History of Mexico (Bancroft)/Volume 1/Chapter 19

by Hubert Howe Bancroft

 

CHAPTER XIX.

POLITICS AND RELIGION.

1520.

Growing Discontent among the Mexicans — Cacama's Conspiracy — He openly Defies both Montezuma and Cortes — The Council of Tepetzinco — Seizure of Cacama — The Tezcucan Ruler Deposed — Cuicuitzcatl Elevated — Montezuma and his People swear Fealty to the Spanish King — Gathering in the Tribute — Division of Spoils — The Spaniards Quarrel over their Gold — Uncontrollable Religious Zeal — Taking of the Temple — Wrath of the Mexicans.

With their hand so securely on the spring that' moved a mighty empire, there is little wonder that these Spanish adventurers became somewhat insolent toward the people they so injured. The Mexicans were not slow to mark this, and there were those among them, and others beside them, who began to think of taking matters into their own hands, of destroying the invaders and releasing the emperor.

Montezuma's occasional appearance in public, and the assertion that he remained with the Spaniards of his free-will, and because the gods desired it, had for a time satisfied the nobles; but the hard irons on his limbs and the cruel burning of patriotic men had opened their eyes somewhat to the true state of affairs. No one knew when his turn might come. Life was insecure enough subject to the caprice of their own sovereign, but the dark uncertain ways of these emissaries of evil were past finding out. These things were thought of and talked of in high places. Race aversions and the political systems of the tripartite alliance caused more than one party to be formed, each with aspirations that could not be entertained by the others. The most prominent leader at this time was Cacama, who had at first favored the strangers in their character as envoys. And now he began the endeavor to direct the movement of the Aztec nobility, but jealousy of Acolhua influence rose uppermost, and his efforts tended only to create a reaction in favor of abiding by the will of the emperor.^[1]

Although there were enough of sympathizers in Mexico for his purpose, Cacama found that he must rely almost wholly on the northern provinces, and in connection with Cuitlahuatzin, Totoquihuatzin II. of Tlacopan, his own brothers, and others, he organized a conspiracy which had for its aim the expulsion of the Spaniards and the release of his uncle. Beneath this was harbored a design upon the Aztec throne, which would probably become vacant; and even if Cacama was not sure of gaining this for himself, he had at least the expectation of assuming the leadership of the Anáhuac confederacy.^[2] He presented to the council in the most dismal aspect the purposes of the Spaniards, who evidently sought to become absolute masters and reduce them all to slavery. It was time to rise for religion and liberty. Their honor and welfare demanded it, and this before the Spaniards rendered themselves too powerful by reinforcements and alliances. With heedless confidence he vaunted that Mexico should be his within a few hours after setting out against her, for there were many of her citizens ready to aid in such a work. The Spaniards were overrated, and could effect little, surrounded as they were on all sides, and without other supplies than those provided by the Mexicans.

The motives and the necessity were recognized, though the means proposed met with some objections; but when the question of spoils and rewards came forward there were still greater differences. Among others, the brave and powerful lord of Matlaltzinco advanced pretensions, founded in part on his close relationship to Montezuma, which Cacama above all could not admit. The result was disagreement, followed by the withdrawal of several members.^[3]

No attempt had been made to keep the movement, or its ostensible motive, a secret from Montezuma, nor could it have been kept from him who was the still powerful ruler of a servile race; but, even if the deeper lying aim was not revealed him, he could not fail to foresee the troubles that might arise, particularly under such a leader. He still hoped the Spaniards would soon leave, or that his release might be effected by other means, for he dreaded a conflict with the powerful invaders, involving perhaps the destruction of the city and his own death. He sent to tell the conspirators that they need not concern themselves about his imprisonment. The Spaniards had more than once proposed that he should return to his own palace, but the gods had decreed it otherwise. He could not allow his people to be needlessly exposed to war, or his capital to destruction. Remember Cholula. Their stay would not be long.

This message was not without its effect even among the Tezcucans, for, although the fate of the Aztec capital and king may have concerned them but little, there were many who could not forget that the impetuous and proud Cacama had obtained the throne by favor of Montezuma, to the prejudice of an elder brother, Tetlahuehuetquizitzin. Their father, Nezahualpilli, had died in 1515, without naming a successor, and the choice devolving on the royal council, in conjunction with the rulers of Mexico and Tlacopan, Cacama was elected. Cohuanacoch, the third brother, acquiesced, but the youngest, the fiery Ixtlilxochitl, protested in favor of the eldest heir, and denounced the selection as due to Montezuma, who hoped to mould the new king to his own will and so again to control. He even resorted to arms in support of his views, and enlisting the northern provinces in his favor, after a short campaign he obliged Cacama to consent to a division of the kingdom with himself.^[4]

His ready success proved that Cacama had no very great hold on the people, and now, when came the warning of Montezuma, more than one chief counselled prudence from other motives than fear. But the king stamped all these objections as cowardly, and appears even to have placed under restraint several of those whose want of sympathy he had reason to suspect.^[5] His blood was hot, and relying on the promises of his supporters, he considered himself strong enough to bid defiance to his opponents. He sent word to his uncle that if he had any regard for the dignity of his station and the honor of his person and ancestry, he would not quietly submit to the bondage imposed by a handful of robbers, who with smooth tongue sought to cover their outrages against him and the gods. If he refused to rise in defence of his religion, throne, and liberty, Cacama would not.^[6]

This outspoken utterance of the nephew whom he had assisted to rulership amazed Montezuma as much as it wounded his pride, and he no longer hesitated to take counsel with Cortés, who had already obtained an inkling that something was stirring.^[7] With characteristic promptness the latter suggested that, since Cacama's real object was evidently to usurp the throne, a Mexican army should be given to aid the Spaniards in laying waste the territory of the conspirators and in capturing them. The emperor had probably entertained a hope that the news would frighten his guest and make it safe to urge a retreat from Mexico, thus ending the whole trouble. He was therefore somewhat startled by this proposal, the true tenor of which he well understood. He feared a fratricidal war of doubtful result, wherein he would appear as arrayed against the defenders of national religion and liberty; and being now weak and cowed he hesitated to arm at all, preferring peaceful measures. To this Cortés was not averse, for he recognized on second thought that aggressive steps might become the signal for a general uprising which would overwhelm him, since Aztec troops could never be relied on.

