Works of the late Doctor Benjamin Franklin/Continuation of his Life by Dr. Stuber

by Benjamin Franklin

 

[The life of Dr Franklin, as written by himſelf, ſo far as it has yet been communicated to the world, breaks off in this place. We underſtand that it was continued by him ſomewhat farther, and we hope that the remainder will, at ſome future period, be communicated to the pulic. We have no heſitation in ſuppoſing that every reader will find himſelf greatly intereſted by the frank ſimplicity and the philoſophical diſcernment by which theſe pages are ſo eminently characteriſed. We have therefore thought proper, in order as much as poſſible to relieve his regret, to ſubjoin the following continuation, by one of the Doctor's intimate friends. It is extracted from an American periodical publication, and was written by the late Dr. Stuber^[1] of Philadelphia.]

THE promotion of literature had been little attended to in Penſyjvania. Moſt of the inhabitants were too much immerſed in buſineſs to think of ſcientific purſuits; and thoſe few, whoſe inclinations led them to ſtudy, found it difficult to gratify them, from the want of ſufficiently large libraries. In ſuch circumſtances, the eſtabliſhment of a public library was an important event. This was firſt ſet on foot by Franklin, about the year 1731. Fifty perſons ſubſcribed forty ſhillings each, and agreed to pay ten ſhillings annually. The number encreaſed; and in 1742, the company was incorporated by the name of "The Library Company of Philadelphia." Several other companies were formed in this city in imitation of it. Theſe were at length united with the library company of Philadelphia, which thus received a conſiderable acceſſion of books and property. It now contains about eight thouſand volumes on all ſubjects, a philoſophical apparatus, and a good beginning towards a collectition of natural and artificial curioſities, beſides landed property of conſiderable value. The company have lately built an elegant houſe in Fifth-ſtreet, in the front of which will be erected a marble ſtatue of their founder, Benjamin Franklin.

This inſtitution was greatly encouraged by the friends of literature in America and in Great Britain. The Penn family diſtinguiſhed themſelves by their donations. Amongſt the earlieſt friends of this inſtitution muſt be mentioned the late Peter Collinſon, the friend and correſpondent of Dr. Franklin. He not only made conſiderable preſents himſelf, and obtained others from his friends, but voluntarily undertook to manage the buſineſs of the company in London, recommending books, purchasing and ſhipping them. His extenſive knowledge, and zeal for the promotion of ſcience, enabled him to execute this important truſt with the greateſt advantage. He continued to perform theſe ſervices for more than thirty years, and uniformly refuſed to accept of any compenſation. During this time, he communicated to the directors every information relative to improvements and diſcoveries in the arts, agriculture, and philoſophy.

The beneficial influence of this inſtitution was ſoon evident. The cheapneſs of terms rendered it acceſſible to every one. Its advantages were not confined to the opulent. The citizens in the middle and lower walks of life were equally partakers of them. Hence a degree of information was extended amongſt all claſſes of people, which is very unuſual in other places. The example was ſoon followed. Libraries were eſtabliſhed in various places, and they are now become very numerous in the United States, and particularly in Pennſylvania. It is to be hoped that they will be ſtill more widely extended, and that information will be every where increaſed. This will be the beſt ſecurity for maintaining our liberties. A nation of well-informed men, who have been taught to know and prize the rights which God has given them, cannot be enſlaved. It is in the regions of ignorance that tyranny reigns. It flies before the light of ſcience. Let the citizens of America, then, encourage inſtitutions calculated to diffuſe knowledge amongſt the people; and amongſt theſe, public libraries are not the leaſt important.

In 1732, Franklin began to publiſh Poor Richard's Almanack. This was remarkable for the numerous and valuable conciſe maxims which it contained, all tending to exhort to induſtry and frugality. It was continued for many years. In the almanack for the laſt year, all the maxims were collected in an addreſs to the reader, entitled, The Way to Wealth. This has been tranſlated into various languages, and inſerted in different publications. It has alſo been printed on a large ſheet, and may be ſeen framed in many houſes in this city. This addreſs contains, perhaps, the beſt practical ſyſtem of œconomy that ever has appeared. It is written in a manner intelligible to every one, and which cannot fail of convincing every reader of the juſtice and propriety of the remarks and advice which it contains. The demand for this almanack was ſo great, that ten thouſand have been ſold in one year; which muſt be conſidered as a very large number, eſpecially when we reflect, that this country was, at that time, but thinly peopled. It cannot be doubted that the ſalutary maxims contained in theſe almanacks muſt have made a favourable impreſſion upon many of the readers of them.

It was not long before Franklin entered upon his political career. In the year 1736, he was appointed clerk to the general aſſembly of Pennſylvania; and was re-elected by ſucceeding aſſemblies for ſeveral years, until he was choſen a repreſentative for the city of Philadelphia.

Bradford was poſſeſſed of ſome advantages over Franklin, by being poſt-maſter, thereby having an opportunity of circulating his paper more extenſively, and thus rendering it a better vehicle for advertiſements, &c. Franklin, in his turn, enjoyed theſe advantages, by being appointed poſt-maſter of Philadelphia in 1757. Bradford, while in office, had acted ungenerouſly towards Franklin, preventing as much as poſſible the circulation of his paper. He had now an opportunity of retaliating; but his nobleneſs of ſoul prevented him from making uſe of it.

The police of Philadelphia had early appointed watchmen, whoſe duty it was to guard the citizens againſt the midnight robber, and to give an immediate alarm in cafe of fire. This duty is, perhaps, one of the moſt important that can be committed to any ſet of men. The regulations, however, were not ſufficiently ſtrict. Franklin ſaw the dangers ariſing from this cauſe, and ſuggeſted an alteration, ſo as to oblige the guardians of the night to be more watchful over the lives and property of the citizens, The propriety of this was immediately perceived, and a reform was effected.

There is nothing more dangerous to growing cities than fires. Other cauſes operate ſlowly, and almoſt imperceptible; but theſe in a moment render abortive the labours of ages. On this account there ſhould be, in all cities, ample proviſions to prevent fires from ſpreading. Franklin early ſaw the neceſſity of theſe; and, about the year 1738, formed the firſt fire-company in this city. This example was ſoon followed by others; and there are now numerous fire-companies in the city and liberties. To theſe may be attributed in a great degree the activity in extinguiſhing fires, for which the citizens of Philadelphia are diſtinguiſhed, and the inconſiderable damage which this city has ſuſtained from this cauſe. Some time after, Franklin ſuggeſted the plan of an aſſociation for inſuring houſes from loſſes by fire, which was adopted; and the aſſociation continues to this day. The advantages experienced from it have been great.

From the firſt eſtabliſhment of Pennſylvania, a ſpirit of diſpute appears to have prevailed amongſt its inhabitants. During the life-time of William Penn, the conſtitution had been three times altered. After this period, the hiſtory of Pennſylvania is little elſe than a recital of the quarrels between the proprietaries, or their governors, and the aſſembly. The proprietaries contended for the right of exempting their lands from taxes; to which the aſſembly would by no means conſent. This ſubject of diſpute interfered in almoſt every queſtion, and prevented the moſt ſalutary laws, from being enacted. This at times ſubjected the people to great inconveniences. In the year 1744, during a war between France and Great Britain, ſome French and Indians had made inroads upon the frontier inhabitants of the province, who were unprovided for ſuch an attack. It became neceſſary that the citizens ſhould arm for their defence. Governor Thomas recommended to the aſſembly, who were then fitting, to paſs a militia law. To this they would agree only upon condition that he ſhould give his aſſent to certain laws, which appeared to them calculated to promote the intereſts of the people. As he thought theſe laws would be injurious to the proprietaries, he refuſed his aſſent to them; and the aſſembly broke up without paſſing a militia law. The ſituation of the province was at this time truly alarming: expoſed to the continual inroads of an enemy, and deſtitute of every means of defence. At this criſis Franklin ſtepped forth, and propoſed to a meeting of the citizens of Philadelphia, a plan of a voluntary aſſociation for the defence of the province. This was approved of, and ſigned by twelve hundred perſons immediately. Copies of it were circulated throughout the province; and in a ſhort time the number of ſigners amounted to ten thouſand. Franklin was choſen colonel of the Philadelphia regiment; but he did not think proper to accept of the honour.

