against Asiatic despotism. Many of you saw in this a justification of your support of the war. To-day this justification also is no more; democratic Russia cannot be a menace to freedom and civilisation.
"We shall unflinchingly defend our own freedom against all reactionary threats—whether from within or from without. The Russian Revolution will not retreat before the bayonets of invaders and will not let itself be crushed by external military force. But we appeal to you: shake off the yoke of your half-autocratic régime, as the Russian people shook off the Tsarist autocracy; refuse to serve as instruments of gain and annexation and violence in the hands of kings, landowners, and bankers then in friendly alliance of our forces we will put a stop to the awful slaughter which is degrading mankind and darkening the great days of the birth of Russian freedom.
"Workers of all lands! We hold out to you the hand of brotherhood across mountains of our brothers' corpses, across rivers of innocent blood and tears, across smoking ruins of towns and villages, across the broken treasures of civilisation: we call you to the rebirth and strengthening of international unity. In it is the pledge of our future victories and of the complete liberation of mankind.
"Proletarians of all lands, unite!
"Petrograd Soviet of Workers' and
Soldiers' Delegates."
It is difficult to name another public utterance with such transparent honesty of purpose; yet, on the other hand, it is difficult to name one which led to greater misrepresentations and more shameless calumnies. The authors of this manifesto were branded as "traitors," "German hirelings," and agents of German peace. Their more benevolent opponents, with a patronising wave of the hand, and almost with compassion, called them "revolutionary fanatics and hopeless idealists." The name "idealist," when applied to a statesman, is nowadays considered as the worst criticism possible.
