This is indeed plain speaking. Finland may emancipate herself from Russia as much as she likes, it will not influence the labourers. Thanks to them the Russian Bolsheviks reconquer the country and so "self-determination" is disposed of.

On the 19th December the official Bolshevik organ at Helsingfors has the following item: "There is one thing the bourgeoisie have not realised, that self-determination of the nations is conceivable if only the bourgeois upper class power be crushed." That is to say that self-determination is a delusion, for when the "bourgeois upper class power" is replaced by the dictatorship of the proletariat, there will be no nations any more, only classes.

When finally the Bolshevik Government acknowledged the independence of Finland, it was, as one of its members, post and telegraph minister Proschjan, expressly declares, "trusting that it will not be long before the proletariat of Finland begins the fight of the revolution and takes the reins of its country into its own hands." This "trust" was plainly based on a promise, given by the Finnish Labour Party, before the independence was acknowledged by the Bolshevik Government. This promise was apparently the reason why the acknowledgment was granted at all.

The position of the Labour Party was, however, most difficult. The activities of the bourgeois government had successful, the independence of Finland had been acknowledged, and now the leaders could turn with greater energy upon the interior anarchy, and particularly upon its most essential cause: the Russian troops. The demand that these should be at once withdrawn could now be preferred with greater force after even the Bolsheviks' own government had acknowledged the independence of Finland. And it required a lot of Russian evasions about "a general plan of evacuation" and all sorts of vague phrases about the necessity of "defending the roads to St. Petersburg, the heart of the revolution, against German imperialism," in order to hold out against the well-founded and peremptory demand of the Finnish Government that the undisciplined troops should be withdrawn. But deprived of these Russian soldiers the position of the Labour Party was not of course very strong.

On the other hand the Red Guard caused its party anxiety. Its ravages and looting, its growing interference in all concerns, the arbitrary seizures of all the stores of the food regulation authorities which it indulged in, in short, the complete terrorism it practised, could not strengthen the "cause of the revolution." According to the statutes of the Guard it ought to be under the complete control of the party leaders. These latter, after the November strike, made many attempts to purge the ranks of the army at least to some slight extent, and particularly to render it an obedient instrument in the hands of the party. But the Red Guard approached nearer and nearer to the age of majority. It was now very well armed and its relations with the Russians were so intimate that it knew exceedingly well the meaning of "an independent fighting organisation" after the Russian pattern. It strove to emancipate itself from the party. But such an emancipation would really mean that the Red Guard took over the leadership in the party, for who would dare to oppose its unscrupulous armed force?

The meeting of the Red Guard on the 6th January, which was the introduction to the palace revolution, took a characteristic course. Some Russian "comrades" from St. Petersburg appeared before a crowded hall, explaining the course of the revolution in Russia, and at the same time expressing their surprise at the tame revolutionary movement in Finland which was specially doubtful and faltering during the November strike. The Russians gave it as their opinion that the party leaders at Helsingfors were not truly revolutionary. These utterances were received with a storm of applause. A proposal for new statutes was now submitted and was carried immediately.

A comparison between the old and the new statutes shows what the purpose was, viz.: to place the leadership of the "continuing revolution" in the hands of the Red Guard. This would afford security against the contingency that some poor cowards among the party leaders would prevent extreme measures against the citizens which it would perhaps be "forced" to adopt. Whereas the first paragraph of the old statutes quite innocently stated that "it is the business of the Guard to protect the labourers' liberties of association, assembly, speech and press, and on the whole to serve as a protection to the rights of the labourers," this clause in the new statutes has received the following addition: "and to act as an executive revolutionary force for the aims of the labourers." In the new statutes the second paragraph is quite new. It runs: "The Red Guard obey the commands issued by the General Staff of the Guard. If during the revolution another revolutionary institution, local or embracing the whole country, should arise, the political power will pass over to the latter." In the old Statutes the following decision is made with regard to the supreme administration of the Guard: "The administration of the Guard embracing the whole country is constituted by a management committee of five, whose members are elected and removed by the party leaders and the leaders of the Co-operating Trade Unions at a general meeting." Now it is said: "At the head of the Red Guard of the whole country is a Commander-in-Chief elected by the representative meeting of the Guard, and a General Staff. The latter consists of eight members, out of which the Party Leaders and the Leaders of the Co-operative Trade Unions each elect two, and the Representative Meeting of the Guard, four."