Purſuits of a different nature now occupied the greateſt part of his attention for ſome years. He engaged in a courſe of electrical experiments, with all the ardor and thirſt for diſcovery which characterized the philoſophers of that day. Of all the branches of experimental philoſophy electricity had been leaſt explored. The attractive power of amber is mentioned by Theophraſtus and Pliny, and, from them, by later naturaliſts. In the year 1600, Gilbert, an Engliſh phyſician, enlarged conſiderably the catalogue of ſubſtances which have the property of attracting light bodies. Boyle, Otto Guericke, a burgomaſter of Magdeburg, celebrated as the inventor of the air pump. Dr. Wall, and Sir Iſaac Newton added ſome facts. Guericke firſt obſerved the repulſive power of electricity, and the light and noiſe produced by it. In 1709, Hawkeſbee communicated ſome important obſervations and experiments to the world. For ſeveral years electricity was entirely neglected, until Mr. Grey applied himſelf to it, in 1728, with great aſſiduity. He, and his friend Mr. Wheeler, made a great variety of experiments; in which they demonſtrated, that electricity may be communicated from one body to another, even without being in contact, and in this way may be conducted to a great diſtance. Mr. Grey afterwards found, that, by ſuſpending rods of iron by ſilk or hair lines, and bringing an excited tube under them, ſparks might be drawn, and a light preceived at the extremities in the dark. M. Du Faye, intendant of the French king's gardens, made a number of experiments, which added not a little to the ſcience. He made the diſcovery of two kinds of electricity, which he called vitreous and reſinous; the former produced by rubbing glaſs, the latter from excited ſulphur, ſealing-wax, &c. But this idea he afterwards gave up as erroneous. Between the years 1739 and 1742, Defaguliers made a number of experiments, but added little of importance. He firſt uſed the terms conductors and electrics, per ſe. In 1742, ſeveral ingenious Germans engaged in this ſubject. Of theſe the principal were, profeſſor Boze of Wittemberg, profeſſor Winkler of Leipſic, Gordon, a Scotch Benedictine monk, profeſſor of philoſophy at Erfurt, and Dr. Ludolf of Berlin. The reſult of their reſearches aſtoniſhed the philoſophers of Europe. Their apparatus was large, and by means of it they were enabled to collect large quantities of electricity, and thus to produce phenomena which had been hitherto unobſerved. They killed ſmall birds, and ſet ſpirits on fire. Their experiments excited the curioſity of other philoſophers. Collinſon, about the year 1745, ſent to the library company of Philadelphia an account of theſe experiments, together with a tube, and directions how to uſe it. Franklin, with ſome of his friends, immediately engaged in a courſe of experiments; the reſult of which is well known. He was enabled to make a number of important diſcoveries, and to propoſe theories to account for various phenomena; which have been univerſally adopted, and which bid fair to endure for ages. His obſervations he communicated, in a ſeries of letters, to his friend Collinſon; the firſt of which is dated March 28, 1747. In theſe he makes known the power of points in drawing and throwing off the electrical matter, which had hitherto eſcaped the notice of electricians. He alſo made the grand diſcovery of a plus and minus, or of a poſitive and negative ſtate of electricity. We give him the honour of this, without heſitation; although the Engliſh have claimed it for their countryman Dr. Watſon. Watſon's paper is dated January 21, 1748; Franklin's July 11, 1747; ſeveral months prior. Shortly after, Franklin, from his principles of plus and minus ſtate, explained, in a ſatisfactory manner, the phenomena of the Leyden phial, firſt obſerved by Mr. Cuneus, or by profeſſor Muſchenbroeck of Leyden, which had much perplexed philoſophers. He ſhewed clearly that the bottle, when charged, contained no more electricity than before, but that as much was taken from one ſide as was thrown on the other; and that, to diſcharge it, nothing was neceſſary but to make a communication between the two ſides, by which the equilibrium might be reſtored, and that then no ſigns of electricity would remain. He afterwards demonſtrated, by experiments, that the electricity did not reſide in the coating, as had been ſuppoſed, but in the pores of the glaſs itſelf. After a phial was charged, he removed the coating, and found that upon applying a new coating the ſhock might ſtill be received. In the year 1749, he firſt ſuggeſted his idea of explaining the phenomena of thunder-guſts, and of the aurora borealis, upon electrical principles. He points out many particulars in which lightning and electricity agree; and he adduces many facts, and reaſoning from facts, in ſupport of his poſitions. In the ſame year he conceived the aſtoniſhingly bold and grand idea of aſcertaining the truth of his doctrine, by actually drawing down the forked lightning, by means of ſharp-pointed iron rods raiſed into the region of the clouds. Even in this uncertain ſtate, his paſſion to be uſeful to mankind diſplays itſelf in a powerful manner. Admitting the identity of electricity and lightning, and knowing the power of points in repelling bodies charged with electricity, and in conducting their fire ſilently and imperceptibly, he ſuggeſts the idea of ſecuring houſes, ſhips, &c. from being damaged by lightning, by erecting pointed iron rods, which ſhould riſe ſome feet above the moſt elevated part, and deſcend ſome feet into the ground or the water. The effect of theſe, he concluded, would be either to prevent a ſtroke by repelling the cloud beyond the ſtriking diſtance, or by drawing off the electrical fire which it contained; or, if they could not effect this, they would at leaſt conduct the ſtroke to the earth, without any injury to the building.

It was not until the ſummer of 1752, that he was enabled to complete his grand and unparalleled diſcovery by experiment. The plan which he had originally propoſed, was, to erect on ſome high tower, or other elevated place, a centry-box, from which ſhould rife a pointed iron rod, inſulated by being fixed in a cake of reſin. Electrified clouds paſſing over this, would, he conceived, impart to it a portion of their electricity, which would be rendered evident to the ſenſes by ſparks being emitted, when a key, a knuckle, or other conductor, was preſented to it. Philadelphia at this time afforded no opportunity of trying an experiment of this kind. Whilſt Franklin was waiting for the erection of a ſpire, it occurred to him, that he might have more ready acceſs to the region of clouds by means of a common kite. He prepared one by attaching two croſs ſticks to a ſilk handkerchief, which would not ſuffer ſo much from the rain as paper. To his upright ſtick was affixed an iron point. The ſtring was as uſual, of hemp, except the lower end, which was ſilk. Where the hempen ſtring terminated, a key was faſtened. With this apparatus, on the appearance of a thunder-guſt approaching, he went out into the commons, accompanied by his ſon, to whom alone he communicated his intentions, well knowing the ridicule which, too generally for the intereſt of ſcience, awaits unſucceſsful experiments in philoſophy. He placed himſelf under a ſhed to avoid the rain. His kite was raiſed. A thunder cloud paſſed over it. No ſign of electricity appeared. He almoſt deſpaired of ſucceſs; when ſuddenly he obſerved the looſe fibres of his ſtring to move towards an erect poſition. He now preſented his knuckle to the key, and received a ſtrong ſpark. How exquiſite muſt his ſenſations have been at this moment! On this experiment depended the fate of his theory. If he ſucceeded, his name would rank high amongſt thoſe who have improved ſcience; if he failed, he muſt inevitably be ſubjected to the deriſion of mankind, or, what is worſe, their pity, as a well-meaning man, but a weak, ſilly projector. The anxiety with which he looked for the reſult of his experiment, may eaſily be conceived. Doubts and deſpair had begun to prevail, when the fact was aſcertained in ſo clear a manner, that even the moſt incredulous could no longer withhold their aſſent. Repeated ſparks were drawn from the key, a phial was charged, a ſhock given, and all the experiments made, which are uſually performed with electricity.

About a month before this period, ſome ingenious Frenchmen had completed the diſcovery, in the manner originally propoſed by Dr. Franklin. The letters which he ſent to Mr. Collinſon, it is ſaid, were refuſed a place amongſt the papers of the Royal Society of London. However this may be, Collinſon publiſhed them in a ſeparate volume, under the title of New Experiments and Obſervations on Electricity, made at Philadelphia in America. They were read with avidity, and ſoon tranſlated into different languages. A very incorrect French tranſlation fell into the hands of the celebrated Buffon, who, notwithſtanding the diſadvantages under which the work laboured, was much pleaſed with it, and repeated the experiments with ſucceſs. He prevailed upon his friend, M. D'Alibard, to give to his countrymen a more correct tranſlation of the work of the American electrician. This contributed much towards ſpreading a knowledge of Franklin's principles in France. The King, Loius XV. hearing of theſe experiments, expreſſed a wiſh to be a ſpectator of them. A courſe of experiments was given at the ſeat of the Duc D’Ayen, at St. Germain, by M. De Lor. The applauſes which the King beſtowed upon Franklin, excited in Buffon, D'Alibard, and, De Lor, an earneſt deſire of aſcertaining the truth of his theory of thunder-guſts. Buffon erected his apparatus on the tower of Montbar, M D'Alibard at Mary-la-ville, and De Lor at his houſe in the Eſirapade at Paris, ſome of the higheſt ground in that capital. D'Alibard's machine firſt ſhewed ſigns of electricity. On the 10th of May, 1752, a thunder-cloud paſſed over it, in the abſence of M. D'Alibard; and a number of ſparks were drawn from it by Coiffier, a joiner, with whom D'Alibard had left directions how to proceed, and by M. Raulet, the prior of Mary-la-ville. An account of this experiment was given to the Royal Academy of Sciences, in a memoir by M. D'Alibard, dated May 13th, 1752. On the 18th of May, M. De Lor proved equally ſucceſsful with the apparatus erected at his own houſe. Theſe diſcoveries ſoon excited the philoſophers of other parts of Europe to repeat the experiment. Amongſt theſe, none ſignalized themſelves more than Father Beccaria of Turin, to whoſe obſervations ſcience is much indebted. Even the cold regions of Ruſſia were penetrated by the ardor for diſcovery. Profeſſor Richman bade fair to add much to the ſtock of knowledge on this ſubject, when an unfortunate flaſh from his rod put a period to his exiſtence. The friends of ſcience will long remember with regret the amiable martyr to electricity.

By theſe experiments Franklin's theory was eſtabliſhed in the moſt firm manner. When the truth of it could no longer be doubted, the vanity of men endeavoured to detract from its merit. That an American, an inhabitant of the obſcure city of Philadelphia, the name of which was hardly known, ſhould be able to make diſcoveries, and to frame theories, which had eſcaped the notice of the enlightened philoſophers of Europe, was too mortifying to be admitted. He muſt certainly have taken the idea from ſome one elſe. An American, a being of an inferior order, make diſcoveries! Impoſſible. It was ſaid, that the Abbé Nollet, in 1748, had ſuggeſted the idea of the ſimilarity of lightning and electricity, in his Leçons de Phyſique. It is true, that the Abbe mentions the idea, but he throws it out as a bare conjecture, and propoſes no mode of aſcertaining the truth of it. He himſelf acknowledges, that Franklin firſt entertained the bold thought of bringing lightning from the heavens, by means of pointed rods fixed in the air. The ſimilarity of electricity and lightning is ſo ſtrong, that we need not be ſurpriſed at notice being taken of it, as ſoon as electrical phenomena be- came familiar. We find it mentioned by Dr. Wall and Mr. Grey, while the ſcience was in its infancy. But the honour of forming a regular theory of thunder-guſts, of ſuggeſting a mode of determining the truth of it by experiments, and of putting theſe experiments in practice, and thus eſtabliſhing his theory upon a firm and ſolid baſis, is inconteſtibly due to Franklin. D'Alibard, who made the firſt experiments in France, ſays, that he only followed the track which Franklin had pointed out.

It has been of late aſſerted, that the honour of completing the experiment with the electrical kite, does not belong to Franklin. Some late Engliſh paragraphs have attributed it to ſome Frenchman, whoſe name they do not mention; and the Abbé Bertholon gives it to M. De Romas, aſſeſſor to the preſideal of Nerac; the Engliſh paragraphs probably refer to the ſame perſon. But a very ſlight attention will convince us of the injuſtice of this procedure: Dr. Franklin's experiment was made in June 1752; and his letter, giving an account of it, is dated October 19, 1752. M. De Romas made his firſt attempt on the 14th of May 1753, but was not ſucceſsful until the 7th of June; a year after Franklin had completed the diſcovery, and when it was known to all the philoſophers in Europe.