He accordingly sent messages to Cacama, reminding him of their friendly intercourse, and representing the danger of offending the Spanish king by proceedings which could only react on himself and lead to the destruction of his kingdom. Montezuma supported this by asking the king to come to Mexico and arrange the difficulty. Cacama had not gone so far to be restrained by what he termed an empty threat, and regardless of the warnings from a timid minority he replied that he knew not the king of the Spaniards, and would never accept the friendship of men who had oppressed his country and outraged his blood and religion. He had had enough of their promises, but would declare his determination when he saw them.^[8] To Montezuma he sent word that he would come, "not with the hand on the heart, however, but on the sword."^[9]

There was considerable meaning in this threat, for Cacama had with great energy set about to mass his forces at Oztotiepac, and they in conjunction with those of his allies would make a formidable host.^[10] Cortés was aware of this, and seeing that no time was to be lost he firmly represented to Montezuma the necessity of securing the person of the king, openly or by stealth; and when he still hesitated, the significant hint was given that the Spaniards would regard a refusal with suspicion. This decided him, and he promised that it should be done, if possible. Cortés broke forth in expressions of good-will, and again offered him that freedom which Montezuma well knew he would never grant.

In placing Cacama on the throne, the emperor had seized the opportunity to introduce into the Acolhua government offices several creatures of his own, who were paid to maintain Aztec influence in the council^[11] and to watch operations. To these men he sent an order, weighted with presents, to seize the king and bring him to Mexico.^[12] They accordingly prevailed on their victim to hold a council at Tepetzinco for finally arranging the campaign. This palace was situated on the lake, near Tezcuco, and approached by canals. Here Cacama was seized and thrown into a boat prepared for the occasion, and carried to the Aztec capital.^[13]

Ashamed, perhaps, of his share in the transaction, and unwilling to face the taunts of the captive, Montezuma refused to see him, and he was surrendered to Cortés, who, regardless of royalty, applied the fetters as the surest means against escape.^[14] This seizure scattered the conspirators and their schemes to the winds, and the demoralization was completed by the arrest of several of the more important personages, such as the king of Tlacopan and the lords of Iztapalapan and Coyuhuacan, who were also shackled.^[15] Thus we see that Montezuma's captivity did not greatly affect his power, since he could so readily place under restraint the confederate kings, in their own provinces; and it was not wholly unwelcome to him to find his misfortune shared by other prominent men, since this made his disgrace less conspicuous.

He now resolved, with the approval of Cortés, to depose the Tezcucan ruler, as a rebel against his authority, and to place on the throne a more dutiful subject, a younger natural brother of Cacama, named Cuicuetzcatl,^[16] whom his ill-treatment had driven to Mexico for protection. The nomination was for the sake of appearance submitted for ratification to a convention of loyal Tezcucan chiefs, many of whom hoped no doubt to obtain greater influence under this youth. The new king was escorted to the gates of Mexico by Cortés and Montezuma, and received at Tezcuco with triumphal arches and processions.^[17]

 

And now, with the three confederate rulers and a number of leading caciques in his power, the great king-maker thought the time had come to exact a formal acknowledgment of Spanish sovereignty. He reminded Montezuma of his promises to pay tribute, and demanded that he and his vassals should tender allegiance. Instead of the objections expected, Cortés was surprised to hear a prompt acquiescence. Montezuma had evidently been long prepared for the demand, and said that he would at once convene his chiefs for consultation. Within little more than a week the summoned dignitaries had arrived, and at a meeting, attended by no Spaniards save the page, he intimated to the leading personages, so far as he dared before this witness, that the concession demanded of them was to satisfy the importunate jailers. "The gods, alas! are mute," concluded Montezuma; "but by and by they may signify their will more clearly, and I will then say what further is to be done.^[18] All declared sorrowfully that they would do as he bade, and Cortés was informed that on the following day the required ceremony would take place.

On this occasion the chiefs mustered in force before Montezuma, who was seated on a throne having on either side the new king of Tezcuco and he of Tlacopan.^[19] All being prepared, the Spanish general entered with his captains and a number of soldiers. The emperor now addressed his vassals, reminding them of the relation so long and happily maintained between them — as dutiful subjects on the one side, and a line of loving monarchs on the other. Comparing the Quetzalcoatl myth and other indications with the advent of white men from the region of the rising sun, he showed that they must be the long expected race, sent to claim allegiance for their king, to whom the sovereignty evidently belonged. The gods had willed it that their generation should repair the omission of their ancestors. "Hence I pray that as you have hitherto held and obeyed me as your lord, so you will henceforth hold and obey this great king, for he is your legitimate ruler, and in his place accept this captain of his. All the tribute and service hitherto tendered me give to him, for I also have to contribute and serve with all that he may require. In doing this you will fulfil not only your duty, but give me great pleasure."^[20]

His concluding words were almost lost in the sobs which his humiliated soul could no longer stifle. The chiefs were equally affected, and the sympathies even of the flint-hearted Spaniards were aroused to a degree which moistened many an eye. With some of the lately arrived dignitaries, who had not had time to fully grasp the situation at the capital, indignation struggled with grief at the dismal prospect. Others recalled the prophecy that the empire would terminate with Montezuma,^[21] whose very name appeared fraught with evil omen," and were quite reconciled to the inevitable., So were most of them, for that matter, either through belief in the myth or from a sense of duty to their master. One of the eldest nobles broke the oppressive silence by declaring his sorrow at witnessing the grief of their beloved sovereign and hearing the announcement of coming changes. But since the time had come for the fulfilment of divine decrees, they, as devout and dutiful subjects, could only submit. Again their grief broke forth, though many a bitter glance was called up by the allusion to changes in store for them. Observing the bad impression, Cortés hastened to assure them that Montezuma would not only remain the great emperor he had always been, and his vassals be confirmed in their dignities and possessions, but that their domain and power would be increased. . The changes proposed were merely intended to stop wars, to enlighten them on matters with which they were as yet unacquainted, and to promote general welfare. One after another, beginning with Montezuma, they now swore allegiance, and gave promise of service and tribute, after which they were dismissed with thanks for their compliance.^[22] The submission of the sovereigns appears to have been quietly accepted throughout the country, and the impunity with which even single Spaniards moved about shows that no hostility had been aroused by the act, in the provinces at least. Evidently the people hovered between fear of men who so few in number could yet perform so great achievements, and awe of divine will as indicated by the prophecies and traditions. Cortés was not slow in making use of his new power by representing to the emperor that, his king being in need of gold for certain projects, it would be well for the new vassals to begin tribute payments as an earnest of their loyalty. Montezuma had expected this, and it was readily agreed that he should send officers, accompanied by Spaniards, to the different provinces and towns of the empire for contributions.^[23] These demands were met with more or less alacrity, and in poured gold and silver, in dust, and quoits, and leaves, and trinkets, which formed to a certain extent a medium for trade. Many towns remote from the mines had nothing to offer save a few jewels, which were perhaps heirlooms among the chiefs.^[24]