By these and other similar decisions the Red Guard was freed from the tutelage of the party. It now proceeded to take over the leadership of the revolution entirely. Uncertain and faltering the choragi of the party looked on at this advance of the most violent elements. It is a typical fact that they dared not utter a single manly word of warning, but wriggled through the difficulties with vague phrases. How completely they had actually been forced to submit to the power of the Guard is proved by the fact that, already several days before the outbreak of the insurrection, the party's representatives in the Lantdag had been forbidden to leave Helsingfors without a written permit from the chief of the Red Guard.

To everyone in the Labour Party who was not blinded by hatred of the bourgeoisie and lust of power it must be plain that a revolution in Finland would be utter madness. With the power it commanded in parliament the party might carry through almost any reforms and had, as before mentioned, already got some extremely radical bills passed while others were on the road. The demand for a Constituent Assembly was devoid of all sense, as the country's parliament might be considered as such, and as it had been seen how the good party comrades, the Bolsheviks, had dissolved their National Assembly in Russia. The only point on which the bourgeoisie parties insisted inexorably was the question of Finland being drawn into the maelstrom of the Russian revolution. The most primitive instinct of self-preservation was sufficient to tell one that the only way the country ought not to choose was just the way the Red Guard Corps were going.

And to the more experienced men among the leaders of the Labour Party, too, Finland's immersion in the Russian revolution really looked like a very serious matter. The condition of affairs in Finland was too different from that in Russia for any possibility of carrying through the programme of the social revolution of the Bolsheviks in Finland. In the first place there could not be any question of "nationalising" the land in a country with a very large class of freeholding peasantry. So Finland was to take part in the Russian revolution, and yet not take any real part in it—so vague was the programme, so great the vacillation. These vague feelings among the leaders of the party, the conviction that the Red Guard had usurped the power, fear of the consequences, the realisation of the fact that a social revolution was impossible in Finland, besides the terror of being either a participant or a non-participant—all this is plainly reflected in a lengthy article by Yrjø Sirola, the future minister for foreign affairs in the Government of the rebels, published on the 12th January. In many columns he first proves the slight prospect of a social revolution in Finland before such a revolution has taken place in the countries that are the chief strongholds of the capitalist system, and then goes on to say:—

"But though we are of opinion that we shall not in the near future be drawn into any social revolution, yet the situation may develop into revolution. The class conflict which now shows itself in the clash of economical interests, in local disputes, in quarrels over sheriffs' offices—nay, even in an armed guerilla war—may perhaps soon come to a head in a decisive struggle for the power. It is plain to everybody that the state of affairs will be unendurable when the interior situation grows worse and worse. Only the ruffians and the instigators of the reaction will derive any benefit from the spread of anarchy in this country. But order may be established either in a 'lawful' or a revolutionary way."

The lawful way is that of the party accepting a proposal submitted by the Government to the Lantdag for the establishment of a police force independent of the parties. The revolutionary way is that of the party overthrowing the Government. Sirola continues:—

"As I understand it there are now elements within our party that wish for such an appropriation of the governing power, and other elements that have no special desire for it. But above the question whether any of us wish this or not, stands necessity. The situation may develop in such a way that we must at least make an attempt. The conviction that this is so may become so general that both the Party Council and the Lantdag group will share it. But above all the working-men themselves ought to have a clear understanding of the matter. In each commune they should find out whether they can obtain the power there. In each district the district secretary and the leaders should calculate the extension of our power and that of our opponents. Everywhere the working-men should try to realise in what sort of a position such an attempt might place us."

The writer thereupon quotes a bit from Marx, and goes on to say:—

"The most important principle is that one must not play with rebellion. We must therefore be quite clear beforehand as to what we want. According to the opinion of the undersigned the following propositions must be regarded as the foundation of all that is done in this direction.

"1. That no attempt be made at a social revolution and that the supervision of the production and business generally be not interfered with in greater measure than is necessary in order to live—that is to say, in the same measure as a civil state is obliged to interfere, especially in time of war and a state of general distress.

"2. That decisive measures, e.g., against the Lantdag, be not taken before the great bulk of our party is convinced of the necessity of proceeding to such. If this is not the case the revolutionaries may form agitation groups in furtherance of the work for the promotion of knowledge which they desire, but without breaking the common front which must be kept unbroken against the reaction. If, on the other hand, some groups are not satisfied with this, but intend under any circumstances whatever to proceed to action, they should quit the party and form their own organisation. It will then know its own extent and strength, and may decide when the moment has come for it to proceed to action.

"3. No action should be taken which completely isolates the proletariat in such an undertaking. By this 1 mean that the lower middle class and the small farmers or, on the whole, people in humbler circumstances should not be irritated so that they go against us."

