they did. As soon as the new Government was formed the public began to discuss what its policy would be. There was a repetition of the same discussion as had taken place two months before, as to whether the party of peace or the party of war had been victorious. Considering the definite programme on which the new Government was based, this discussion should have been unnecessary. On the basis of its adopted programme it was definitely a Government for the liquidation of the war. Its programme was harmonious, a consistent programme of peace, based on the one hand on the struggle for peace, and on the other hand on the strengthening of the fighting power of the Russian army. And yet its formation was greeted with great joy by the imperialists of Russia and of all other countries. They rubbed their hands and said: "The Russian Socialists have set to work to strengthen the Russian army. It follows that they are pro-war. It is a red-letter day for us." It was so indeed; but, as far as the democracy was concerned, the strengthening of the army did not mean war for them. Referring to this joy "on the imperialist street," the Izvestia of May 13th, about a week after the Coalition Government was formed, said: "Peace is the aim of the revolutionary democracy, nor does it intend to make for peace by way of war. Not by military victories does it seek the way out from the blind alley of bloodshed. … Our comrades have entered the Coalition Government for the business of peace. They will make it their concern to see that the Governments of all countries are compelled openly to say their thoughts on the actual aims of the war, without any prevarications, before their own peoples and the whole world. The delegates of the Soviet will work out the great task of reviving the international brotherhood of workers, in their post in the Government, even as they have done in the Soviet itself." These were proud and sincere words, but it all turned out to be an illusion.
The new Government had two pivots: the task of