Betides theſe great principles, Franklin's letters on electricity contain a number of facts and hints, which have contributed greatly towards reducing this branch of knowledge to a ſcience. His friend, Mr Kinnerſley, communicated to him a diſcovery of the different kinds of electricity excited by rubbing glaſs and ſulphur. This, we have laid, was firſt obſerved by M. Du Faye; but it was for many years neglected. The philoſophers were diſpoſed to account for the phenomena, rather from a difference in the quantity of electricity collected; and even Du Faye himſelf ſeems at laſt to have adopted this' doctrine. Franklin at firſt entertained the ſame idea; but upon repeating the experiments, he perceived that Mr. Kinnerſley was right; and that the vitreous and reſinous electricity of Du Faye were nothing more than the poſitive and negative ſtates which "he had before obſerved; that the glaſs globe charged poſitively, or increaſed the quantity of electricity on the prime conductor, whilſt the globe of ſulphur diminiſhed its natural quantity, or charged negatively. Theſe experiments and obſervations opened a new field for inveſtigation, upon which electricians entered with avidity; and their labours have added much to the ſtock of our knowledge.

In September 1752, Franklin entered upon a courſe of experiments, to determine the ſtate of electricity in the clouds. From a number of experiments he formed this concluſion: "that the clouds of a thunder-guſt are moſt commonly in a negative ſtate of electricity, but ſometimes in a poſitive ſtate;" and from this it follows, as a neceſſary conſequence, "that, for the moſt part, in thunder-ſtrokes, it is the earth that ſtrikes into the clouds, and not the clouds that ſtrike into the earth." The letter containing theſe obſervations is dated in September 1753; and yet the diſcovery of aſcending thunder has been ſaid to be of a modern date, and has been attributed to the Abbé Bertholon, who published his memoir, on the ſubject in 1776.

Franklin's letters have been tranſlated into moſt of the European languages, and into Latin. In proportion as they have become known, his principles have been adopted. Some oppoſition was made to his theories, particularly by the Abbé Nollet, who was, however, but feebly ſupported, whilſt the firſt philoſophers of Europe ſtepped forth in defence of Franklin's principles; amongſt whom D'Alibard and Beccaria were the moſt diſtinguiſhed. The oppoſition has gradually ceaſed, and the Franklinian ſyſtem is now univerſally adopted, where ſcience flouriſhes.

The important practical uſe which Franklin made of his diſcoveries, the ſecuring of houſes from injury by lightning, has been already mentioned. Pointed conductors are now very common in America; but prejudice has hitherto prevented their general introduction into Europe, notwithſtanding the moſt undoubted proofs of their utility have been given. But mankind can with difficulty be brought to lay aſide eſtabliſhed practices, or to adopt new ones. And perhaps we have more reaſon to be ſurpriſed that a practice, however rational, which was propoſed about forty years ago, ſhould in that time have been adopted in ſo many places, than that it has not univerſally prevailed. It is only by degrees that the great body of mankind can be led into new practices, however ſalutary their tendency. It is now nearly eighty years ſince inoculation was introduced into Europe and America; and it is ſo far from being general at preſent, that it will, perhaps, require one or two centuries to render it ſo.

In the year 1745, Franklin publiſhed an account of his new-invented Pennſylvania fireplaces, in which he minutely and accurately ſtates the advantages and diſadvantages of different kinds of fire-places; and endeavours to ſhew that the one which he deſcribes is to be preferred to any other. This contrivance has given rife to open ſtoves now in general uſe, which however differ from it in conſtruction, particularly in not having an air-box at the back, through which a conſtant ſupply of air, warmed in its paſſage, is thrown into the room. The advantages or this are, that as a ſtream of warm air is continually flowing into the room, leſs fuel is neceſſary to preſerve a proper temperature, and the room may be ſo tightened as that no air may enter through cracks; the conſequences of which are colds, tooth-aches, &c.

Although philoſophy was a principal object of Franklin's purſuit for ſeveral years, he confined himſelf not to this. In the year 1747, he became a member of the general aſſembly of Pennſylvania, as a burgeſs for the city of Philadelphia. Warm diſputes at this time ſubſiſted between the aſſembly and the proprietaries; each contending for what they conceived to be their juſt rights. Franklin, a friend to the rights of man from his infancy, ſoon diſtinguiſhed himſelf as a ſteady opponent of the unjuſt ſchemes of the proprietaries. He was ſoon looked up to as the head of the oppoſition; and to him have been attributed many of the ſpirited replies of the aſſembly, to the meſſages of the governors. His influence in the body was very great. This aroſe not from any ſuperior powers of eloquence; he ſpoke but ſeldom, and he never was known to make any thing like an elaborate harangue. His ſpeeches often conſiſted of a ſingle ſentence, or of a well-told ſtory, the moral of which was always obviouſly to the point. He never attempted the flowery fields of oratory. His manner was plain and mild. His ſtyle in ſpeaking was, like that of his writings, ſimple, unadorned, and remarkably conciſe. With this plain manner, and his penetrating and ſolid judgment, he was able to confound the moſt eloquent and ſubtle of his adverſaries, to confirm the opinions of his friends, and to make converts of the unprejudiced who had oppoſed him. With a ſingle obſervation, he has rendered of no avail an elegant and lengthy diſcourſe, and determined the fate of a queſtion of importance.

But he was not contented with thus ſupporting the rights of the people. He wiſhed to render them permanently ſecure, which can only be done by making their value properly known; and this muſt depend upon increaſing and extending information to every claſs of men. We have already ſeen that he was the founder of the public library, which contributed greatly towards improving the minds of the citizens. But this was not ſufficient. The ſchools then ſubſiſting were in general of little utility. The teachers were men ill qualified for the important duty which they had undertaken; and, after all, nothing more could be obtained than the rudiments of a common Engliſh education. Franklin drew up a plan of an academy, to be erected in the city of Philadelphia, ſuited to "the ſtate of an infant country;" but in this, as in all his plans, he confined not his views to the preſent time only. He looked forward to the period when an inſtitution on an enlarged plan would become neceſſary. With this view he conſidered his academy as "a foundation for poſterity to erect a ſeminary of learning, more extenſive, and ſuitable to future circumſtances." In purſuance of this plan, the conſtitutions were drawn up and ſigned on the 13th of November 1749. In theſe, twenty-four of the moſt reſpectable citizens of Philadelphia were named as truſtees. In the choice of theſe and in the formation of his plan, Franklin is ſaid to have conſulted chiefly with Thomas Hopkinſon, Eſq; Rev. Richard Peters, then ſecretary of the province, Tench Francis, Eſq; attorney-general, and Dr. Phineas Bond.

The following article ſhews a ſpirit of benevolence worthy of imitation; and, for the honour of our city, we hope that it continues to be in force.

"In caſe of the diſability of the rector, or any mailer (eſtabliſhed on the foundation by receiving a certain ſalary), through ſickneſs, or any other natural infirmity, whereby he may be reduced to poverty, the truſtees ſhall have power to contribute to his ſupport, in proportion to his his diſtreſs and merit, and the flock in their hands."

The laſt clauſe of the fundamental rules is expreſſed in language ſo tender and benevolent, ſo truly parental, that it would do everlaſting honour to the hearts and heads of the founders.

"It is hoped and expected that the truſtees will make it their pleaſure, and in ſome degree their buſineſs, to viſit the academy often; to encourage and countenance the youth, countenance and aſſiſt the maſters, and, by all means in their power, advance the uſefulneſs and reputation of the deſign; that they will look on the ſtudents as, in ſome meaſure, their own children, treat them with familiarity and affection; and when they have behaved well, gone through their ſtudies, and are to enter the world, they mail zealouſly unite, and make all the intereſt that can be made, to promote and eſtabliſh them, whether in buſineſs, offices, marriages, or any other thing for their advantage, preferable to all other perſons whatſoever, even of equal merit."

The conſtitutions being ſigned and made public, with the names of the gentlemen propoſing themſelves as truſtees and founders, the deſign was ſo well approved of by the public-ſpirited citizens of Philadelphia, that the ſum of eight hundred pounds per annum, for five years, was in the courſe of a few weeks ſubſcribed for carrying it into execution; and in the beginning of January following (viz. 1750) three of the ſchools were opened, namely, the Latin and Greek ſchools, the Mathematical, and the Engliſh ſchools. In purſuance of an article in the original plan, a ſchool for educating ſixty boys and thirty girls (in the charter ſince called the Charitable School) was opened, and amidſt all the difficulties with which the truſtees have ſtruggled in reſpect to their funds, has till been continued full for the ſpace of forty years; ſo that allowing three years education for each boy and girl admitted into it, which is the general rule, at leaſt twelve hundred children have received in it the chief part of their education, who might otherwiſe, in a great meaſure, have been left without the means of inſtruction. And many of thoſe who have been thus educated, are now to be found among the moſt uſeful and reputable citizens of this ſtate.

The inſtitution, thus ſucceſsfully begun, continued daily to flouriſh, to the great ſatisfaction of Dr. Franklin; who, notwithſtanding the multiplicity of his other engagements and purſuits, at that buſy ſtage of his life, was a conſtant attendant at the monthly viſitations and examinations of the ſchools, and made it his particular ſtudy, by means of his extenſive correſpondence abroad, to advance the reputation of the ſeminary, and to draw ſtudents and ſcholars to it from different parts of America and the Weſt Indies. Through the interpoſition of his benevolent and learned friend^ Peter Collinſon, of London, upon the application of the truſtees, a charter of incorporation, dated July 13th, 1753, was obtained from the honourable proprietors of Pennſylvania, Thomas Penn and Richard Penn, Eſqrs. accompanied with a liberal benefaction of five hundred pounds ſterling; and Dr. Franklin now began in good earneſt to pleaſe himſelf with the hopes of a ſpeedy accompliſhment of his original deſign, viz. the eſtabliſhment of a perfect inſtitution, upon the plan of the European colleges, and univerſities; for which his academy was intended as a nurſery or foundation. To elucidate this fact, is a matter of conſiderable importance in reſpect to the memory and character of Dr. Franklin, as a philoſopher, and as the friend and patron of learning and ſcience; for, notwithſtanding what is expreſsly declared by him in the preamble to the conſtitutions, viz. that the academy was begun for "teaching the Latin and Greek languages, with all uſeful branches of the arts and ſciences, ſuitable to the ſtate of an infant country, and laying a foundation for poſterity to erect a ſeminary of learning more extenſive, and ſuitable to their future circumſtances;" yet it has been ſuggeſted of late, as upon Dr. Franklin's authority, that the Latin and Greek, or the dead languages, are an incumbrance upon a ſcheme of liberal education, and that the engraſting or founding a college, or more extenſive ſeminary, upon his academy, was without his approbation or agency, and gave him diſcontent. If the reverſe of this does not already appear, from what has been quoted above, the following letters will put the matter beyond diſpute. They were written by him to a gentleman, who had at that time publiſhed the idea of a college, ſuited to the circumſtances of a young country (meaning New-York), a copy of which having been ſent to Dr. Franklin for his opinion, gave rife to that correſpondence which terminated about a year afterwards, in erecting the college upon the foundation of the academy, and eſtabliſhing that gentleman as the head of both, where he ſtill continues, after a period of thirty-fix years, to preſide with diſtinguiſhed reputation.