The writer concludes: "Above all we need courage. The undersigned is not one of the bravest of men, but every one must now add his stone to the building, for the state of affairs is serious."

No, Mr. Sirola was not one of the bravest of men. He wanted to warn, but dared not. He wanted to turn the Red Guard out of the party so that it should not have the worst of it in the event of a defeat, but he dared not do so openly. He speaks of coming to "a clear understanding of the situation," but by this he means that an estimate is to be made of the strength of both sides.

The psychological moment for a powerful opposition to the revolutionary tendencies within the party should now have come. But nothing was seen but Mr. Sirola's irresolute and pitiable article. And already on the 15th January the party leaders have retired altogether behind the ranks of the Red Guard Corps. On that day the latter issues an appeal under the following headlines:—

 

Gather the Forces of the Proletariat!

The Senate intends to fall upon the Labourers with
Slaughtering Forces!

Select pieces of the appeal run as follows:—

"The bourgeois majority of the Lantdag has given its Senate unrestricted authority to exercise a dictatorship of violence." "The dissatisfied proletariat is threatened with swords and lead, whereas it ought to have bread, democracy and the crofters' emancipation." "The working-men's Red Guard Corps are evidently absolutely necessary for the protection of Finland's Labour class in these days." "At the last party meeting of the Social-Democratic Party there was not one who proposed to dissolve this Guard, or that the working-men should deliver up their arms. Therefore, let the bourgeois, who now scoff at the whole working-men's guard, and the Senate who wish to proceed to attack with an armed force, let them know that this would be to attack the working class of all Finland. Against such a threat the working-men must strengthen their Guard Corps."

The appeal is an answer to a resolution passed the day before by the officers of the Red Guard. In this the Red Guard demand the immediate summoning of a party meeting and put forward a succession of demands in connection with the shortage of food, unemployment, etc. "In order that these ends nay be gained, the political power should be taken over by the Social-Democratic Party. Before measures are taken to put the governing power into the hands of our party, the supreme administration of the Guard ought to be given over to a committee chosen in accordance with the statutes. If the situation demand it, the supreme command of the Guard should take the management of the revolution into its hands."

The revolution was thus decided upon by the Red Guard, and the Labour Party had submitted to the decision. The reason for this was simple enough. The Government and the majority in the Lantdag threatened to deprive the Red Guard of its power. Such a thing must not happen, and so the problem could only be solved in one way. The Government must be overthrown.

When in November the Lantdag resolved to take over the supreme power itself, no definite line was drawn between the spheres of activity of the Government and the Lantdag. The chief of [the Government, Mr. Svinhufvud, had, however, expressly emphasised, when he assumed office, that the ability of the Government to carry out any work at all would, of course, be subject to its obtaining such rights as pertain to the Government of a country. As such he mentions amongst other things the right of bringing in Bills before the Lantdag and of nominating certain higher officials. However, the Labour Party, of course, made an extensive use of the possibilities for opposition which the obscurity with regard to the competence of the Government and the Parliament gave rise to. Everything the Government did without asking leave of the Lantdag was at once branded as an attempt at a State stroke. Even such measures as a resolution to alter the size of the copper coins was an "attempt at a State stroke."

By such means the Labour Party had succeeded in making the masses believe that the Government, and the majority in the Lantdag upon which it leaned, consisted of a collection of black reactionaries who abused their power in a shameful manner—a power which had been treacherously wrenched from the people. Measures displeasing to the Labour Party now followed in rapid succession. At the beginning of January a Bill was brought in by A. Mikkola and others, concerning the re-establishment of the country's army, and it was eagerly supported by the bourgeois groups. There was nothing singular in this—a new-born State in the critical position of Finland absolutely needed an army, however small, in order to support her first tottering steps towards liberty. The Labour Party, however, did what they could to stop the Bill. Furthermore, a parliamentary committee were working at a proposal for the reorganisation of the police, which it had been attempted to make acceptable to the Labour Party by letting the force be under the commune. On the 9th January the Government finally sent the Lantdag a proposal for the establishment of a strong force for the maintenance of order, under the control of the Government, to put a stop to the anarchy in the country. As this proposal has been characterised by the Labour Party as an undisguised challenge and declaration of war, there may be some reason to print it here in its entirety. The proposal runs as follows:—

 

To Finland's Lantdag.

