America at War.
By Ian Hay.
IV.[1]—The President and His Colleagues.
If we consider briefly some of America's difficulties, a more just and illuminating estimate of her achievement to-day will be gained. First of all, we have to remember that the American nation, like our own, was for years lulled into a sense of false security by persons who persisted in taking the good intentions of other nations for granted, and who passionately upheld the strange doctrine that the best way to keep out of war is to remain unprepared for war. Five years ago "militarism" was as great a bogy in the United States as it was in the United Kingdom. When the storm broke in 1914, and it became apparent that America would sooner or later be drawn into the conflict, there was no lack of able and patriotic Americans to preach the doctrine of Preparedness. But politics blocked the way. A residential election was pending, and, as usual, both sides sat on the fence and declined to commit themselves. Possibly both sides were right, for American public opinion was far from being unanimous upon the desirability of war until less than 12 months ago. Anyhow, nothing was done; and when America entered the war, her Administration was faced with the stupendous task of creating and controlling an Army of millions with machinery which had been designed merely to control the operations of an Army of a hundred thousand. Small wonder if the machine creaks a little! Ours did, too.
Political Difficulties.
Indeed, most of America's difficulties are political. The trouble about making war upon purely democratic lines is that so many people have to be consulted; and not only Congress, but the 40-odd State Legislatures of the country, are all most jealous of their privileges in this respect. Again, the American Constitution, although a model in its way, and although it gives its Ministers of State a security of tenure—and consequently a freedom of action—greatly to be envied by harassed occupants of the Government Front Bench in the British House of Commons, makes it extremely difficult to get rid of incompetent public servants in the critical times of a great war. No reflection is intended here upon the United States Cabinet, which is working gallantly with inadequate tools; but a Government which cannot be removed from office in any circumstances for a space of four years would be more than human if it did not exhibit a greater indifference to public opinion than a Government like our own, which is liable to be requested, by an eager band of successors, to walk the plank at any moment.
Congress, then, although in the main it has responded manfully to all calls made upon its patriotism, is tenacious of its rights, and deprecates the appointment of "dictators." Still, some dictators have been appointed, and their life is not a happy one. Mr. Hoover, of Belgian fame, has done magnificent work in corralling America's food supply and diverting a sorely needed portion thereof to the Allies. Dr. Garfield is endeavouring to distribute coal to an unresponsive nation. Mr. McAdoo is trying to unravel the railway tangle. The trouble is that these able and overworked men have not as yet been brought into sufficient contact with one another. They are severally responsible to the President, but to no one else. A little lateral communication seems necessary. In January, for instance, as already related, Dr. Garfield, with the concurrence of the President, ordered a complete closing down of all industries, wholesale and retail, for five days. There was naturally some criticism of this; so much, indeed, that Mr McAdoo, Director of Railroads, issued a statement to the effect that the order was no work of his, and was, in fact, a complete surprise to him. It was a complete surprise to Mr. Hoover too; and he telephoned hastily to Dr. Garfield, pointing out the consequences of the order upon the vital question of food distribution, and claiming exemption for the food shops, which exemption was immediately granted. The incident was a small one, but it revealed to the public that these three important officials were entirely out of touch with one another. Consequently a demand is growing up in various sections of the community for the creation of a small, strong, permanent War Committee, such as took the place of our own unwieldy Twenty-Two, with power to issue Orders in Council. There is also an insistent demand for the creation of a Ministry of Munitions. But to these the President shows no sign of yielding; and in the United States of America, what the President says "goes"—most emphatically!
Mr. Wilson's Position.
The very position of the President makes it difficult for critics, however sincere, to question his actions. He is at once the titular Head of the State and its Chief Executive Officer. In our own country these functions are allotted to the King and the Prime Minister respectively. Dissatisfied patriots are therefore able to belabour Mr. Lloyd George without affronting the dignity of the Crown. But in America to-day it is impossible to criticize the Prime Minister without criticizing the President as well. This fact causes many useful critics to remain silent altogether, while it brings a storm of opprobrium upon the heads of those who decline to do so—Mr. Roosevelt, for instance. In this connexion it should be noted how difficult is the position of prominent men of the Republican Party in America to-day—like Mr. Roosevelt, Mr. Taft, and Mr. Root. Among us, these experienced statesmen would be stimulating the performances of the Government as leaders of his Majesty's Opposition. In America they are not even members of Congress. Consequently their services, in these days of all days, are officially lost to their country. Mr. Roosevelt in particular is eating his heart out; yet, some of his political foes have been guilty of the incredible meanness of stigmatizing his genuine, if not always tempered, zeal to serve his country to-day as mere window-dressing for the next Presidential campaign.
However, the faith of the American people in Mr. Wilson to-day is unshaken. By popular acclaim he ranks among the great Presidents, and the principal shaft of criticism levelled against him is the suggestion that he is surrounded by colleagues who are less distinguished for administrative ability than for personal loyalty to himself.
Labour.
Labour again, as ever, presents problems of its own. On the whole American Labour has played its part manfully, but here, as ever, we are presented with the spectacle, first, of Labour leaders who are unable to control their own followers; and, secondly, of the soldier risking his life in return for a small fixed wage, while his industrial comrade is enabled to make his own terms, going on strike if need be, for work which brings him into no physical danger whatsoever. The cost of living has soared up, and the demand of Labour for higher pay has followed it to a corresponding altitude. Owing to the drain of military service and the entire cessation of immigration, the labour market is but scantily filled, and those, harbingers of national stringency—and feminine patriotism—the elevator girl and the car-conducting girl, are abroad in the land.
This work is in the public domain in the United States because it was published before January 1, 1929.
The longest-living author of this work died in 1952, so this work is in the public domain in countries and areas where the copyright term is the author's life plus 71 years or less. This work may be in the public domain in countries and areas with longer native copyright terms that apply the rule of the shorter term to foreign works.
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