From theſe letters alſo, the ſtate of the academy, at that time, will be ſeen.

Philad. April 19th, 1753.

sir,

I received your favour of the 11th inſtant, with your new^[2] piece on Education, which I ſhall carefully peruſe, and give you my ſentiments of it, as you deſire, by next poſt.

I believe the young gentlemen, your pupils, may be entertained and inſtructed here, in mathematics and philoſophy, to ſatisfaction. Mr. Aliſon^[3] (who was educated at Glaſgow) has been long accuſtomed to teach the latter, and Mr. Grew^[4] the former; and I think their pupils make great progreſs. Mr. Aliſon has the care of the Latin and Greek ſchool, but as he has now three good aſſiſtants^[5], he can very well afford ſome hours every day for the inftruction of thoſe who are engaged in higher ſtudies. The mathematical ſchool is pretty well furniſhed with inſtruments. The Engliſh library is a good one; and we have belonging to it a middling apparatus for experimental philoſophy, and purpoſe ſpeedily to complete it. The Loganian library, one of the beſt collections in America, will ſhortly be opened; ſo that neither books nor inſtruments will be wanting; and as we are determined always to give good ſalaries, we have reaſon to believe we may have always an opportunity of chooſing good maſters; upon which, indeed, the ſucceſs of the whole depends. We are obliged to you for your kind offers in this reſpect, and when you are ſettled in England, we may occaſionally make uſe of your friendſhip and judgment.—

If it ſuits your conveniency to viſit Philadelphia before your return to Europe, I mall be extremely glad to ſee and converſe with you here, as well as to correſpond with you after your ſettlement in England; for an acquaintance and communication with men of learning, virtue, and public ſpirit, is one of my greateſt enjoyments.

I do not know whether you ever happened to ſee the firſt proposals I made for erecting this academy. I ſend them incloſed. They had (however imperfect) the deſired ſucceſs, being followed by a ſubſcription of four thouſand pounds, towards carrying them into execution. And as we are fond of receiving advice, and are daily improving by experience, I am in hopes we ſhall, in a few years, ſee a perfect inſtitution.

I am very reſpectfully, &c.

B. FRANKLIN.

Mr. W. Smith, Long-Iſland.

 

Philad. May 3d, 1753.

sir,

Mr. Peters has juſt now been with me, and we have compared notes on your new piece. We find nothing in the ſcheme of education, however excellent, but what is, in our opinion, very practicable. The great difficulty will be to find the Aratus^[6], and other ſuitable perſons, to carry it into execution; but ſuch may be had if proper encouragement be given. We have both received great pleaſure in the peruſal of it. For my part, I know not when I have read a piece that has more affected me ſo noble and juſt are the ſentiments, ſo warm and animated the language; yet as cenſure from your friends may be of more life, as well as more agreeable to you than praiſe, I ought to mention, that I wiſh you had omitted not only the quotation from the Review^[7], which you are now juſtly diſſatisfied with, but thoſe expreſſions of reſentment againſt your adverſaries, in pages 65 and 79. In ſuch caſes, the nobleſt victory is obtained by neglect, and by ſhining on. Mr. Allen has been out of town theſe ten days; but before he went he directed me to procure him ſix copies of your piece. Mr. Peters has taken ten. He purpoſed to have written to you; but omits it, as he expects ſo ſoon to have the pleaſure of ſeeing you here. He deſires me to preſent his affectionate compliments to you, and to aſſure you that you will be very welcome to him. I ſhall only ſay, that you may depend on my doing all in my power to make your viſit to Philadelphia agreeable to you.

I am, &c,

B. FRANKLIN

Mr. Smith.

Philad. Nov. 27th, 1753.

dear sir,

Having written you fully, via Briſtol, I have now little to add. Matters relating to the academy remain in ſtatu quo. The truſtees would be glad to ſee a rector eſtabliſhed there, but they dread entering into new engagements till they are got out of debt and I have not yet got them wholly over to my opinion, that a good profeſſor, or teacher of the higher branches of learning, would draw ſo many ſcholars as to pay great part, if not the whole of his ſalary. Thus, unleſs the proprietors (of the province) ſhall think fit to put the finiſhing hand to our inſtitution, it muſt, I fear, wait ſome few years longer before it can arrive at that ſtate of perfection, which to me it ſeems now capable of; and all the pleaſure I promiſed myſelf in ſeeing you ſettled among us, vaniſhes into ſmoke.

But good Mr. Collinſon writes me word, that no endeavours of his ſhall be wanting; and he hopes, with the archbiſhop's aſſiſtance, to be able to prevail with our proprietors^[8]. I pray God grant them ſucceſs.

My ſon preſents his affectionate regards, with, dear Sir,

Yours, &c.

B. FRANKLIN.

P. S. I have not been favoured with a line from you ſince your arrival in England.

 

Philad. April 18th, 1754.

dear sir,

I have had but one letter from you ſince your arrival in England, which was a ſhort one, via

Boſton, dated October 18th, acquainting me that you had written largely by Capt. Davis. Davis was loſt, and with him your letters, to my great diſappointment.—Meſnard and Gibbon have ſince arrived here, and I hear nothing from you.—My comfort is, an imagination that you only omit writing becauſe you are coming, and purpoſe to tell me every thing viva voce. So not knowing whether this letter will reach you, and hoping either to ſee or hear from you by the Myrtilla, Capt. Budden's ſhip, which is daily expected, I only add, that I am, with great eſteem and affection.

Yours, &c,

B. FRANKLIN.

 

Mr. Smith.

About a month after the date of this laſt letter, the gentleman to whom it was addreſſed arrived in Philadelphia, and was immediately placed at the head of the ſeminary; whereby Dr. Franklin and the other truſtees were enabled to proſecute their plan, for perfecting the inſtitution, and opening the college upon the large and liberal foundation on which it now ſtands; for which purpoſe they obtained their additional charter, dated May 27th, 1755.

Thus far we thought it proper to exhibit in one view Dr. Franklin's ſervices in the foundation and eſtabliſhment of this ſeminary. He ſoon afterward embarked for England, in the public ſervice of his country; and having been generally employed abroad, in the like ſervice, for the greateſt part of the remainder of his life (as will appear in our ſubſequent account of the ſame), he had but few opportunities of taking any further active part in the affairs of the ſeminary, until his final return in the year 1785, when he found its charters violated, and his ancient colleagues, the original founders, deprived of their truſt, by an act of the legiſlature; and although his own name had been inſerted among the new truſtees, yet he declined to take his ſeat among them, or have any concern in the management of their affairs, till the inſtitution was reſtored by law to its original owners. He then aſſembled his old colleagues at his own houſe, and being choſen their preſident, all their future meetings were, at his requeſt, held there, till within a few months of his death, when with reluctance, and at their deſire, leſt he might be too much injured by his attention to their buſineſs, he ſuffered them to meet at the college.

Franklin not only gave birth to many uſeful inſtitutions himſelf, but he was alſo inſtrumental in promoting thoſe which had originated with other men. About the year 1752, an eminent phyſician of this city, Dr. Bond, conſidering the deplorable ſtate of the poor, when viſited with diſeaſe, conceived the idea of eſtabliſhing an hoſpital. Notwithſtanding very great exertions on his part, he was able to intereſt few people ſo far in his benevolent plan, as to obtain ſubſcriptions from them. Unwilling that his ſcheme ſhould prove abortive, he ſought the aid of Franklin, who readily engaged in the buſineſs, both by uſing his influence with his friends, and by ſtating the advantageous influence of the propoſed inſtitution in his paper. Theſe efforts were attended with ſucceſs. Conſiderable ſums were ſubſcribed; but they were ſtill ſhort of what was neceſſary. Franklin now made another exertion. He applied to the aſſembly; and, after ſome oppoſition, obtained leave to bring in a bill, ſpecifying, that as ſoon as two thouſand pounds were ſubſcribed, the fame fum ſhould be drawn from the treaſury by the ſpeaker's warrant, to be applied to the purpoſes of the inſtitution. The oppoſition, as the ſum was granted upon a contingency which they ſuppoſed would never take place, were ſilent, and the bill paſſed. The friends of the plan now redoubled their efforts, to obtain ſubſcriptions to the amount ſtated in the bill, and were ſoon ſucceſsful. This was the foundation of the Pennſylvania Hoſpital, which, with the Bettering-houſe and Diſpenſary, bears ample teſtimony of the humanity of the citizens of Philadelphia.

Dr. Franklin had conducted himſelf ſo well in the office of poft-maſter, and had ſhown himſelf to be ſo well acquainted with the buſineſs of that department, that it was thought expedient to raiſe him to a more dignified ſtation. In 1753 he was appointed deputy poſt-maſter-general for the. Britiſh colonies. The profits ariſing from the poſtage of letters formed no inconſiderable part of the revenue, which the crown of Great-Britain derived from theſe colonies. In the hands of Franklin, it is ſaid, that the poſt-office in America yielded annually thrice as much as that of Ireland.