After long-continued sore trials and sufferings our country has attained political independence and freedom. But the interior situation of the country does not in any way answer to even the most primitive foundation for or claims of such a free position. The necessary order does not reign in the country, neither as regards the life, property and rights of our own fellow-countrymen, or those of the numerous foreigners living here. The daily statements, both of the authorities concerned, and the foreign representatives, and the papers, speak of this in the plainest terms. This very day there have been sanguinary encounters in the near neighbourhood of the city between the so-called Red Guard of Helsingfors and the peaceful population, provoked by the former, in which even lives have been lost. From Åbo communication has just been received that the Red Guard of that city has insulted three Swedes, and amongst other things thrown their luggage into the street from a hotel. Anarchist elements, arrived from Russia, have come to stay here, and are acting quite overtly and with violence, sowing the seed of revolution and anarchy among such elements among the soldiers garrisoned here as were already beforehand somewhat unquiet. The state of affairs grows every moment more and more serious, and, within a short space of time, will throw our country into complete anarchy if an improvement of circumstances does not soon take place. The police, which at least in the larger cities of the country, after the revolution in Russia last March and owing to communications received from there, were organised as a militia partly through the Labour organisations and partly by the exertions of communal organisations, have not been able to counteract or suppress the arbitrariness or criminal tendencies reigning in several places in the land, nor are they equal to their task, nor is the training of the militia satisfactory. There are even cities where the Red Guard have taken possession of the police stations without themselves taking measures, or permitting others to take measures, for the maintenance of order. In the opinion of the Senate, a militia of this kind, which cannot accomplish its task, is inadequate—even if some improvements may be made on the lines indicated in the proposal forwarded to the Lantdag. Beyond this, and for its completion, a capable, trustworthy and loyal corps for the maintenance of order is required. This is needed at once, both on account of the above-mentioned lamentable internal situation, as well as on account of the pressure put on the Government by numerous foreign powers, particularly England and Sweden, in consequence of the indignities the subjects of these countries residing in Finland have been exposed to.

In consequence of what is stated above, the Senate has considered itself called upon, by the actual circumstances, to proceed without fail to measures for the establishment of such an effective and unimpeachable Finnish Corps for the Maintenance of Order, which could be trusted to maintain order and security in the land.

These measures will, of course, involve considerably greater expenses than it has been customary to assign for the maintenance of the police. The Government does not see its way, and has not considered it necessary at the present time, to suggest what means will be required for the organisation and support of a reinforced corps for the maintenance of order, but will give information on this point in the proposals submitted to the Lantdag concerning expenditure and revenues for the year 1918.

In view of what has been stated, and as the Government for the above-mentioned purpose will need more funds than usual, the Government expects,

"That the Lantdag will decide to authorise the Government to take all such measures as it deems necessary to build up a strong force for the maintenance of order in this country."

The motion had every prospect of being carried in the Lantdag, the Labour Party, however, did as much as they could to delay the decision, and in the meanwhile to arm their Red Guard, for the state of affairs now began to be threatening. The proposal of the Government would in reality mean that the Protective Corps spread throughout the country were now to be changed into a Government Police Corps, whose activity could not be opposed with impunity. The proper moment for such a reorganisation seemed at last to have come. What with the renewed livelier action of the Red Guard, and the growing resentment against the encroachments of the ruffianly elements, disorderly encounters with arms were to be feared all over the country. It would thus be much better if all the good intentions to wipe out the anarchy were placed under one uniform guidance, even if one incurred the risk of what one would not have liked to risk before—civil war.

The outlines of an actual situation of war became more and more clearly defined. In the course of the first ten days of January the Red Guard carried out several large operations. They gave orders for 300 Russian soldiers to go to Nyslott. They arrived by special train, and began to ravage the little town. The subordinate functionaries were arrested, house-searches were made, robberies committed, etc. The district magistrate at Helsingfors who walked out of the prison one day and took up his official duties again, received a visit from some Red Guardsmen, who declared that within forty-eight hours he must be outside the precincts of the district of Nyland, or they would not answer for his safety.—The Government received a written communication from the Red Guard, in which the dismissal of the district magistrate of Åbo and Uleborg was demanded—or the Guard would proceed to "active measures." The building formerly used as a residence by the Governor-General, at Helsingfors, and now made use of by the Social Department,^[2] was coolly taken possession of one fine day by the Red Guard that needed spacious rooms in a central position for their headquarters.—One morning a considerable number of armed Red Guardsmen "took" a train in the station at Helsingfors, departed to the nearest stations on the main line, took possession of them, and sent a division of sixty men to an adjacent, larger, village in the parish of Sibbo to plunder. Resistance was, however, offered, the Red were fired at by the peasants, lost a couple of men, and retired. In the Labour Press this was characterised as murder committed on peaceful working-men by the citizens.—At Viborg great crowds of roughs collected from Åbo, Helsingfors, and St. Petersburg, because the militia threatened to strike, and because it seemed as if there would be an opportunity for plundering. At Frederikshamn, where a number of sempstresses had struck, the Red Guard thought that the demands of the strikers were not complied with quickly enough. They therefore, with the assistance of Russian soldiers, arrested all the Government officials of the town, and took them to the lock-up. When the Red had kept them there for one night it was thought that they would be sufficiently humbled, and now a lot of demands were made: the city was to grant the Red Guard 50,000 marks for the maintenance of order. Not until the evening, when they had gone without food for a night and a day, and been subject to the wildest threats, did the prisoners submit.—At Mariehamn on Aland Russian soldiers shot one person, wounded one, and arrested three.