When the collectors returned, Montezuma summoned the Spanish leaders, and surrendered what they had brought. In addition to this, he offered them the treasures kept in his own palace, regretting that he had not more to give; but previous offerings had diminished what he possessed. "When you transmit it to your king," he said, "tell him that it comes from his good

vassal, Montezuma." He requested that certain fine chalchiuite stones, each valued at two loads of gold, and some finely chased and inlaid blow-pipes, should be given to the king alone.^[25] This liberality evoked the most profound protestations of gratitude, as may be supposed, for they had not expected so great an addition to the glittering heaps already in their possession. Tapia and another officer were despatched in all haste with the imperial mayordomo to receive the treasure. It was stored in a hall and two smaller chambers of the aviary building,^[26] and consisted of gold, silver, and precious stones, in setting and in separate form, with feathers, robes, and other articles, all of which were transferred to the Spanish quarters.^[27]

These valuables, together with the collections from the provinces and the previously surrendered treasures of Axayacatl, were given to Cortés, who placed them in charge of the treasurer, Gonzalo Mejía, and the contador, Alonso de Ávila. The famed smiths of Azcapuzalco were called in to separate the gold and silver settings from the jewels of less delicacy and beauty, which it had been determined to melt. This took about three days. They were then melted into bars, three fingers in breadth, and stamped with the royal arms.^[28] Iron weights were made of one arroba and downward, not very exact, it seems, yet suitable for the purpose, and with these the value of the melted gold was found to be somewhat over 162,000 pesos oro, according to Cortés' statement; the silver weighed over 500 marcos, and the unbroken jewels and other effects were estimated at over 500,000 ducats, not counting the workmanship.^[29] The jewels were set with feathers, pearls, and precious stones, fashioned chiefly in animal forms, "so perfect as to appear natural." A number of trinkets for the royal share had also been fashioned by the goldsmiths after designs by the Spaniards, such as saintly images, crucifixes, bracelets, and chains, all made with wonderful fidelity to originals. The silver for the same share was made into plates, spoons, and similar articles. The feathers presented a brilliant variety of colors and forms, and the cotton, some of the most delicate texture and color, was both plain and embroidered, and made into robes, tapestry, covers, and other articles. Turquoises, pearls, toys, and trinkets were also among the treasures.^[30]

Cortés proposed to defer the distribution till more gold and better weights were obtained; but the men, who with good reason, perhaps, suspected that a delay might diminish rather than increase the treasures, clamored for an immediate division. The troops were accordingly called, and in their presence the partition was made: first of the royal fifth;^[31]then of the fifth promised to Cortés when appointed captain-general; after this a large sum was set apart to cover expenditures by Cortés and Velazquez on the fleet and its outfit, and the value of the horses killed during the campaign,^[32] and another sum for the expenses and shares of the procuradores in Spain, while double or special shares were assigned to the priests, the captains, those owning horses, and the men with fire-arms and cross-bows.^[33] After all these deductions but little remained for the rank and file — a hundred pesos, if we may credit Bernal Diaz.^[34] This, many indignantly refused to accept; others took it, but joined in the clamors of the discontented.

 

It is almost too much to ask of vultures not to quarrel over their prey. The murmur against the royal fifth was loud enough, but the second fifth for Cortés raised quite an outcry. "Are we to have a second king?" they asked. Others inquired, "For whose fleet are we paying?" They further wished to know whether the fame and promotion acquired for the general by his men could not satisfy some of his claims, for the present, at least. They had once before surrendered hard-earned money to please him and to promote his credit with the king, and now, when they had been led to expect reward, it was again snatched from them. Some said that a large proportion of the treasures had been secured by Cortés and his favorites before the distribution began; and the value of the heavy gold chains and other ornaments displayed by them was significantly pointed at as out of proportion to their share.

The suspicion was confirmed by a quarrel which occurred shortly after between Velazquez de Leon and Treasurer Mejía respecting the payment of the royal fifth on certain unbroken jewels found in Velazquez' possession, and received by him before the apportionment. It was enough, said Mejía, for Cortés to appropriate unassessed treasures. Velazquez refusing to comply, they came to blows, and if friends had not interfered there might have been an officer or two less in the camp. As it was, both received slight wounds, and subsequently shackles. Mejía was released within a few hours; but his antagonist retained the fetters for two days, persuaded to submit with grace thereto by Cortés, it was said, in order to allay suspicions and to show that the general could be just, even when it affected a friend.^[35]

Finding that the murmurs were becoming serious, Cortés brought his soothing eloquence to bear upon the troubled spirits. He represented that all his thoughts, efforts, and possessions were for the honor of his God, his king, and his companions. With them he had shared every danger and hardship, and for their welfare he had watched, rendering justice to all. The division had been fairly made in accordance with previous arrangement. But he was not avaricious; all he had was theirs, and he would employ it for them as might a father. He would surrender the fifth which had been assigned him, if they wished it, retaining only his share as captain-general; and he would also help any one in need. The treasure thus far secured was insignificant compared to what lay before them. What mattered a few hundred pesos more or less in view of the rich mines, the large tracts, and the immense number of towns, which were all theirs, so long as they held loyally together? "I will make a lord of every one of you," he concluded, "if you will but have peace and patience."^[36] And to give greater effect to this harangue he bribed with gifts and promises the more influential to sound his praises; whereupon the murmurs died away, though rancor still remained with many, awaiting opportunity.^[37]

A large proportion of the soldiers imitated the example of the heavy sharers in the spoils by converting their allotment, with the aid of Azcapuzalcan goldsmiths, into chains, crosses, and other adornments for their persons, so that the display of wealth became quite dazzling. Others yielded to the infatuation for gambling, then so prevalent, and lost without a murmur the hard-earned share.^[38]

But one thing now remained to complete the triumph of the conqueror. The manacled kings were subservient, and the people displayed their loyalty by pouring tribute into his coffers. But his god was not theirs, and this the pious pilferer could not endure. He and his priests had lost no opportunity to preach the faith to emperor and subjects;^[39] but the hearts of the natives were obdurately fixed on the idols of the pyramid. He never beheld the temple without being tempted to lay low the effigies of Satan, and it was owing only to Father Olmedo's prudent counsel that the temptation was resisted. Repeatedly had he urged on the weak emperor to begin the great work by some radical reform, but could obtain only the promise that human sacrifices would be stopped. Finding that even this was not observed, he consulted with his captains, and it was agreed to demand the surrender of the great temple for Christian worship, so that the natives might be made to feel the holy influence of its symbols and rites. Montezuma.was prepared with excuses, but the deputation declared with fierce vehemce that

if this were refused they would forcibly remove the idols and kill the priests who resisted. "Malinche," exclaimed the monarch in alarm, "do you then seek the destruction of the city? Our gods are incensed against us, and the people imbittered. Even your lives will not be safe. Wait, I entreat you, till I call the priests for consultation."^[40]

Cortés saw that nothing more could then be attained, but with the indiscreet zeal for religion which often blinded him he determined that there should be no further delay. He apprehended no uprising among a people which had so patiently submitted to all exactions, yet he feared that the priests, if warned, might prevent an entry into the temple, and so he resolved to anticipate them, and to demonstrate the impotency of their gods. Giving orders for a strong force to follow after a short interval, he went forward with hardly a dozen men in order not to arouse suspicion.^[41] Entering the sanctuary, and finding that he could not draw aside the costly curtain with its golden pellet fringe which shielded the bejewelled idols from profane gaze, he had it cut asunder. The reason for the obstruction now became apparent. The idol showed traces of fresh human blood. At this evidence of broken promises and disregarded orders Cortés began to rave. "Oh God!" he cried, "why dost thou permit the devil to be thus honored in this land? Let it appear good that we serve thee."