The American colonies were much expoſed to depredations on their frontiers, by the Indians; and more particularly whenever a war took place between France and England. The colonies, individually, were either too weak to take efficient meaſures for their own defence, or they were unwilling to take upon themſelves the whole burden of erecting forts and maintaining garriſons, whilſt their neighbours, who partook equally with themſelves of the advantages, contributed nothing to the expence. Sometimes alſo the diſputes, which ſubſiſted between the governors and aſſemblies, prevented the adoption of means of defence; as we have ſeen was the caſe in Pennſylvania in 1745. To deviſe a plan of union between the colonies, to regulate this and other matters, appeared a deſirable object. To accompliſh this, in the year 1754, commiſſioners from New-Hampſhire, Maſſachuſetts, Rhode-Iſland, New-Jerſey, Pennſylvania, and Maryland, met at Albany. Dr. Franklin attended here, as a commiſſioner from Pennſylvania, and produced a plan, which, from the place of meeting, has been uſually termed "The Albany Plan of Union." This propoſed, that application ſhould be made for an act of parliament, to eſtabliſh in the colonies a general government, to be adminiſtered by a preſident-general, appointed by the crown, and by a grand council, conſiſting of members choſen by the repreſentatives of the different colonies; their number to be in direct proportion to the ſums paid by each colony into the general treaſury, with this reſtriction, that no colony ſhould have more than ſeven, nor leſs than two repreſentatives. The whole executive authority was committed to the preſident-general. The power of legiſlation was lodged in the grand council and preſident-general jointly; his conſent being made neceſſary to paſſing a bill into a law. The power veſted in the preſident and council were, to declare war and peace, and to conclude treaties with the Indian nations; to regulate trade with, and to make purchaſes of vacant lands from them, either in the name of the crown, or of the union; to ſettle new colonies, to make laws for governing theſe until they ſhould be erected into ſeparate governments, and to raiſe troops, build forts, fit out armed veſſels, and uſe other means for the general defence: and, to effect theſe things, a power was given to make laws, laying ſuch duties, impoſts, or taxes, as they ſhould find neceſſary, and as would be leaſt burthenſome to the people. All laws were to be ſent to England for the king's approbation; and unleſs disapproved of within three years, were to remain in force. All officers in the land or ſea ſervice were to be nominated by the preſident-general, and approved of by the general council; civil officers were to be nominated by the council, and approved by the preſident. Such are the outlines of the plan propoſed, for the conſideration of the congreſs, by Dr. Franklin. After ſeveral days diſcuſſion, it was unanimouſly agreed to by the commiſſioners, a copy tranſmitted to each aſſembly, and one to the king's council. The fate of it was ſingular. It was diſapproved of by the miniſtry of Great Britain, becauſe it gave too much power to the representatives of the people; and it was rejected by every aſſembly, as giving to the preſident-general, the repreſentative of the crown, an influence greater than appeared to them proper, in a plan of government intended for freemen. Perhaps this rejection, on both ſides, is the ſtrongeſt proof that could be adduced of the excellence of it, as ſuited to the ſituation of America and Great-Britain at that time. It appears to have ſteered exactly in the middle, between the oppoſite intereſts of both.

Whether the adoption of this plan would have prevented the ſeparation of America from Great Britain, is a queſtion which might afford much room for ſpeculation. It may be ſaid, that, by enabling the colonies to defend themſelves, it would have removed the pretext upon which the ſtamp-act, tea-act, and other acts of the Britiſh parliament, were paſſed; which excited a ſpirit of oppoſition, and laid the foundation for the ſeparation of the two countries. But, on the other hand, it muſt be admitted, that the reſtriction laid by Great-Britain upon our commerce, obliging us to ſell our produce to her citizens only, and to take from them various articles, of which, as our manufactures were diſcouraged, we ſtood in need, at a price greater than that for which they could have been obtained from other nations, muſt inevitably produce diſſatiſfaction, even though no duties were impoſed by the parliament; a circumſtance which might ſtill have taken place. Beſides, as the preſident-general was to be appointed by the crown, he muſt, of neceſſity, be devoted to its views, and would, therefore, refuſe his aſſent to any laws, however ſalutary to the community, which had the moſt remote tendency to injure the intereſts of his ſovereign. Even ſhould they receive his aſſent, the approbation of the king was to be neceſſary; who would indubitably, in every inſtance, prefer the advantage of his home dominions to that of his colonies. Hence would enſue perpetual diſagreements between the council and the preſident-general, and thus, between the people of America and the crown of Great-Britain:——While the colonies continued weak, they would be obliged to ſubmit, and as ſoon as they acquired ſtrength they would become more urgent in their demands, until, at length, they would ſhake of the yoke, and declare themſelves independent.

Whilſt the French were in poſſeſſion of Canada, their trade with the natives extended very far; even to the back of the Britiſh ſettlements. They were diſpoſed, from time to time, to eſtabliſh poſts within the territory, which the Engliſh claimed as their own. Independent of the injury to the fur-trade, which was conſiderable, the colonies ſuffered this further inconvenience, that the Indians were frequently inſtigated to commit depredations on their frontiers. In the year 1753, encroachments were made upon the boundaries of Virginia. Remonſtrances had no effect. In the enſuing year, a body of men was ſent out under the command of Mr. Waſhington, who, though a very young man, had, by his conduct in the preceding year, ſhewn himſelf worthy of ſuch an important truſt. Whilſt marching to take poſſeſſion of the poſt at the junction of the Allegany and Monongahela, he was informed that the French had already erected a fort there. A detachment of their men marched againſt him. He fortified himſelf as ſtrongly as time and circumſtances would admit. A ſuperiority of numbers ſoon obliged him to ſurrender Fort Neceſſity. He obtained honourable terms for himſelf and men, and returned to Virginia. The government of Great-Britain now thought it neceſſary to interfere. In the year 1755, General Braddock, with ſome regiments of regular troops, and provincial levies, was ſent to diſpoſſeſs the French of the poſts upon which they had ſeized. After the men were all ready, a difficulty occurred, which had nearly prevented the expedition. This was the want of wagons. Franklin now ſtepped forward, and with the aſſiſtance of his ſon, in a little time procured a hundred and fifty. Braddock unfortunately fell into an ambuſcade, and periſhed, with a number of his men. Waſhington, who had accompanied him as an aid-de-camp, and had warned him, in vain, of his danger, now diſplayed great military talents in effecting a retreat of the remains of the army, and in forming a junction with the rear, under colonel Dunbar, upon whom the chief command now devolved. With ſome difficulty they brought their little body to a place of ſafety; but they found it neceſſary to deſtroy their waggons and baggage, to prevent them from falling into the hands of the enemy. For the waggons which he had furniſhed, Franklin had given bonds to a large amount. The owners declared their intentions of obliging him to make a reſtitution of their property. Had they put their threats in execution, ruin muſt inevitably have been the conſequence. Governor Shirley, finding that he had incurred theſe debts for the ſervice of government, made arrangements to have them diſcharged, and releaſed Franklin from his diſagreeable ſituation.

The alarm ſpread through the colonies, after the defeat of Braddock, was very great. Preparations to arm were every where made. In Pennſylvania, the prevalence of the quaker intereſt prevented the adoption of any ſyſtem of defence, which would compel the citizens to bear arms. Franklin, introduced into the aſſembly a bill for organizing a militia, by which every man was allowed to take arms or not, as to him ſhould appear fit. The quakers, being thus left at liberty, ſuffered the bill to paſs; for although their principles would not ſuffer them to fight, they had no objections to their neighbours fighting for them. In conſequence of this act a very reſpectable militia was formed. The ſenſe of impending danger infuſed a military ſpirit in all, whoſe religious tenets were not oppoſed to war. Franklin was appointed colonel of a regiment in Philadelphia, which conſiſted of 1200 men.

The north-western frontier being invaded by the enemy, it became neceſſary to adopt meaſures for its defence. Franklin was directed by the governor to take charge of this buſineſs. A power of raiſing men, and of appointing officers to command them, was veſted in him. He ſoon levied a body of troops, with which he repaired to the place at which their preſence was neceſſary. Here he built a fort, and placed the garriſon in ſuch a poſture of defence, as would enable them to withſtand the inroads, to which the inhabitants had previouſly been expoſed. He remained here for ſome time, in order the more completely to diſcharge the truſt committed to him. Some buſineſs of importance at length rendered his preſence neceſſary in the aſſembly, and he returned to Philadelphia.

The defence of her colonies was a great expence to Great Britain. The moſt effectual mode of leſſening this was, to put arms into the hands of the inhabitants, and to teach them their uſe. But England wiſhed not that the Americans ſhould become acquainted with their own ſtrength. She was apprehenſive, that, as ſoon as this period arrived, they would no longer ſubmit to that monopoly of their trade, which to them was highly injurious, but extremely advantageous to the mother country. In compariſon with the profits of this, the expence of maintaining armies and fleets to defend them was trifling. She fought to keep them dependent upon her for her protection, the beſt plan which, could be deviſed for retaining them in peaceable ſubjection. The leaſt appearance of a military ſpirit was therefore to be guarded againſt, and, although a war then raged, the act organizing a militia was diſapproved of by the miniſtry. The regiments which had been formed under it were diſbanded, and the defence of the province entruſted to regular troops.

The diſputes between the proprietaries and the people continued in full force, although a war was raging on the frontiers. Not even the ſenſe of danger was ſufficient to reconcile, for ever ſo ſhort a time, their jarring intereſts. The aſſembly ſtill infilled upon the juſtice of taxing the proprietary eſtates, but the governors conſtantly refuſed to give their aſſent to this meaſure, without which no bill could paſs into a law. Enraged at the obſtinacy, and what they conceived to be unjuſt proceedings of their opponents, the aſſembly at length determined to apply to the mother country for relief. A petition was addreſſed to the king, in council, ſtating the inconveniencies under which the inhabitants laboured, from the attention of the proprietaries to their private intereſts, to the neglect of the general welfare of the community, and praying for redreſs. Franklin was appointed to preſent this addreſs, as agent for the province of Pennſylvania, and departed from America in June 1757. In conformity to the inſtructions which he had received from the legiſlature, he held a conference with the proprietaries, who then reſided in England, and endeavoured to prevail upon them to give up the long-conteſted point. Finding that they would hearken to no terms of accommodation, he laid his petition before the council. During this time governor Denny aſſented to a law impoſing a tax, in which no diſcrimination was made in favour of the eſtates of the Penn family. They, alarmed at this intelligence, and Franklin's exertions, uſed their utmoſt endeavours to prevent the royal ſanction being given to this law, which they repreſented as highly iniquitous, deſigned to throw the burthen of ſupporting government upon them, and calculated to produce the moſt ruinous conſequences to them and their poſterity. The cauſe was amply diſcuſſed before the privy council. The Penns found here ſome ſtrenuous advocates; nor were there wanting ſome who warmly eſpouſed the ſide of the people. After ſome time ſpent in debate, a propoſal was made, that Franklin ſhould ſolemnly engage, that the aſſeſſment of the tax ſhould be ſo made, as that the proprietary eſtates ſhould pay no more than a due proportion. This he agreed to perform, the Penn family withdrew their oppoſition, and tranquility was thus once more reſtored to the province.