Those were only the greater occurrences. Innumerable lesser ones took place at the same time. But also the Protective Corps began to stir. The failure of the marauding expedition to Sibbo gave the Protective Corps in these parts occasion for stationing guards along the railway line, etc. In Østerbotten there were signs that the new Government force, which was mainly being organised there, began to excite a wholesome respect among the Russian soldiers. The general feeling in all sensible circles began to be more optimistic. Perhaps anarchy could really be crushed, perhaps the threats hurled out by the adherents of the Labour Party in the Lantdag when the Force for the Maintenance of Order was at last sanctioned after a hot debate lasting eighteen hours, perhaps they were only an outbreak of impotent fury at the defeat of the party.

And yet these hopes were again dashed. The Labour Party got into closer and closer relations with the Russian soldiers, and the behaviour of the latter became more and more lawless. The more time that passed the more sick and tired the soldiers got of all meetings, speeches, and demonstrations. They wanted to arrange everything for their own greatest convenience. Thus, e.g., the sailors of the Baltic fleet had several really first-class places of entertainment at their disposal. At St. Petersburg they had seized two very large and very fine Imperial steam-yachts, the "Standard" and the "Polar-star," and taken them to Helsingfors, and they had purchased one of the largest and most fashionable hotels in the city with a theatre, etc., and made it into a sailor's club. Balls were given at the barracks, and several of the lady guests lived for weeks and months in the barracks. All sorts of new organisations were formed. Thus an anarchist club took up its quarters in the fine officers' casino, and hung out its flag there—a skull with crossbones on a black ground. One night two bombs were thrown against the building; it was apparently some super-anarchist organisation at work. One society called itself terrorists, and their banner was red with a black star in the middle. They also got a fine house for themselves, the Russian harbour captain's, and a couple of motor cars (and I may insert here that motoring was one of the greatest pleasures of the "proletariat") and advertised for members. The programme ran: "war against imperialism in all the world, not a life struggle, but a struggle to the death."

These examples show how far removed the Russian military were from all order and discipline, and yet the Labour Party opposed their departure from the country, yet the party held a banquet in honour of liberty together with the soldiers on the occasion of Finlands' independence, inviting the soldiers on the grounds that the Finnish working-man's place is by the side of the soldiers, not by that of the bourgeois.

And so events took their course. The Labour Party would not let go the power they held by the aid of the mob and demoralised bands of Russian soldiers, while all those who had not been drawn into the whirlpool of anarchy now prepared in real earnest to beat down this loathsome régime that infested the country like a plague. Some acts of violence were still committed. In the middle of January the Red committed two murders, while the soldiers, sometimes in uniform but with masks before their faces, sometimes furnished with cotton saturated with chloroform, committed robbery and pillage. At Åbo the Red had chosen for their head-quarters a navigation school lying on a hill, and taken possession of it without ceremony; at Kaskø the soldiers celebrated the Russian new year by seizing upon 400 litres of brandy from a bonded warehouse, making themselves drunk on it and fighting. They did not settle down until they had two killed and several wounded.

Soon the state of affairs becomes very critical. The Red take up the offensive in real earnest in order to draw the Protective Corps and then destroy them. On the 21st January two trains with soldiers are sent from St. Petersburg to Østerbotten, the centre of the Protective Corps, most singular tactics, considering the acknowledged independence of Finland, and the many promises that the soldiers should be withdrawn from the country. And at Viborg serious disturbances break out.