Turning to the temple attendants, who had followed with apprehensive mien, he upbraided them for their blind adherence to a bloody worship, and compared the evil of idolatry with the saving rites of Christianity. He was determined, he said, to remove the idols and install an image of the virgin. They must take away all within the sanctuary and cleanse it. The priests shook their heads at such an insane idea. All the city and country around adored these gods, and they would die rather than see them desecrated. They further intimated that the deities would themselves know how to chastise the sacrilegious. This reply only fired the fury of Cortés, and unable further to restrain himself, he seized a bar, dashed at the idol, and striking it a blow which caused the golden mask to fall off, he exclaimed, "Shall we not do something for God?" Captain Andrés de Tapia, one of the dozen Spaniards present on the occasion, testifies to the rash proceeding: "I swear by my faith as a gentleman and by God that it is true. It seems as if I now see the marquis springing with excitement and striking at the idol."^[42]

When the real intentions of Cortés had first become apparent to the priests, they set to warn Montezuma, as emperor and high-priest, that some outrage might be perpetrated. Suspecting that the recent threat was about to be carried out, he despatched a messenger to the general asking permission to come to the temple, and imploring him meanwhile to respect the idols. The message arrived before much damage was done, and with the advice of his followers Cortés was induced to yield. He recognized that the attitude assumed might lead to more serious results than had been at first supposed. The rumor had spread of extraordinary proceedings on the temple summit, and armed and threatening crowds were gathering at the foot, impeded only by the Spanish reserve escort^[43] from ascending to defend their gods. Why should not they fight for their religion as well as others? Seeing that the emperor's presence was necessary to calm them, Cortés permitted him to come. He soon arrived, under a strong guard, and pointing to the excited masses he reasoned with Cortés upon the uselessness and danger of his hasty project. The latter stubbornly insisted, and after a consultation with the priests it was agreed to surrender both the summit chapels of Huitzilopochtli and Tezcatlipoca to Christian worship,^[44] on condition that the idols within might be removed by the reverent hands of priests alone. This was effected while the emperor remained on the summit. The chapels were then whitewashed, a cross was planted, and two altars rose, on which were placed the image of the virgin and of a saint whom Tapia calls San Cristóbal.^[45]

 

Preparations were next made to consecrate the sanctuary, now festive with garlands and flowers. The Spaniards marched in procession through the streets, to the chant of psalms, headed by the two priests who bore the crucifix and images. Crowds of wondering natives lined their path, and remained to watch the cross winding its way round the pyranmid in a sanctifying orbit. Cortés was the first to kiss the installed crucifix, while tears of joy rolled down his cheeks. Mass followed the consecration, and with a swelling Te Deum the soldiers rendered thanks to the supreme being for the triumph accorded them over paganism.

It was but a partial victory, however, for in the court the priests were even then gathered in adoration of the chief idol, bewailing their own impotency, and imploring it to rise and avenge its outraged majesty and their humiliation. An old soldier was left as guard to keep the candles burning, and to prevent intrusion from temple attendants, save to clean the place for the frequent services which were henceforth held here.^[46]

Taking advantage of the step thus gained, the priests and their followers sought to impress upon the natives the superiority of their faith,^[47] and numbers were convinced, says Tapia, although few accepted baptism out of fear of their countrymen.^[48] There was a drought prevailing at the time, and the priests, having in vain appealed for a remedy, ascribed the evil to the anger of the gods at the presence of the worshippers of strange deities and their hateful symbols. A few days after the consecration of the altars a deputation of natives appeared at the Spanish quarters, bearing withered corn-stalks, and demanding that, since the Europeans had removed the idols to whom they prayed for rain, they should ask their god for it, so that the people might not die of hunger. Cortés reassured them,^[49] and ordered a general prayer for relief. "The following day," says Tapia, "we marched in procession to the temple, under a blazing sun." While mass was being said a cloud might be seen gathering on Mount Tepcaquilla, and "on our way back the rain fell so heavily that we had to wade in water up to our ankles." The rain continued for several days, and the harvest turned out abundant.^[50] Each party claimed the meteorological display as a direct answer to its prayer, for the Mexicans were hardly prepared to yield everything without a struggle. To this insignificant and hated band of intruders they had practically abandoned their country, by acknowledging serfdom with tribute. Daily they submitted to wrongs and indignities. The sacred person of their king had been profaned, their nobles brought to the dust. Now should they submit to this destruction of their gods? If so, the heavens and earth would come together, grinding them to powder!

 

 