The mode in which this diſpute was terminated is a ſtriking proof of the high opinion entertained of Franklin's integrity and honour, even by thoſe who conſidered him as inimical to their views. Nor was their confidence ill founded. The aſſeſſment was made upon the ſtricteſt principles of equity; and the proprietary eſtates bore only a proportionable ſhare of the expences of ſupporting government.

After the completion of this important buſineſs, Franklin remained at the court of Great Britain, as agent for the province of Pennſylvania. The extenſive knowledge which he poſſeſſed of the ſituation of the colonies, and the regard which he always manifeſted for their intereſts, occaſioned his appointment to the ſame office by the colonies of Massachusetts, Maryland, and Georgia. His conduct, in this ſituation, was ſuch as rendered him ſtill more dear to his countrymen.

He had now an opportunity of indulging in the ſociety of thoſe friends, whom his merits had procured him while at a diſtance. The regard which they had entertained for him was rather increaſed by a perſonal acquaintance. The oppoſition which had been made to his diſcoveries in philoſophy gradually ceaſed, and the rewards of literary merit were abundantly conferred upon him. The royal ſociety of London, which had at firſt refuſed his performances admiſſion into its tranſactions, now thought it an honour to rank him amongſt its fellows. Other ſocieties of Europe were equally ambitious of calling him a member. The univerſity of St. Andrews, in Scotland, conferred upon him the degree of Doctor of Laws. Its example was followed by the univerſities of Edinburgh and of Oxford. His correſpondence was ſought for by the moſt eminent philoſophers of Europe. His letters to theſe abound with true ſcience, delivered in the moſt ſimple unadorned manner.

The province of Canada was at this time in the poſſeſſion of the French, who had originally ſettled it. The trade with the Indians, for which its ſituation was very convenient, was exceedingly lucrative. The French traders here found a market for their commodities, and received in return large quantities of rich furs, which they diſpoſed of at a high price in Europe. Whilſt the poſſeſſion of this country was highly advantageous to France, it was a grievous inconvenience to the inhabitants of the Britiſh colonies. The Indians were almoſt generally deſirous to cultivate the friendſhip of the French, by whom they were abundantly ſupplied with arms and ammunition. Whenever a war happened, the Indians were ready to fall upon the frontiers: and this they frequently did, even when Great Britain and France were at peace. From theſe conſiderations, it appeared to be the intereſt of Great Britain to gain the poſſeſſion of Canada. But the importance of ſuch an acquiſition was not well underſtood in England. Franklin about this time publiſhed his Canada pamphlet, in which he, in a very forcible manner, pointed out the- advantages which would reſult from the conqueſt of this province.

An expedition againſt it was planned, and the command given to General Wolfe. His ſucceſs is well known. At the treaty in 1762, France ceded Canada to Great Britain, and by her ceſſion of Louiſiana, at the ſame time, relinquiſhed all her poſſeſſions on the continent of America.

Although Dr. Franklin was now principally occupied with political purſuits, he found time for philoſophical ſtudies. He extended his electrical reſearches, and made a variety of experiments, particularly on the tourmalin. The ſingular properties which this ſtone poſſeſſes of being electrified on one ſide poſitively and on the other negatively, by heat alone, without friction, had been but lately obſerved.

Some experiments on the cold produced by evaporation, made by Dr. Cullen, had been communicated to Dr. Franklin, by Profeſſor Simpſon of Glaſgow. Theſe he repeated, and found, that, by the evaporation of ether in the exhauſted receiver of an air-pump, ſo great a degree of cold was produced in a ſummer's day, that water was converted into ice. This diſcovery he applied to the ſolution of a number of phenomena, particularly a ſingular fact, which philoſophers had endeavoured in vain to account for, viz. that the temperature of the human body, when in health, never exceeds 96 degrees of Fahrenheit's thermometer, although the atmoſphere which ſurrounds it may be heated to a much greater degree. This he attributed to the increased perſpiration and conſequent evaporation, produced by the heat.

In a letter to Mr. Small of London, dated in May 1760, Dr. Franklin makes a number of obſervations, tending to ſhew that, in North America, north-eaſt ſtorms begin in the ſouth-weft parts. It appears, from actual obſervation, that a north-call ſtorm, which extended a conſiderable diſtance, commenced at Philadelphia nearly four hours before it was felt at Boſton. He endeavoured to account for this, by ſuppoſing that, from heat, ſome rarefaction takes place about the gulph of Mexico, that the air further north being cooler ruſhes in, and is ſucceeded by the cooler and denſer air ſtill further north, and that thus a continued current is at length produced.

The tone produced by rubbing the brim of a drinking glaſs with a wet finger had been generally known. A Mr. Pockrich, an Iriſhman, by placing on a table a number of glaſſes of different ſizes, and tuning them by partly filling them with water, endeavoured to form an inſtrument capable of playing tunes. He was prevented by an untimely end, from bringing his invention to any degree of perfection. After his death ſome improvements were made upon his plan. The ſweetneſs of the tones induced Dr. Franklin to make a variety of experiments; and he at length formed that elegant inſtrument, which he has called the Armonica.

In the ſummer of 1762 he returned to America. On his paſſage he obſerved the ſingular effect produced by the agitation of a veſſel, containing oil floating on water. The ſurface of the oil remains ſmooth and undiſturbed, whilſt the water is agitated with the utmoſt commotion. No ſatisfactory explanation of this appearance has, we believe, ever been given.

Dr. Franklin received the thanks of the aſſembly of Pennſylvania, "as well for the faithful diſcharge of his duty to that province in particular, as for the many and important ſervices done to America in general, during his reſidence in Great Britain." A compenſation of 5000l. Pennſylvania currency was alſo decreed him for his ſervices during ſix years.

During his abſence he had been annually elected member of the aſſembly. On his return to Pennſylvania he again took his ſeat in this body, and continued a ſteady defender of the liberties of the people.

In December 1762, a circumſtance which cauſed great alarm in the province took place. A number of Indians had reſided in the county of Lancaſter, and conducted themſelves uniformly as friends to the white inhabitants. Repeated depredations on the frontiers had exaſperated the inhabitants to ſuch a degree, that they determined on revenge upon every Indian. A number of perſons, to the amount of about 120, principally inhabitants of Donnegal and Peckſtang or Paxton townſhips, in the county of York, aſſembled; and, mounted on horſeback, proceeded to the ſettlement of theſe harmleſs and defenceleſs Indians, whoſe number had now been reduced to about twenty. The Indians received intelligence of the attack which was intended againſt them, but diſbelieved it. Conſidering the white people as their friends, they apprehended no danger from them. When the party arrived at the Indian ſettlement, they found only ſome women and children, and a few old men, the reſt being abſent at work. They murdered all whom they found, and amongſt others the chief Shahaes, who had been always diſtinguiſhed for his friendſhip to the whites. This bloody deed excited much indignation in the well-diſpoſed part of the community.

The remainder of theſe unfortunate Indians, who, by abſence, had eſcaped the maſſacre, were conducted to Lancaſter, and lodged in the gaol as a place of ſecurity. The governor iſſued a proclamation expreſſing the ſtrongeſt diſapprobation of the action, offering a reward for the diſcovery of the perpetrators of the deed, and prohibiting all injuries to the peaceable Indians in future. But, notwithſtanding this, a party of the ſame men ſhortly after marched to Lancaſter, broke open the gaol, and inhumanly butchered the innocent Indians who had been placed there for ſecurity. Another proclamation was iſſued, but it had no effect. A detachment marched down to Philadelphia, for the expreſs purpoſe of murdering ſome friendly Indians, who had been removed to the city for ſafety. A number of the citizens armed in their defence. The Quakers, whoſe principles are oppoſed to fighting, even in their own defence, were moſt active upon this occaſion. The rioters came to Germantown. The governor fled for ſafety to the houſe of Dr. Franklin, who, with ſome others, advanced to meet the Paxton boys, as they were called, and had influence enough to prevail upon them to relinquiſh their undertaking, and return to their homes.

The diſputes between the proprietaries and the aſſembly, which, for a time, had ſubſided, were again revived. The proprietaries were diſſatisfied with the conceſſions made in favour of the people, and made great ſtruggles to recover the privilege of exempting their eſtates from taxation, which they had been induced to give up.

In 1763 the aſſembly paſſed a militia bill, to which the governor refuſed to give his aſſent, unleſs the aſſembly would agree to certain amendments which he propoſed. Theſe conſiſted in increaſing the fines, and, in ſome caſes, ſubſtituting death for fines. He wiſhed too that the officers ſhould be appointed altogether by himſelf, and not be nominated by the people, as the bill had propoſed. Theſe amendments the aſſembly conſidered as inconſiſtent with the ſpirit of liberty. They would not adopt them; the governor was obſtinate, and the bill was loſt.

Theſe, and various other circumſtances, encreaſed the uneaſineſs which ſubſiſted between the proprietaries and the aſſembly, to ſuch a degree, that, in 1764, a petition to the king was agreed to by the houſe, praying an alteration from a proprietary to a regal government. Great oppoſition was made to this meaſure, not only in the houſe, but in the public prints. A ſpeech of Mr. Dickenſon, on the ſubject, was publiſhed, with a preface by Dr. Smith, in which great pains were taken to ſhew the impropriety and impolicy of this proceeding. A ſpeech of Mr. Galloway, in reply to Mr. Dickenſon, was publiſhed, accompanied with a preface by Dr. Franklin; in which he ably oppoſed the principles laid down in the preface to Mr Dickenſon's ſpeech. This application to the throne produced no effect. The proprietary government was ſtill continued.

At the election for a new aſſembly, in the fall of 1764, the friends of the proprietaries made great exertions to exclude thoſe of the adverſe party; and they obtained a ſmall majority in the city of Philadelphia. Franklin now loſt his ſeat in the houſe, which he had held for fourteen years. On the meeting of the aſſembly, it appeared that there was ſtill a decided majority of Franklin's friends. He was immediately appointed provincial agent, to the great chagrin of his enemies, who made a ſolemn proteſt againſt his appointment; which was refuſed admiſſion upon the minutes, as being unprecedented. It was, however, publiſhed in the papers, and produced a ſpirited reply from him, juſt before his departure for England.