On Saturday, the 19th January, the Red in that city suddenly surround a factory, and try to break in with a force of 100 men. Seventeen persons, the owner of the factory, his sons and others, offer resistance inside the building. A violent firing ensues. Russian soldiers come flocking to the assistance of the Red, who, at last, on the Sunday morning, succeed in forcing their way into the house and taking captive its defenders, a couple of whom were severely wounded. It had been the intention of the Red to search the factory. The fighting spread in the city, the Red sent out patrols everywhere, and searched all pedestrians. Those who carried arms were arrested. Sunday, Monday and Tuesday passed in comparative quiet, i.e., the Red and the Russians were masters in the city, gave chase to the Protective Corps, instituted house-searches and arrests. The Red took up their quarters in the Russian barracks, and were thus ready to sally forth at any time. On Monday night two young men, clerks, travelling on business, were murdered just outside the city. In the meanwhile the peasants in the neighbourhood had become exasperated, and, on the Tuesday evening, marched into the city under arms, and took possession of the railway station. They met with no resistance, but the Red and the Russians demonstrated their power by opening a lively fire in the central part of the town, both with rifles and machine guns. In order to improve the effect some cannon shot were also fired. Four persons were killed, amongst them two women. One received a bullet in the abdomen on coming out from the theatre, another a bullet in the neck while leaning out of the window to look at the riots. Many were wounded. The peasant Protective Corps received a visit at the station from a deputation of soldiers, who declared that the Corps must retire, or else the city would be shot to ruins by artillery fire. In face of this threat, the Protective Corps thought itself compelled to retire, and the soldiers now took possession of the station.

Wednesday proved a melancholy day. Sixty-eight persons were arrested and taken to the barracks, two prisoners were murdered quite meaninglessly, a commercial traveller, aged thirty-seven, in whose breast a Red Guardsman suddenly planted a bayonet, and a student, aged twenty, who was shot without the least reason. At 12 o'clock in the night the whole city was proclaimed to be in a state of strike. Towards morning two trains arrived from St. Petersburg, one packed full of Russian Red Guardsmen, the other with firearms and ammunition. Referring to a telegram from the Government of Russia, the soldiers demanded that all the Protective Corps should be disarmed, and the arms delivered up to the Red Guard. The latter was then to operate according to the orders of the representative of the Russian Government in Finland, the so-called Rayon Committee.

On the Thursday the strike reigned. At a station near Viborg two telegraph functionaries had been shot, and the station-master at Viborg, who had been arrested earlier, was found in his cell with his throat cut, an equally meaningless and cruel murder on a man of fifty. The number of the prisoners was now ninety-three, and the Red "played" kindly with them. Now they had to run the gauntlet of two rows of Red and Russians, who struck them with the butt ends of their rifles, now they were arranged in rank and file and counted "to see how much shot was needed," etc.

On the last days of the week, from the 24th to the 27th January, the Red held undisputed sway at Viborg. They marched through the streets, made arrests, and searched houses and committed some outrages, as, for instance, when they fired at a sleigh in which a man was taking his wife to the maternity hospital. The man was wounded in the head, the woman in the abdomen, and the child was born directly after. But the movement had now spread through the whole of the country. In the east and the west, in Karelen and Østerbotten, the Protective Corps were masters, and quite calmly disarmed smaller Russian and Red divisions. But in the south the Red have been seized by the intoxication of war. They occupy the railway stations, collect arms, beg machine guns and cannon of the Russians. They get all they want, and concentrate their forces round Helsingfors. Now the moment for the revolution has come.

During these days the Government laboured strenuously at keeping the Russian soldiers outside the conflict. It repeatedly approached the representative of the Russian Government, the Rayon Committee, with written communications, appeals, wishes, and suggestions. The committee were obliging and sympathetic, but did nothing. It evidently seemed quite natural to them that the Russian soldiers harried an independent, neutral country as they did. As nothing helped, the Government at last, on the 25th and the 26th of January, addressed itself directly to the Russian Government by a telegram, and by written communications to the Governments of Sweden, Norway, Denmark, France, England, Germany, Austria-Hungary, and Greece, and by an appeal to the Finnish people. These three documents ran as follows:—

"To the Council of People's Commissioners.

"During the last days there has been committed murder, incendiarism, and a number of disturbances in several places in Finland, in which soldiers staying here have taken part, not only by protecting those elements in the people that have caused the disorder, but even by themselves taking part in the acts of violence which it had not been possible to carry into effect without the assistance given by the soldiers. As it has been stated that the deliberate participation of the Russian soldiers herein is said to be founded on directions and orders given by the military authorities, Finland's Government, who consider such behaviour on the part of the soldiers as a flagrant violation of Finland's internationally acknowledged independence, have resolved to apply to the Council of People's Commissioners with the demand that the latter will immediately take effective measures for the prevention of the participation of the soldiers in the deeds of violence against Finnish citizens, as well as their further interference in the internal affairs of the country.

