Gesenius' Hebrew Grammar/74. Verbs ל״א
74a The א in these verbs, as in verbs פ״א, is treated in some cases as a consonant, i.e. as a guttural, in others as having no consonantal value (as a quiescent or vowel letter), viz.:
1. In those forms which terminate with the א, the final syllable always has the regular vowels, if long, e.g. מֹצֵא, מִצֵּא, מָצוּא, הִמְצִיא, i.e. the א simply quiesces in the long vowel, without the latter suffering any change whatever. It is just possible that after the altogether heterogeneous vowel û the א may originally have preserved a certain consonantal value. On the other band, if the final א quiesces in a preceding ă (as in the perfect, imperfect, and imperative Qal, in the perfect Niphʿal, and in Puʿal and Hophʿal) this ă is necessarily lengthened to ā, by §27g, as standing in an open syllable; e.g. מָצָא, יִמְצָא, &c.
74b The imperfect and imperative Qal invariably have ā in the final syllable, on the analogy of verbs tertiae gutturalis; cf., however, §76e.—In the imperfect Hithpaʿēl ā occurs in the final syllable not only (according to §54k) in the principal pause (Nu 3123), or immediately before it (Jb 1016), or with the lesser disjunctives (Lv 211.4, Nu 1913.20), but even out of pause with Merekha, Nu 67, and even before Maqqeph in Nu 1912.
74c 2. When א stands at the end of a syllable before an afformative beginning with a consonant (ת, נ), it likewise quiesces with the preceding vowel; thus in the perfect Qal (and Hophʿal, see below) quiescing with ă it regularly becomes Qumeṣ (מָצָ֫אתָ for מָצַ֫אְתָּ, &c.); but in the perfect of all the other active and reflexive conjugations, so far as they occur, it is preceded by S̥̥ere (נִמְצֵ֫אתָ, &c.), and in the imperative and imperfect by Seghôl, מְצֶ֫אנָה, תִּמְצֶאנָה.
74d (a) The Seghôl of these forms of the imperfect and imperative might be considered as a modification, and at the same time a lengthening of an original ă (see §8a). In the same way the ē of the perfect forms in Piʿēl, Hithpaʿēl, and Hiphʿîl might be traced to an original ĭ (as in other cases the ē and î in the final syllable of the 3rd sing. muse. perfect of these conjugations), although this ĭ may have only been attenuated from an original ă. According to another, and probably the correct explanation, however, both the Ṣere and the Seghôl are due to the analogy of verbs ל״ה (§75f) in consequence of the close relation between the two classes, cf. §75nn.—No form of this kind occurs in Puʿal; in the perfect Hophʿal only the 2nd masc. sing. הֻבָ֫אתָה Ez 404, lengthened according to rule.
74e (b) Before suffixes attached by a connecting vowel (e.g. יִקְרָאֵ֫נִי) the א retains its consonantal value; so before ךָ and בֶם, e.g. אֶמְצָֽאֲךָ Ct 81; הִבָּרַֽאֲךָ Ez 2813 (cf. §65h), not אֶמְצָאךָ, &c., since these suffixes, by §58f, are likewise attached to the verb-form by a connecting vowel in the form of Šewâ mobile.—As infinitive Qal with suffix notice מַחְאֲךָ Ez 256; participle with suffix בֹּדַֽאֲךָ Is 431; infinitive Piʿēl בְּטַמַּֽאֲכֶם.—The doubly anomalous form יִקְרְאוֹ Jer 236 (for יִקְרָאֵ֫הוּ or יִקְרָאֶ֫נּוּ) is perhaps a forma mixta combining the readings יִקְרָאוֹ and יִקְרְאוּ. 74f 3. When א begins a syllable (consequently before afformatives which consist of or begin with a vowel, as well as before suffixes) it is necessarily a firm consonant, and the form then follows the analogy of the strong verb, e.g. מָֽצְאָה māṣeʿā, מָֽצְאוּ, &c. (in pause מָצָ֫אָה, מָצָ֫אוּ).
74g 1. Verbs middle e, like מָלֵא to be full, retain the Ṣere also in the other persons of the perfect, e.g. מָלֵ֫אתִי (מְלָאוֹ Est 75 has ־ָ owing to its transitive use; for יְרָאתֶם Jos 424 read with Ewald יִרְאָתָם). Instead of מָֽצְאָה the form קָרָאת she names, on the analogy of the ל״ה-forms noticed in §75m, occurs in Is 714 (from קָֽרְאַת, cf. §44f), and with a different meaning (it befalls) in Dt 3129, Jer 4423, in both places before א, and hence, probably, to avoid a hiatus (on the other hand, וְחָטָאת Ex 516, could only be the and sing. masc.; the text which is evidently corrupt should probably be emended to וְחָטָאתָ לְעַמֶּ֫ךָ with the LXX); in Niphʿal נִפְלָאת ψ 11823; in Hophʿal הֻבָאת Gn 3311.—The 2nd fem. sing. is written קָרָאתְ by Baer, Gen 1611, &c., according to early MSS.