The diſturbances produced in America by Mr. Grenville's ſtamp-act, and the oppoſition made to it, are well known. Under the marquis of Rockingham's adminiſtration, it appeared expedient to endeavour to calm the minds of the coloniſts; and the repeal of the odious tax was contemplated. Amongſt other means of collecting information on the diſpoſition of the people to ſubmit to it, Dr. Franklin was called to the bar of the houſe of commons. The examination which he here underwent was publiſhed, and contains a ſtriking proof of the extent and accuracy of his information, and the facility with which he communicated his ſentiments. He repreſented facts in ſo ſtrong a point of view, that the inexpediency of the act muſt have appeared clear to every unprejudiced mind. The act, after ſome oppoſition, was repealed, about a year after it was enacted, and before it had ever been carried into execution.

In the year 1766, he made a viſit to Holland and Germany, and received the greateſt marks of attention from men of ſcience. In his paſſage through Holland, he learned from the watermen the effect which a diminution of the quantity of water in canals has, in impeding the progreſs of boats. Upon his return to England, he was led to make a number of experiments; all of which tended to confirm the obſervation. Theſe, with an explanation of the phenomenon, he communicated in a letter to his friend, Sir John Pringle, which is contained in the volume of his philoſophical pieces.

In the following year he travelled into where he met with a no leſs favourable reception than he had experienced in Germany. He was introduced to a number of literary characters, and to the king, Louis XV.

Several letters, written by Hutchinſon, Oliver, and others, to perſons in eminent ſtations in Great-Britain, came into the hands of Dr. Franklin. Theſe contained the moſt violent invectives againſt the leading characters of the ſtate of Maſſachuſetts, and ſtrenuouſly adviſed the proſecution of vigorous meaſures, to compel the people to obedience to the meaſures of the miniſtry. Theſe he tranſmitted to the legiſlature, by whom they were publiſhed. Atteſted copies of them were ſent to Great-Britain, with an addreſs, praying the king to diſcharge from office perſons who had rendered themſelves ſo obnoxious to the people, and who had ſhewn themſelves ſo unfriendly to their intereſts. The publication of theſe letters produced a duel between Mr. Whately and Mr. Temple; each of whom was ſuſpected for having been inſtrumental in procuring them. To prevent any further diſputes on this ſubject Dr. Franklin, in one of the papers, declared that he had ſent them to America, but would give no information concerning the manner in which he had obtained them; nor was this ever diſcovered.

Shortly after, the petition of the Maſſachuſett's aſſembly was taken up for examination, before the privy council. Dr. Franklin attended as agent for the aſſembly; and here a torrent of the moſt violent and unwarranted abuſe was poured upon him by the ſolicitor general Wedderburne, who was engaged as council for Oliver and Hutchinſon. The petition was declared to be ſcandalous and vexatious, and the prayer of it refuſed.

Although the parliament of Great-Britain had repealed the ſtamp-act, it was only upon the principle of expediency. They ſtill inſiſted upon their right to tax the colonies; and, at the ſame time that the ſtamp-act was repealed, an act was paſſed, declaring the right of parliament to bind the colonies in all caſes whatſoever. This language was uſed even by the moſt ſtrenuous oppoſers of the ſtamp-act; and, amongſt others, by Mr. Pitt. This right was never recognized by the coloniſts; but, as they flattered themſelves that it would not be exerciſed, they were not very active in remonſtrating againſt it. Had this pretended right been ſuffered to remain dormant, the coloniſts would cheerfully have furniſhed their quota of ſupplies, in the mode to which they had been accuſtomed; that is, by acts of their own aſſemblies, in conſequence of requiſitions from the ſecretary of ſtate. If this practice had been purſued, ſuch was the diſpoſition of the colonies towards the mother country, that, notwithſtanding the diſadvantages under which they laboured, from reſtraints upon their trade, calculated ſolely for the benefit of the commercial and manufacturing intereſts of Great-Britain, a ſeparation of the two countries might have been a far diſtant event. The Americans, from their earlieſt infancy, were taught to venerate a people from whom they were deſcended; whoſe language, laws, and manners, were the ſame as their own. They looked up to them as models of perfectionſ; and, in their prejudiced minds, the moſt enlightened nations of Europe were conſidered as almoſt barbarians, in compariſon with Engliſhmen. The name of an Engliſhman conveyed to an American the idea of every thing good and great. Such ſentiments inſtilled into them in early life, what but a repetition of unjuſt treatment could have induced them to entertain the moſt diſtant thought of ſeparation! The duties on glaſs, paper, leather, painters' colours, tea, &c.; the disfranchiſement of ſome of the colonies; the obſtruction to the meaſures of the legiſlature in others, by the king's governors; the contemptuous treatment of their humble remonſtrances, ſtating their grievances and praying a redreſs of them, and other violent and oppreſſive meaſures, at length excited an ardent ſpirit of oppoſition. Inſtead of endeavouring to allay this by a more lenient conduct, the miniſtry ſeemed reſolutely bent upon reducing the colonies to the moſt ſlaviſh obedience to their decrees. But this tended only to aggravate. Vain were all the efforts made uſe of to prevail upon them to lay aſide their deſigns, to convince them of the impoſſibility of carrying them into effect, and of the miſchievous conſequences which muſt enſue from a continuance of the attempt. They perſevered, with a degree of inflexibility ſcarcely paralleled.

The advantages which Great-Britain derived from her colonies were ſo great, that nothing but a degree of infatuation, little ſhort of madneſs, could have produced a continuance of meaſures calculated to keep up a ſpirit of uneaſineſs, which might occaſion the ſlighteſt wiſh for a ſeparation. When we confider the great improvements in the ſcience of government, the general diffuſion of the principles of liberty amongſt the people of Europe, the effects which theſe have already produced in France, and the probable conſequences which will reſult from them elſewhere, all of which are the offspring of the American revolution, it cannot but appear ſtrange, that events of ſo great moment to the happineſs of mankind, ſhould have been ultimately occaſioned by the wickedneſs or ignorance of a Britiſh miniſtry.

Dr. Franklin left nothing untried to prevail upon the miniſtry to conſent to a change of meaſures. In private converſations, and in letters to perſons in government, he continually expatiated upon the impolicy and injuſtice of their conduct towards America; and ſtated, that, notwithſtanding the attachment of the coloniſts to the mother country, a repetition of ill treatment muſt ultimately alienate their affections. They liſtened not to his advice. They blindly perſevered in their own ſchemes, and left to the coloniſts no alternative, but oppoſition or unconditional ſubmiſſion. The latter accorded not with the principles of freedom, which they had been taught to revere. To the former they were compelled, though reluctantly, to have recourſe.

Dr. Franklin, finding all efforts to reſtore harmony between Great-Britain and her colonies uſeleſs, returned to America in the year 1775; juſt after the commencement of hoſtilities. The day after his return he was elected by the legiſlature of Pennſylvania a delegate, to congreſs. Not long after his election a committee was appointed, conſiſting of Mr. Lynch, Mr. Harriſon, and himſelf, to viſit the camp at Cambridge, and, in conjunction with the commander in chief, to endeavour to convince the troops, whoſe term of enliſtment was about to expire, of the neceſſity of their continuing in the field, and perſevering in the cauſe of their country.

In the fall of the fame year he viſited Canada, to endeavour to unite them in the common cauſe of liberty; but they could not be prevailed upon to oppoſe the meaſures of the Britiſh government. M. Le Roy, in a letter annexed to Abbé Fauchet's eulogium of Dr. Franklin, ſtates that the ill ſucceſs of this negotiation was occaſioned, in a great degree, by religious animoſities, which ſubſiſted between the Canadians and their neighbours, ſome of whom had at different times burnt their chapels.

When Lord Howe came to America, in 1776, veſted with power to treat with the coloniſts, a correſpondence took place between him and Dr. Franklin, on the ſubject of a reconciliation. Dr. Franklin was afterwards appointed, together with John Adams and Edward Rutledge, to wait upon the commiſſioners, in order to learn the extent of their power. Theſe were found to be only to grant pardons upon ſubmiſſion. Theſe were terms which would not be accepted; and the object of the commiſſioners could not be obtained.

The momentous queſtion of independence was ſhortly after brought into view, at a time when the fleets and armies, which were ſent to enforce obedience, were truly formidable. With an army, numerous indeed, but ignorant of diſcipline, and entirely unſkilled in the art of war, without money, without a fleet, without allies, and with nothing but the love of liberty to ſupport them, the coloniſts determined to ſeparate from a country, from which they had experienced a repetition of injury and inſult. In this queſtion, Dr. Franklin was decidedly in favour of the meaſure propoſed, and had great influence in bringing over others to his ſentiments.

The public mind had been pretty fully prepared for this event, by Mr. Paine's celebrated pamphlet, Common Senſe. There is good reaſon to believe that Dr. Franklin had no inconſiderable ſhare, at leaſt, in furniſhing materials for this work.

In the convention which aſſembled at Philadelphia in 1776, for the purpoſe of eſtabliſhing a new form of government for the ſtate of Pennſylvania, Dr. Franklin was choſen preſident. The late conſtitution of this ſtate, which was the reſult of their deliberations, may be conſidered as a digeſt of his principles of government. The ſingle legiſlature, and the plural executive, ſeem to have been his favourite tenets.

In the latter end of 1776, Dr. Franklin was appointed to aſſiſt in the negociations which had been ſet on foot by Silas Deane at the court of France. A conviction of the advantages of a commercial intercourſe with America, and a deſire of weakening the Britiſh empire by diſmembering it, firſt induced the French court to liſten to proposals of an alliance. But they ſhewed rather a reluctance to the meaſure, which, by Dr. Franklin's addreſs, and particularly by the ſucceſs of the American arms againſt general Burgoyne, was at length overcome; and in February 1778, a treaty of alliance, offenſive and defenſive, was concluded; in conſequence of which France became involved in the war with Great-Britain.

Perhaps no perſon could have been found, more capable of rendering eſſential ſervices to the United States at the court of France, than Dr. Franklin. He was well known as a philoſopher, and his character was held in the higheſt eſtimation. He was received with the greateſt marks of reſpect by all the literary characters; and this reſpect was extended amongſt all claſſes of men. His perſonal influence was hence very conſiderable. To the effects of this were added thoſe of various performances which he publiſhed, tending to eſtabliſh the credit and character of the United States. To his exertions in this way, may, in no ſmall degree, be aſcribed the ſucceſs of the loans negotiated in Holland and France, which greatly contributed to bringing the war to a happy concluſion.