"The President of the Government

"Svinhufvud."

"To the Foreign Powers.

"Although the Russian Government have, on the 4th instant, officially acknowledged Finland's political independence, no effective measures have yet been taken for the withdrawal of the Russian troops from the country. On the contrary, Russia still supports numerous divisions of troops in Finland which, simultaneously with consuming the scanty food of the country, are not only a hindrance to the maintenance of order and security in the country, but also, in co-operation with the most turbulent elements of the population, commit murder, incendiarism, and other outrages. This circumstance receives its peculiar significance not only by a few misguided soldiers or divisions of soldiers taking part in these crimes, but also by the fact that the representatives of the Russian Government resident here directly contribute to the prolongation of this state of affairs, intolerable to an independent country, by giving permission for the distribution of firearms and ammunition belonging to the Russian State, to the masses that take part in the disturbances, and by preventing the establishment of an effective police force obedient to the orders of the Government. Thus, according to communications received by the Government of Finland, the commissioner for military affairs of the Russian Government on the 23rd inst. issued orders for the soldiers stationed at Viborg to disarm the Protective Corps which had arrived in the city to maintain order, and to arm with their weapons that element among the working-men which had in those days started sanguinary monster riots in the said city.

"Finally, simultaneously with negotiations carried on, it has been orally communicated to the members of the Government by the Sailors' Committee at Helsingfors, that the Russian military in this country is interested in carrying out a social revolution in Finland, and for this purpose ready to support the revolutionary bands with arms against the lawful order of society and the Protective Corps that support it.

"As the behaviour of the Russian Government is an outrage against Finland as an independent State, the Government of Finland will accordingly bring to the notice of the Powers that have acknowledged Finland's independence their emphatic protest.

"On behalf of the Government of Finland,

"P. E. Svinhufvud."

 

"To the People of Finland.

"The blood of fellow-citizens which has flown during these days forces the Government of this country to appeal to the People.

"Our People has recently seen its dearest hopes realised. It has attained political independence which has already been acknowledged by several of the States of Europe. No external influence will now hinder the Finnish people's possibilities of development. The supreme power in the country is exercised by the Lantdag and the Government responsible to it. Our political, as well as our communal, constitution is democratic.

"Unfortunately, there are those who will not rest satisfied with this way of peace, legality and conviction, but proceed by other means in order to reach their goal. Through Russian agency the thought has been spread among our people that in Finland, too, a democratic evolution is only possible through an internal revolution. Such elements among our people, in whom such a thought has been inculcated, have been armed by Russian agency, and thus our country has been brought to the verge of civil war. On the part of the military here stationed during these last days, the most flagrant interference in the internal affairs of Finland has taken place, revolting outrages against the life, property and liberty of Finnish citizens have been committed. And, what is most to be regretted, some Finnish citizens have on their part incited the Russian troops to this, and together with them raised their weapons against Finnish fellow-citizens, and together with them committed outrages and crimes.

"Although they have obtained power from the Lantdag to work for the establishment of a strong police force, the Government of Finland have not the means to maintain peace and order in the country, as long as the Russian troops here resident act as a threat to all peaceful life by supporting the felonious elements in the country.

"In view of this the Government of Finland have considered it their duty to enter a protest before the Government of Russia against the interference of the Russian troops resident in Finland in the internal affairs of Finland, and again to demand the withdrawal of these troops from Finnish territory. In like manner the Government have considered it their duty to forward to the Foreign Powers, which have acknowledged our independence, a note protesting against the presence of the undisciplined Russian troops and against their outrages.

"The Government of Finland find it necessary also to appeal to all Finnish fellow-citizens. Only by a determined maintenance of order can we keep our recently acquired independence; disturbances of the order may either entirely destroy the independence and liberty of our people, bring our country under foreign rule, or expose it to dismemberment. Everyone who disturbs the order is a foe to the Finnish people and its independence.

"But still more degrading to all our people is the fact that the inhabitants of the country enter into connection with the foreign troops, and together with them commit outrages against their own fellow-citizens. Such behaviour is a crime against the people of Finland, and at the same time a crime against the whole order of society. They are directed against the Lantdag, which holds the supreme power in our country. If such behaviour gains the day our people will disappear from the ranks of the peoples of culture, the State of Finland from among the lawfully ordered States.