1. 'Visto por el rey Cacama el poco ánimo y determinacion de los Mexicanos, se salió de la ciudad y se fué á la de Tezcuco, para juntar sus gentes.' Ixtlilcochitl, Hist. Chich., 298, and Torquemada, i. 459. But it is doubtful whether he remained many days in Mexico after the seizure of his uncle, if indeed he was there then.
2. Bernal Diaz assumes, naturally enough for a Spanish conqueror, that one of the main objects of Cacama was to rescue the imperilled treasures at Mexico. Hist. Verdad., 79-80.
3. 'Aun dezian, que le venia de derecho el Reyno, y señorio de Mexico.' However that may be, he laid a claim to the Aztec throne, and Cacama replied that to himself alone should that belong. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 79-80.
4. See Native Races, v. 474.
5. 'Mandó echar presos tres dellos.' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad, 80.
6. Cacama le respondio muy agramente, diziendo que si el tuuiera sangre en el ojo, ni estario preso, ni catiuo de quatro estranjeros,' etc. Gomara, Hist. Мех., 133.
7. According to Bernal Diaz and Gomara, Cortés was informed by Montezuma before he and Cacama exchanged the severe messages referred to, and that the Spaniard sent the first remonstrance, but the emperor, as master, and as the person whom the revolt immediately concerned, had naturally to take the initiative.
8. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 79. He would not hold friendship with him who took away his honor and kingdom. The war was for the good of his subjects, and in defence of their land and religion. Before laying down arms he would avenge his uncle and his gods. He knew not who was the king of the Spaniards, nor would he listen to him, much less know him. Gomara, Hist. Mex., 132.
9. 'Con hechizos le teniamos quitado su gran coraçon, y fuerça; ò que nuestros Dioses, y la gran muger de Castilla. . . .nos dá aquel gran poder.' In this last he did not err, remarks Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 80.
10. Over 100,000 men. Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., 299.
11. 'Tenia en su tierra del dicho Cacamazin muchas personas principales que vivian con él y les daba su salario.' Cortés, Cartas, 97.
12. According to Bernal Diaz, six chiefs were sent with the imperial signet, which was to be given to certain relatives and dignitaries discontented with Cacama, and they were to seize him and his council. Hist. Verdad., 80.
13. 'Tambien truxeron otros cinco presos.' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 80. 'Prendieron al Cacama vn dia, estando con ellos y otros muchos en consejo para cõsultar las cosas de la guerra.' Gomara, Hist. Mex., 133. According to Ixtlilxochitl, when Cacama left Mexico, partly out of fear lest the Spaniards should seize him for promoting a revolt there, his brothers Cohuanacoch and Ixtlilxochitl, all now reconciled, pretended to fall into his views. Ixtlilxochitl recommended Tepetzinco as the place best suited for beginning operations on Mexico, and while proceeding to the place in a canoe he was carried on to Mexico by his faithless brothers. Without Ixtlilxoclhitl's aid Montezuma and Cortés could never have been able to overcome the powerful Cacama, concludes the author. Hist. Chich., 298-9. In his Relaciones, 389, 412, the same author states that Cacama was seized not for plotting, but because Cortés desired to secure so powerful a personage. Brasseur de Bourbourg follows the former version, and believes that Montezuma favored the conspiracy as a means to oblige the Spaniards to depart. Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 258. There may be some truth in this belief, so far as the beginning of the plot is concerned, but it must be considered that Montezuma would have preferred not to intrust such a movement to a probable rival, the ruler of a people jealous of Aztec supremacy, and the ally of his most hated enemy, Ixtlilxochitl. If, again, Cacama was his tool, the emperor would not have had him seized, to be executed for all he knew, when he could have warned him to flee or to defend himself. Had Ixtlilxochitl surrendered the king, Cortés would not be likely to give the credit to Montezuma, as he does. Cartas, 97-8.
14. Gomara, Hist. Mex., 133. Yet Bernal Diaz assumes that Montezuma examined him and the other prisoners, 'y supo Monteçuma de los conciertos en que andaua, que era alçarse por señor.' Hist. Verdad., 80. 'Y à cabo de pocos dias le dieron Garrote secretamente,' adds Torquemada, i. 470, erroneously. Had Cortés fallen into his hands, the stone of sacrifice would speedily have received him, and the captive must accordingly have regarded himself as mercifully treated. The general knew the value of such prominent hostages. The leniency gained him besides great credit, as Solis rightly assumes. Hist. Mex., ii. 21-2.
15. 'En ocho dias todos estuuieron presos en la cadena gorda.' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 80. This author includes the lord of Matlaltzinco, who escaped his pursuers the longest, and when finally brought before the emperor spoke his mind so freely that he would have been consigned to the executioner had not Cortés interfered. Duran adds the lord of Xochimilco instead of the last two. Hist. Ind., MS., ii. 444. 'Pigliò ancora il Re di Tlacopan, i Signori d'Iztapalapan, e di Cojohuacan, fratelli tutti e due del Re Motezuma, due figliuoli di questo medesimo Re, Itzquauhtzin Signor di Tlatelolco, un Sommu Sacerdote di Messico, e parecchj altri.' Clavigero, Storia Mess., iii. 107.
16. 'Se llamò Don Carlos.' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 80; at a later period, most likely. 'Surnommé Tocpaxochitl. . . .bâtard de Nezahualpilli.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 258. Cortés calls him a son of Cacama, Cartas, 98, but this he afterward corrects. The native records, in Sahagun, Hist. Gen., ii. 277, and in Ixtlilxochitl, ignore him. The latter, indeed, assumes that Cacama continued to reign, though captive like Montezuma. Hist. Chich., 299 et seq.
17. Herrera gives the speeches on the occasion. dec. ii. lib. ix. cap. iii. 'Era mas bien quisto, que no Cacama. . . .Y Cortes hazia reyes, y mandaua con tanta autoridad, como si ya vuiera ganado el imperio.' Gomara, Hist. Mex., 133. Brasseur de Bourbourg assumes that Cohuanacoch and Ixtlilxochitl at once managed to obtain control of the weak youth and of the government.
18. 'El tiempo andando veremos si tenemos otra mejor respuesta de nuestros Dioses, y como vieremos el tiempo assi harémos. . . .presto os dirè lo que mas no conuenga.' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 81.
19. The latter had probably tendered his submission in order to retain the throne. Ixtlilxochitl names Cacama as the Tezcucan king present.
20. Cortés, Cartas, 98-9. Demos gracias a los dioses, q an venido en nuestros dias los q͏̄ tăto desseauamos,' et seq. Gomara, Hist. Mex., 134.
21. 'Tenia del oraculo de sus dioses respuesta muchas vezes. . . .q͏̄ perderia la silla a los ocho años de su reynado, y q͏̄ por esto nunca quiso hazer guerra a los Españoles,. . . . Bien que por otro cabo lo tenia por burla, pues auia mas dezisiete años q͏̄ era rey.' Gomara, Hist. Mex., 134-5; Acosta, Hist. Ind., 502-3.
22. Cortés, Cartas, 91, 98-9; Herrera, dec. ii. lib. ix. çap. iv.; Tapia, Rel., in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., ii. 580-1. The allegiance was tendered before Secretary Pedro Fernandez. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 81. Solis assumes that Montezuma of his own accord offered allegiance and tribute, in the hope that this would fill the measure of the Spaniards' expectations and cause them to depart. In that case the general grief must have been well counterfeited. He regards this act as giving legality to the conquest. Hist. Mex., ii. 23-32. Prescott supposes that the submission was prompted less by fear than by conscience — conscientious obedience to the myth. Mex., ii. 198. Oviedo looks on the tears as evidence of unwillingness, and thinks that either the emperor was very pusillanimous, or the will of God clearly manifest. iii. 297. According to Ixtlilxochitl the kings and caciques were required to leave hostages for the observance of their oath. 'Cacama, y con él sus dos hermanos, Cohuanacochtzin y Ixtlilxochitl, segun las relaciones y pinturas de Tezcuco, dieron en rehenes á cuatro hermanos suyos y otras tantas hermanas.' He names the brothers, and states that Montezuma also had to leave sons and brothers. Hist. Chich., 299-300. Brasseur de Bourbourg supposes, from a resemblance in the surname of the new king of Tezcuco to that of one of his brothers' hostages, that he had already been forced to abdicate in favor of Cohuanacoch and Ixtlilxochitl, and surrender himself to the Spaniards. One of his sisters, baptized as Doña Juana, became the mistress of Cortés, as Ixtlilxochitl observes, and 'périt dans la nuit de la retraite, enceinte du fait de Cortès.' Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 262. The readiness with which Spaniards ventured, often singly, all over the country to exact tribute and to inquire into resources and the condition of affairs, would indicate that the prudent general had taken the precaution of obtaining living guarantees.
23. Luego mandó que le diese los españoles que queria enviar, y de dos en dos y de cinco en cinco los repartió para muchas provincias y ciudades.' Cortés, Cartas, 100.
24. According to the Tezcucan records, twenty Spaniards were sent with two of the king's brothers, Nezahualquentzin and Tetlahuehuezquititzin, to collect the tribute of that city. As they were leaving Mexico, Montezuma despatched a messenger to the former prince, enjoining him to treat the Spaniards well and to obtain a large sum. This whispered advice was assumed by the Spaniards to hide a plot, and laying violent hands on the prince, the leader carried him to Cortés, who had him hanged at once. The king was of course deeply grieved, but dared not say anything. Guided by another brother, Tepacxochitzin, the Spaniards reached Tezcuco, and behaved outrageously. With the aid of Ixtlilxochitl they seized the contents of the royal treasury, filling with the gold a chest two fathoms in height and length, and one in width. After this they compelled the chiefs to contribute as much more. Ixtlilxochitl assumes that Cacama is the king, and that the deed occurred before allegiance was sworn, and seven weeks after the Spaniards' arrival at Mexico. Hist. Chich., 298; Id., Rel., 388-9, 411-12. Brasseur de Bourbourg repeats this story in substance, though he corrects it by stating that Montezuma interfered and saved the prince. Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 252-3. Herrera writes that 'the servant' sent to guide the Spaniards disappeared on the way. He was caught and hanged by order of Cacama, who gave them a more trusty attendant. They were received at Tezcuco with great pomp, and presented with female slaves. A large amount of gold, pearls, and other valuables was obtained, and 80 carriers were sent to Mexico laden with honey, which Cortés distributed, while he kept the treasures. dec. ii. lib. ix. cap. i. According to Vazquez de Tapia, 15,000 pesos in gold were obtained from Tezcuco, beside some jewels and cloth. Not satisfied with this, Cortés sent Cacama in charge of Alvarado to exact more. But little being obtained, boiling pitch was applied to the stomach of Cacama before he was sent back to Mexico. Alvarado denies this outrage. Ramirez, Proceso contra Alvarado, 3, 35-6, 65.