The repeated ill ſucceſs of their arms, and more particularly the capture of Cornwallis and his army, at length convinced the Britiſh nation of the impoſſibility of reducing the Americans to ſubjection. The trading intereſt particularly became clamorouſ for peace. The miniſtry were unable longer to oppoſe their wiſhes. Proviſional articles of peace were agreed to, and ſigned at Paris on the 30th of November, 1782, by Dr. Franklin, Mr. Adams, Mr. Jay, and Mr. Laurens, on the part of the United States; and by Mr. Oſwald on the part of Great-Britain. Theſe formed the baſis of the definitive treaty, which was concluded the 3d of September 1783, and ſigned by Dr. Franklin, Mr. Adams, and Mr. Jay, on the one part, and by Mr. David Hartley on the other.

On the 3d of April 1783, a treaty of amity and commerce, between the United States and Sweden, was concluded at Paris, by Dr. Franklin and the Count Von Krutz.

A ſimilar treaty with Pruſſia was concluded in 1785, not long before Dr. Franklin's departure from Europe.

Dr. Franklin did not ſuffer his political purſuits to engroſs his whole attention. Some of his performances made their appearance in Paris. The object of theſe was generally the promotion of induſtry and œconomy.

In the year 1784, when animal magnetiſm made great noiſe in the world, particularly at Paris, it was thought a matter of ſuch importance, that the king appointed commiſſioners to examine into the foundation of this pretended ſcience. Dr. Franklin was one of the number. After a fair and diligent examination, in the courſe of which Meſmer repeated a number of experiments, ſome of which were tried upon themſelves, they determined that it was a mere trick, intended to impoſe upon the ignorant and credulous—Meſmer was thus interrupted in his career to wealth and fame, and a moſt inſolent attempt to impoſe upon the human underſtanding baffled.

The important ends of Dr. Franklin's miſſion being completed by the eſtabliſhment of American independence, and the infirmities of age and diſeaſe coming upon him, he became deſirous of returning to his native country. Upon application to congreſs to be recalled, Mr. Jefferfon was appointed to ſucceed him, in 1785. Sometime in September of the ſame year, Dr. Franklin arrived in Philadelphia. He was ſhortly after choſen member of the ſupreme executive council for the city; and ſoon after was elected preſident of the ſame.

When a convention was called to meet in Philadelphia, in 1787, for the purpoſe of giving more energy to the government of the union, by reviſing and amending the articles of confederation, Dr. Franklin was appointed a delegate from the State of Pennſylvania. He ſigned the conſtitution which they propoſed for the union, and gave it the moſt unequivocal marks of his approbation.

A society for political enquiries, of which Dr. Franklin was preſident, was eſtabliſhed about this period. The meetings were held at his houſe. Two or three eſſays read in this ſociety were publiſhed. It did not long continue.

In the year 1787, two ſocieties were eſtabliſhed in Philadelphia, founded in the principles of the moſt liberal and refined humanity—The Philadelphia Society for alleviating the miſeries of public priſons; and the Pennſylvania Society for promoting the abolition of ſlavery, the relief of free negroes unlawfully held in bondage, and the improvement of the condition of the African race. Of each of theſe Dr. Franklin was preſident. The labours of theſe bodies have been crowned with great ſucceſs; and they continue to proſecute, with unwearied diligence, the laudable deſigns for which they were eſtabliſhed.

Dr. Franklin's increaſing infirmities prevented his regular attendance at the council-chamber; and, in 1788, he retired wholly from public life.

His conſtitution had been a remarkably good one. He had been little ſubject to diſeaſe, except an attack of the gout occasionally, until about the year 1781, when he was firſt attacked with ſymptoms of the calculous complaint, which continued during his life. During the intervals of pain from this grievous diſeaſe, he ſpent many cheerful hours, converting in the moſt agreeable and inſtructive manner. His faculties were entirely unimpaired, even to the hour of his death.

His name, as preſident of the Abolition Society, was ſigned to the memorial preſented to the Houſe of Repreſentatives of the United States, on the 12th of February 1789, praying them to exert the full extent of power veiled in them by the conſtitution, in diſcouraging the traffic of the human ſpecies. This was his laſt public act. In the debates to Which this memorial gave riſe, ſeveral attempts were made to juſtify the trade. In the Federal Gazette of Match 25th there appeared an eſſay, ſigned Hiſtoricus, written by Dr. Franklin, in which he communicated a ſpeech, ſaid to have been delivered in the Divan of Algiers in 1687, in opposition to the prayer of the petition of a ſect called Erika, or puriſts, for the abolition of piracy and ſlavery. This pretended African ſpeech was an excellent parody of one delivered by Mr. Jackſon of Georgia. All the arguments urged in favour of negro ſlavery, are applied with equal force to juſtify the plundering, and enſlaving of Europeans. It affords, at the ſame time, a demonſtration of the futility of the arguments in defence of the ſlave trade, and of the ſtrength of mind and ingenuity of the author, at his advanced period of life. It furniſhed too a no leſs convincing proof of his power of imitating the ſtyle of other times and nations, than his celebrated parable againſt perſecution. And as the latter led many perſons to ſearch the ſcriptures with a view to find it, ſo the former cauſed many perſons to ſearch the book-ſtores and libraries, for the work from which it was ſaid to be extracted^[9].

In the beginning of April following, he was attacked with a fever and complaint of his breaſt, which terminated his exiſtence. The following account of his laſt illneſs was written by his friend and Phyſician, Dr. Jones.

"The ſtone, with which he had been afflicted for ſeveral years, had for the laſt twelve months confined him chiefly to his bed; and during the extreme painful paroxyſms, he was obliged to take large doſes of laudanum to mitigate his tortures—ſtill, in the intervals of pain, he not only amuſed himſelf with reading and converſing cheerfully with his family, and a few friends who viſited him, but was often employed in doing buſineſs of a public as well as private nature, with various perſons who waited on him for that purpoſe; and in every inſtance diſplayed, not only that readineſs and diſpoſition of doing good, which was the diſtinguiſhing characteriſtic of his life, but the fulleſt and cleareſt poſſeſſion of his uncommon mental abilities; and not unfrequently indulged himſelf in thoſe jeux d'eſprit and entertaining anecdotes, which were the delight of all who heard him.

"About ſixteen days before his death, he was ſeized with a feveriſh indiſpoſition, without any particular ſymptoms attending it, till the third or fourth day, when he complained of a pain in the left breaſt, which increaſed till it became extremely acute, attended with a cough and laborious breathing. During this ſtate, when the ſeverity of his pains ſometimes drew forth a groan of complaint, he would obſerve—that he was afraid he did not bear them as he ought—acknowledged his grateful ſenſe of the many bleſſings he had received from that Supreme Being, who had raiſed him from ſmall and low beginnings to ſuch high rank and conſideration among men and made no doubt but his preſent afflictions were kindly intended to wean him from a world, in which he was no longer fit to act the part aſſigned him. In this frame of body and mind he continued till five days before his death, when his pain and difficulty of breathing entirely left him, and his family were flattering themſelves with the hopes of his recovery, when an impoſthumation, which had formed itſelf in his lungs, ſuddenly burſt, and diſcharged a great quantity of matter, which he continued to throw up while he had ſufficient ſtrength to do it, but, as that failed, the organs of reſpiration became gradually oppreſſed—a calm lethargic ſtate ſucceeded——and, on the 17th of April 1790, about eleven o'clock at night, he quietly expired, cloſing a long and uſeful life of eighty-four years and three months.

"It may not be amiſs to add to the above account, that Dr, Franklin, in the year 1735, had a ſevere pleurify, which terminated in an abſceſs of the left lobe of his lungs, and he was then almoſt ſuffocated with the quantity and ſuddenneſs of the diſcharge. A ſecond attack of a ſimilar nature happened ſome years after this, from which he ſoon recovered, and did not appear to ſuffer any inconvenience in his reſpiration from theſe diſeaſes."

The following epitaph on himſelf, was written by him many years previous to his death:

THE BODY
of
Benjamin Franklin, Printer,
(Like the cover of an old book,
Its contents torn out,
And ſtript of its lettering and gilding)
Lies here, food for worms;
Yet the work itſelf ſhall not be loſt,
For it will (as he believed) appear once more,
In a new
And more beautiful edition,
Corrected and amended
by
The Author.

1. Dr. Stuber was born in Philadelphia, of German parents. He was ſent, at an early age, to the univerſity, where his genius, diligence and amiable temper ſoon acquired him the particular notice and favour of thoſe under whoſe immediate direction he was placed. After paſſing through the common courſe of ſtudy, in a much ſhorter time than uſual, he left the univerſity, at the age of ſixteen, with great reputation. Not long after, he entered on the ſtudy of Phyſic; and the zeal with which he purſued it, and the advances he made, gave his friends reaſon to form the moſt flattering proſpects of his future eminence and uſefulneſs in the profeſſion. As Dr. Stuber's circumſtances were very moderate, he did not think this purſuit well calculated to anſwer them. He therefore relinquiſhed it, after he had obtained a degree in the profeſſion, and qualified himſelf to practiſe with credit and ſucceſs; and immediately entered on the ſtudy of Law. In purſuit of the laſt mentioned object, he was prematurely arreſted, before he had an opportunity of reaping the fruit of thoſe talents with which he was endowed, and of a youth ſpent in the ardent and ſucceſsful purſuit of uſeful and elegant literature.
2. A general idea of the college of Mirania.
3. The Rev. and learned Mr. Francis Alliſon, afterwards D. D. and vice-provoſt of the college.
4. Mr. Theophilus Grew, afterwards profeſſor of mathematics in the college.
5. Thoſe aſſiſtants were at that time Mr. Charles Thomſon, late ſecretary of congreſs, Mr. Paul Jackſon, and Mr. Jacob Duche.
6. The name given to the principal or head of the ideal college, the ſyſtem of education in which hath nevertheleſs been nearly realized, or followed as a model, in the college and academy of Philadelphia, and ſome other American ſeminaries, for many years paſt.
7. The quotation alluded to (from the London Monthly Review for 1749), was judged to reflect too ſeverely on the diſcipline and government of the Engliſh universities of Oxford and Cambridge, and was expunged from the following editions of this work.
8. Upon the application of archbiſhop Herring and P. Collinſon, Eſq; at Dr. Franklin's requeſt, (aided by the letters of Mr Allen and Mr. Peters) the hon. Thomas Penn, Eſq; ſubſcribed an annual ſum, and afterwards gave at leaſt 5000l. to the founding or engrafting the college upon the academy.
9. This ſpeech will be found among the Eſſays.