"The distress of our native country forces us to appeal to you all. We hope that every Finnish citizen will at the present moment be ready for the sacrifices that may be required by the threatened position of our country and our people, of each individually and all in common. The aim of the concerted endeavours of all should wholly and solely be the maintenance of civil peace. In no circumstances can inflammatory acts or reprisals be allowed, nor any private action opposed to the regulations of the Force for the Maintenance of Order.

"Fellow-citizens! Join hands in order to protect the peace of your homes, the life of those nearest and dearest to you, property, personal liberty, and inviolability. To maintain order is to defend the independence and the future of the Finnish People.

"The Senate of Finland."

But the leaders of the Labour Party? Did they not return to their senses at the last moment? Even if they could no longer stop the advance of the Red gangs, could they not at least keep aloof, warn and protest? They did nothing of all this. Quite the opposite. On the 24th January the Party Council issue a proclamation to the Russian soldiers, the chief contents of which in all their bombast run as follows:—

 

"Russian Comrades!

"From the bourgeois of our country a constant provocative agitation and a stream of filth have during the last months been directed against the Russian revolutionary military garrisoned in Finland. This agitation has exasperated the Russians as well as their Finnish comrades. The revolutionary democracy of Finland and its organisations are overwhelmed with the like abuse. The bourgeoisie papers want to throw the responsibility for the outrages committed against individuals or groups that do not understand the tenets of the revolution on to the shoulders of the revolutionary soldiers and labourers, though these misdeeds are in reality the result of the civil corruption. They therefore brazenly exaggerate what has happened, colour it, and invent lies. All their thoughts run on insulting and blackening the revolution, thus to prepare the soil for a counter-revolution. We understand that this must of course greatly affront the revolutionary Russian military in Finland, which, adhering firmly and with undeviating constancy to its principles, has acknowledged the political independence of Finland. We, the representatives of the working-men of Finland, fight staunchly with you against such a false and provocative stream of insults provoked by the bourgeois of Finland, and express our distinct disapproval of the counter-revolutionary efforts of the bourgeoisie press.

"The Social Democracy are fighting indefatigably against militarism and our Party Meeting has distinctly made known that Finland, even as an independent State, does not require any standing army. Neither must, of course, Russian military be maintained in Finland as soon as its withdrawal is possible, and at any not after the conclusion of peace. But the labourers of Finland have not joined the bourgeois in their provocative demands that the military should be withdrawn immediately, in spite of the distressful shortage of food reigning in the country, which, of course, is further increased for the labourers by the presence of the military here," etc. etc.

It is a peculiar logic that runs through this document. The anti-militarists want to keep the soldiers, the starving ones wish to keep those back who are a drain on the supplies, and they who in the first place have prevented the realisation of Finland's liberty are greeted as those who have bestowed freedom on the country.

On the 26th January the Party Meeting appoint an "Executive Revolutionary Committee," "whose decisions and orders the organised labourers of Finland and their Guard Corps should obey." And in the leading paper, "Työmies," article upon article is produced in order to inflame the masses. The Government of the country is only mentioned in quotation marks, and about its proclamation to the whole people cited above it is said:—

 

"When the appeal of the 'Government of Finland' became known in Labour circles it roused an unspeakable bitterness, an unspeakable hatred. And no wonder. For its contents are precisely so criminal, so brazen, so brutal, and so sanguinary. And there they are derided who have done the noblest deed for the good of our People. In acknowledgment of all that our Russian comrades have done for the liberty of our People, for our independence, for our liberation from oppression and oppressors, they are flouted and called criminals, and on them is thrown the blame of all the shameful outrages for which our ruling class is itself to blame."

 

And now what in the last instance did the authority do which before all could have mitigated the consequences of the now unavoidable civil war, what did the Government of Russia do to prevent their troops from fighting against Finland's lawful force for the maintenance of order?

When the representative of the Finnish Government on the 26th January applied to the "Commissioner for Military Affairs," i.e., the Minister for War, Pokrovski, he stated: "According to information received at St. Petersburg, the social revolution in Finland has begun. In consequence of her principles, it is the duty of Russia to support the proletariat of Finland in its struggle against the Finnish bourgeoisie. The Commissioner has sent the Finnish Red Guard assistance in Finland, and will continue to do so."

So then the die was cast. Finland's people had to choose between destruction in the Russo-Red maelstrom, or a fight for life and liberty. She chose the latter alternative, and was victorious. But the fight which went before the victory was cruel and sanguinary. This is made clear to us by a quick glance at the rule of violence of the Red during the following months.

1. The horses causing the Red Guard a deal of trouble, a good way of getting rid of them was hit upon later on: it was proposed that the Government should buy them!
2. An institution for social affairs working under the Home Office.