    Fernando de Alva Cortés Ixtlilxochitl claims our attention as a native historian who has labored zealously to vindicate the glorious antecedents of his race, particularly the Acolhuas, whose loyal devotion to the Spanish invaders he advocates with an enthusiasm as unblushing as it is inconsistent. The chief hero of the theme is his ancestor and namesake, King Ixtlilxochitl, his great great grandfather, according to Muñoz' genealogic list. Little good was derived from this calculated zeal, for at Alva's birth, in about 1568, the family estate had dwindled to small proportions, while the tribute exemption which testified to royal descent expired not many years later. After a course at the Santa Cruz College Alva figured as interpreter to the native tribunal of the viceroy. The death of the eldest brother brought lawsuits which threatened to impoverish him, but urgent representation procured, in 1602, a cedula recognizing him as heir to the family property. Florencia, La Estrella, 103 etc.; Bezerra Tanco, Felicidad Mex., 49; Guadalupe, Col., 551; Panes, Teatro Nueva-España, MSS. The requirements of the suit called forth more than one of his writings, which had in view to establish both his own title and the claims of his family. Their research and style attracted the attention of the viceroy, who encouraged him to continue a task for which he was so well fitted, not only by his Spanish and Aztec studies, but as a native to whom his countrymen would readily communicate their views and traditions, and as the possessor of a vast family archive. The command accorded with his inclination and improved fortune, and a number of pieces were produced, which after his death, about 1648, passed to the Jesuit college, Clavigero, Storia Mess., i. 10, and thence to the Archivo General, where they form volumes iv. and xiii.

    The most complete list of his works is given in Dicc. Univ., iv.; that by Boturini is nearly as full, Catalogo, 2 etc.; Beristain, Bibl., 'Alva,' gives it less so, and Clavigero's is still briefer, while Pinelo, Epitome, ii. 608, makes merely a general allusion. Kingsborough, on the other hand, offers an almost complete reproduction of the writings in volume ix. of his Mex. Antiq. The longest and most important is the Historia Chichimeca, dedicated to the viceroy, in 95 chapters, of which the first 76 treat of the rise and progress of the Chichimec empire, represented at the conquest by the Acolhuas, and of its glories as inherited by his ancestors, the kings of Tezcuco. The remaining 19 chapters relate to the conquest by the Spaniards, and are incomplete. It is the most carefully written of the series, elaborated partly from previous manuscripts, partly from fresh researches, while the account of the conquest rests also on the testimony of eye-witnesses, reinforced by additions from Gomara and other sources, as he admits on pp. 300, 303. An allusion to

    Torquemada shows that it could not have been completed before 1615, and it was probably his last work. More than one copy is extant, from one of which Ternaux-Compans printed a French translation, while the best issue, that of Kingsborough, is after a copy from Veytia. The material has been largely used, and Veytia's Hist. Ant. Mej. may be said to rest upon it. The more important of the other writings are, Sumaria Relacion de todas las cosas en la Nueva-España, y que los tultecas alcanzaron, in 5 relations, which treat of the mythical period from the creation of the world, according to native tradition, to the fall of the Toltecs; Historia de los Señores Chichimecas, in 12 relations, which brings the history down to the Spanish conquest; Noticias de los pobladores y naciones de Nueva España, in 13 relations; the first 12 quite short, and relating to native peoples; the last of considerable length, and dwelling on the conquest. Cárlos María de Bustamante published the 13th relation in separate form, to which, under an excess of patriotic zeal, he gave the abnormal title of Horribles Crueldades de los Conquistadores, Mexico, 1829. Notes were appended, and considerable liberties taken with text, so as to increase the odium against the conquerors. Ternaux-Compans included a French translation of it in his collection. Kingsborough has printed eleven shorter pieces by Ixtlilxochitl, and a few more are attributed to his pen, as a translation of Nezahualcoyotl's poems, a fragment of the same king's biography, and a history of the Virgin of Guadalupe; but the last two are doubtful. Several of the pieces are mere repetitions and summaries under different titles, connected with the author's pleadings, while the 13th relation may be termed a cleverly prepared biography of his great namesake, from the exaggerated prominence given to his services for the Spanish cause. Prescott's several blunders on this and other points are probably due as much to a want of access to sufficient material as to a hasty study.