74h 2. The infin. Qal occurs sometimes on the analogy of verbs ל״ה (גְּלוֹת, &c., see §75nn) in the feminine form; so always מְלֹאת to fill (as distinguished from מְלֹא fullness), Lv 833, 124.6, 2530, Jer 2910, Ez 52, also written מְלֹאות Jer 2512, Jb 2022, &c., and מְלוֹאת Est 15. Cf. further, קְרֹאת Ju 81; שְׂנֹאת Pr 813; before suffixes, Ez 3312, and likewise in Niph. Zc 134; also in Piʿēl לְמַלֹּאת Ex 315, 3533, or לְמַלּאוֹת Dn 92, &c. Kethîbh; with suffix 2 S 212.—On the (aramaïzing) infinitives מַשָּׁא and מַשְׂאוֹת, see §45e; on לִקְרַאת obviam, §19k.—בְּמֹצַֽאֲכֶם when ye find, Gn 3220, stands, according to §93q, for מָצְאֲכֶם. The tone of the lengthened imperative רְפָאָ֫ה ψ 415 as Mileraʿ (before נַפְשִׁי) is to be explained on rhythmical grounds; cf. the analogous cases in §72s.—The and fem. plur. imperative in Ru 19 has, according to Qimḥi, the form מְצֵ֫אןָ and in verse 20 קְרֵ֫אןָ; on the other hand, the Mantua edition and Ginsburg, on good authority, read מְצֶאןָ, קְרֶאןָ.
74i 3. The participle fem. is commonly contracted, e.g. מֹצְאת (for מֹצֶ֫אֶת) 2 S 1822, cf. Est 215; so Niphʿal נִפְלְאה Dt 3011, Zc 57 (but נִשָּׂאָת Is 3025), and Hophʿal, Gn 3825; less frequent forms are מֽוֹצְאֵת Ct 810; נֽשְֹׁאֵת 1 K 1022 (cf. §76b, שְׂאֵת beside לָשֵׂאת as infinitive construct from נָשָׂא) and without א (see k) יוֹצְת (from יָצָא) Dt 2857. In the forms חֹטִאים sinning, 1 S 1433, cf. ψ 996; בֹּדָאם feigning them, Neh 68, the א is elided, and is only retained orthographically (§23c) after the retraction of its vowel; see the analogous cases in §75oo.—On the plur. masc. ptcp. Niph. cf. §93oo.
74k 4. Frequently an א which is quiescent is omitted in writing (§23f): (a) in the middle of the word, e.g. בָּ֫נוּ 1 S 258; מָצָ֫תִי Nu 1111, cf. Jb 121; צָמֵ֫תִי Ju 419, cf. Jb 3218. In the imperfect תִּשֶּׂ֫נָה Jer 917, Zc 59, Ru 114 (but the same form occurs with Yôdh pleonastic after the manner of verbs ל״ה in Ez 2349, according to the common reading; cf. §76b and Jer 5020); in Piʿēl אַחַטֶּ֫נָּה (after elision of the א, cf. §75oo ) Gn 3139; and also in Niphʿal נִטְמֵתֶם Lv 1143; cf. Jos 216. (b) at the end of the word; וַיָּבוֹ 1 K 1212 Kethîbh; Hiphʿîl הֶֽחֱטִי 2 K 136, cf. Is 5310 (הֶֽחֱלִי for הֶֽחֱלִיא perfect Hiphʿîl of חָלָה formed after the manner of verbs ל״א); in the imperfect Hiphʿîl יַשִּׁי ψ 5516 Kethîbh; יָנִי ψ 1415; אָבִי 1 K 2119, Mi 115; in the infinitive, Jer 3235; in the participle, 2 S 52, 1 K 2121, Jer 1915, 3916, all in Kethîbh (מֵבִי, always before א, hence perhaps only a scribal error).
74l 5. In the jussive, imperfect consecutive, and imperative Hiphʿîl a number of cases occur with î in the final syllable; cf. יַשִּׁא Is 3614 (in the parallel passages 2 K 1829, 2 Ch 3215 יִשִּׁיא); וַיָּבִיא Neh 82 (before ע); וַיַּֽחֲטִא 2 K 2111 (cf. 1 K 162, 2122); וַתַּתְבִּא 2 K 629; וַיּוֹצִא Dt 420, 2 K 1112, ψ 7816, 10543; imperative הָבִיא Jer 1718; הוֹצִיא Is 438 (in both cases before ע). If the tradition be correct (which at least in the defectively written forms appears very doubtful) the retention of the î is to be attributed to the open syllable; while in the closed syllable of the 3rd sing. masc. and fem., and the 2nd sing. masc. after ו consecutive, the î is always reduced to ē. In the examples before ע considerations of euphony may also have had some influence (cf. §75hh).—In Ez 403, Baer reads with the Western school וַיָּבֵיא, while the Orientals read in the Kethîbh ויבוא, and in the Qerê וַיָּבֵא.
On the transition of verbs ל״א to forms of ל״ה see §75nn.