    Throughout these writings are evidences of the patriotic spirit which prompted Ixtlilxochitl in the study and translation of the painted records of his people; and every now and then gleams forth a very natural hatred of the Spanish oppressor, so marked indeed as once to call forth the condemnation of an official censor. Otherwise the narrative of events connected with the conquerors are closely masked; for the sake of private aims and the common fear of the white masters. As a consequence many troublesome facts are hidden and many questions smoothed to the detriment of history. The narratives are also extremely confusing in dates, and to a great extent in arrangement, while the interest is diminished by trivial details and improbable stories. But these were the faults of his time rather than of himself. He did wonderfully well in grappling with misty traditions, enveloped as they were in the intricate mazes of hieroglyphics. And he is justly entitled to our admiration, and to the gratitude of his countrymen, for rescuing from now unattainable sources so large a mass of material to illustrate the glories of his race. His style indicates a scholar from whom even his Spanish contemporaries might have taken lessons, for the language is exceedingly clear for this period, and full of graceful sentences and striking descriptions, rendering him not unworthy to be called the Livy and the Cicero of Anáhuac, as Prescott and Bustamante respectively entitle him.

25. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 83, gives a description of these and other presents.
26. 'Que se llamaba Totocalco.' Sahagun, Hist. Conq., 26.
27. Tapia, Rel., in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., ii. 581; Gomara, Hist. Mex., 135; Herrera, dec. ii. lib. ix. cap. iv. Bernal Diaz assumes that the Axayacatl treasures were those now given; but the testimony of the eye-witnesses, Tapia and Ojeda, confirmed and accepted by Gomara and Herrera, shows that they were given on a previous occasion already referred to. Still, Bernal Diaz does mention that after the melting of the rougher jewels new presents came from Montezuma. Hist. Verdad., 82-3. He is very confusing, however, in his account of the treasures generally; and Clavigero, Prescott, and others, have allowed themselves to follow him too closely in this and other instances.
28. 'Como de vn Real, y del tamaño de vn toston de a quatro.' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 83.
29. Probanza de Lejalde, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., i. 421-2. Cortés, Cartas' 100-1, is not so explicit with regard to the latter figure, saying merely that le had set apart for the king unbroken jewels and other objects valued at over 100,000 ducats; but, since this figure comes in connection with the account of one fifth of all the treasures reserved for the sovereign, it may be assumed that the 100,000 formed also a fifth of the unbroken lot. This, consisting to a great extent of precious stones, pearls, cotton, and other effects, could not have all been reserved for the king. It seems besides improbable that so large a proportion of treasure as 100,000 ducats should a second time have been taken from the soldiers, even if Montezuma had destined them especially for their ruler. All the treasures and gifts acquired were obtained by the efforts of the expedition, and were always regarded as a part of its fund. Yet Gomara, Hist. Mex., 135-6, who had the statements of Cortés and others at his disposal, writes that the 100,000 lot was selected from the treasures, previous to melting, in order to form a present for the king in connection with the one fifth. Bernal Diaz writes confusedly that the heaps of unmelted gold from which feathers and other settings had been removed were valued at 600,000 pesos. This did not include the plates, quoits, and dust of gold, nor the silver and other treasures.' A few lines further he says that the royal officials declared the gold, melted, and in quoits, dust, and jewels, to be worth over 600,000 pesos, beside the silver and many jewels not valued. From these lots the distribution was made for king and expedition. Many soldiers declared that the original amount was larger, one third having been abstracted by the leaders. Hist. Verdad., 83. The marginal print in this authority calls the above sums pesos de oro, which increases the value three, times. Confusing as this version is, it confirms at any rate the supposition that the unbroken jewels were also divided among the members of the expedition. Prescott estimates the whole treasure in the money value of his time at $6,300,000, which may be accepted as sufficiently approximate. See Mex., ii. 202-5. Robertson accepts Bernal Diaz' last estimate in pesos, which is equivalent to about two fifths of Prescott's. The small proportion of silver indicates how little the natives understood and resorted to mining, and how insignificant a portion of the metallic wealth of the country was represented by the treasures so far acquired. Gold was obtained from loose and shallow alluvial deposits in and near the rivers, and it was only in the extraction of tin and copper that the Indians exhibited an advance in the art of mining. Robertson is wrong in assuming that gold was not used as a trade medium; still, it was only partly so, and it was chiefly sought for ornaments. The rarity of silver made this metal far more valuable than in Europe, and the stones most esteemed were regarded by the Spaniards as so many pebbles. For an account of mines, metals, and money among the Aztecs, see Native Races, ii. In vol. i. chap. iii. note 8 of the Central American division of the present work is given information on the currency of this period.
30. For a description, see Cortés, Cartas, 100-1; Gomara, Hist. Mex., 135-6; Herrera, dec. ii. lib. ix. cap. iv.; Peter Martyr, dec. v. cap. iii.; Oviedo, iii. 298-9.
31. Consisting of 32,400 and odd pesos de oro of melted gold; 100,000 ducats' worth of unbroken jewels, feathers, etc.; and 100 and more marcos of silver. Cortés, Cartas, 100-1. 'Lo dieron é entregaron á Alonso de Escobar.' Probanza de Lejalde, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., i. 422.
32. The expenditures were represented largely by a number of unpaid notes of hand issued by the captain-general to the owners of vessels, provisions, and arms, and held for the most part by captains and leading members of the party. Many of the names and claims are given in Probanza de Lejalde, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., i. 41l et seq.
33. Bernal Diaz appears to say that all these men, from priests to archers, received double rates, Hist. Verdad., 83-4, and Herrera so accepts it, dec. ii. lib. ix. cap. v.; but this seems unequal. In the Probanza de Lejalde, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., i. 411 et seq., a number of special payments are mentioned, and also wages for sailors.
34. 'Soldados huuo q tomaron sus partes a cien pesos.' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 84. But this sum may mean pesos de oro, which according to the calculation accepted represents nearly $1200.
35. Cortes, so color de hazer justicia, porq͏́ todos le temiessemos, era con grandes mañas.' It appears that Mejía, on hearing the men complain, spoke to Cortés about missing gold, and thenceforth they were not very friendly. Noticing that Velazquez was in fetters, Montezuma asked the general for the cause, and was told that, not satisfied with his share of gold, he wished to make a tour of the towns to demand more, and perhaps to commit excesses. The emperor asked that he be allowed to go, and Cortés consented with apparent reluctance. A sentence seems to have been passed for the culprit to leave camp, and he proceeded with a Mexican official to Cholula, whence he returned with more gold a few days later. So runs the story of Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 84-5. B. V. de Tapia declares that Cortés kept him 'muchos dias en una casylla pequeña e con guardas.' Cortés, Residencia, i. 40-1.
36. Id., and Herrera, dec. ii. lib. ix. cap. v.
37. Among those who took most to heart the disappointing distribution was Juan de Cárdenas, a pilot and sailor of Triana, who had a wife and children in Spain. Tired of struggling with poverty at home he had come to seek a better lot with the conquerors in America. The first sight of the treasures to be divided had inspired him with an ardent hope of being able to return to his family, for an equal division would have given him quite a little fortune. Finding his dream of happiness shattered he became almost raving. Cortés gave him 300 pesos, and promised that he should be sent home by the first opportunity. Cárdenas appeared to be satisfied, but on reaching Spain he came forward as a bitter opponent of the general. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 84. Solis speaks up in behalf of his hero, and condemns the men as avaricious and ungrateful for demanding more than their share. The leaders and best men deserved larger gains. As for Bernal Diaz, 'Habla mas como pobre soldado, que como historiador.' Hist. Mex., ii. 35. The share for Villa Rica was sent to Tlascala, says Bernal Diaz, whither rumor had it that large sums were forwarded for Cortés and others, who claimed afterward that they had been lost during the uprising. 'Las piedras bajas y plumages, todo lo tomaron los Indios de Tlaxcala.' Sahagun, Hist. Conq., 26.
38. The cards, made by Pedro Valenciano from drumskins, were as neatly painted as those of Spain. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 84.
39. Herrera gives lengthy specimens of the warrior preacher's effusions, occupying more than one chapter. dec. ii. lib. viii. cap. vi.-vii.
40. According to Bernal Diaz Cortés made a sign that he and Olmedo desired to speak privately to Montezuma. He now proposed that in order to prevent tumult his captains might be persuaded to rest content with a space in the great temple for an altar and cross. Hist. Verdad., 85.
41. Tapia leaves the impression that he called casually at the temple, and afterward sent for more troops.
42. In Rel., in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., ii. 585.
43. Of 30 or 40 men, says Tapia.
44. 'Fice limpiar aquellas capillas. . . .y puse en ellas imágenes de nuestra Señora y de otros santos.' Cortés, Cartas, 106. Andrés de Tapia is still more explicit in relating how Cortés insisted on having both chapels cleared of idols. 'El marques hizo hacer dos altares, uno en una parte de la torre, que era partida en dos huecos, é otro en otra.' Rel., in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., ii. 585-6. In testifying to the proceedings in the temple previous to the massacre by Alvarado, B. V. de Tapia states that the Indians intended to restore Huitzilopochtli to the tower, 'donde solia estar por que lo habia quitado de alli D. Hernando e puesto a nuestra Señora.' Ramirez, Proceso contra Alvarado, 36. Alvarado confirms this in different words. Id., 66-7. The only other eyewitness who refers with any detail to the above is Bernal Diaz, and he accords only a space on the summit to the Christian emblems. But his different allusions to the temple are confused and contradictory; yet he has been followed by modern writers: first, because the preceding three testimonies have not been accessible till late years; and second, because they have been content to copy Prescott, who adopts Bernal Diaz in only too many instances. The mistake appears also to rest on the finding of Huitzilopochtli's image in one of the summit chapels when it was recaptured by the Spaniards during the later siege. It is only natural that the Aztecs, on obtaining possession of their temple, should have reinstalled the war god. Peter Martyr does assume that one image was too large to be removed. dec. v. cap. iv. And Gomara intimates that idols remained. 'Pusierõ cruzes e imagines. . . .entre sus ídolos.' Hist. Mex., 128. The phrase can apply to those in the court, although his statement may be founded on Martyr, as that of Ixtlilxochitl is on him: 'Y dió [Montezuma] permiso que en la capilla del templo mayor. . . . se pusiesen entre los dos ídolos de Huitzilopochtli, un crucifijo, una imagen de Nuestra Señora y una cruz.' Hist. Chich., 297. As regards the casting-down of idols, Prescott, in common with most modern writers, assumes this to be a mere boast on the part of Cortés; but a careful investigation, supported by the 'solemn' assurance of Tapia, not accessible to them, confirms this statement in the main. The general probably exaggerates somewhat in saying: 'Los mas principales destos idolos. . . .derroqué yo de sus sillas y los fice echar por las escaleras abajo.' Cartas, 106. This probably strikes Oviedo, who, while repeating the account, expresses a doubt about its truth: 'Bien pudo Dios dar lugar á ello; pero para mí yo tengo por maravilla, é grande, la mucha paçiençia de Monteçuma é de los indios.' iii. 303. Solis even doubts that altar and cross were ever erected in so unclean a spot, amid idols and idolatrous pricsts: it would have been sacrilege; besides the Mexicans would never have permitted the intrusion. Hist. Mex., ii. 9-12. The doubt expressed against Cortés' boast rests chiefly with Bernal Diaz, whose faulty account states that Montezuma by mere persuasion sent for the priests, and after consulting with them had a space on the temple summit quietly assigned to the Spaniards. Hist. Verdad., 85. Gomara devotes several pages to the casting down of the idols, which he justly regards as a memorable feat: 'Mas honra y prez gano Cortes con esta hazaña Christiana, que si los venciera en batalla.' He applies it, however, to the occasion of the imperial prisoner's first visit to the temple. Montezuma stops Cortés in the midst of his destructive work and checks the fury of the crowd, which the general thereupon appeases with a long profound speech on theologic mysteries, carefully prepared by Gomara. Hist. Mex., 126-8. The preceding points assume importance when it is considered that the usurpation of the great pyramid by Christian emblems gave the strongest impulse to the uprising soon to follow.
45. 'É puso en una parte la imágen de Nuestra Señora en un retablico de tabla, é en otro la de Sant Cristóbal, porque no habie estonces otras imágines.' Rel., loc. cit. It is generally assumed by the faithful that the virgin's image is identical with the one now known as the Virgen de los Remedios, in its celebrated shrine near Mexico. It had been given to Juan Rodriguez de Villafuerte by his brother, an Augustine friar, when he departed for the Indies. During the uprising in June, 1520, the image is believed to have of its own accord taken flight to the site where a shrine afterward rose in its honor. Medina, Chrón. de San Diego de Mex., 30; Cabrera, Esculo Armas, 106-25; Lorenzana, in Cortés, Hist. N. Esp., 138 et seq.; Bustamante, Mem. Piedad Mex. Unfortunately for this belief, Tapia's testimony describes the image as a picture on a board, while the Remedios image is a little battered doll. The testimony is contradicted by nothing but pious supposition. In preparing the site for altars the Spaniards noticed that the walls were of unusual thickness. Breaking them open they found a number of jewels. Gold was also obtained from tombs on the summit platform, and the curtain pendants and other valuables were of course appropriated. Tapia, Rel., in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., 586; Herrera, dec. ii. lib. viii. cap. vi.
46. Montezuma received the returning procession with a forced welcome, and gave orders to destroy a series of brothels in Tlatelulco, containing over 400 women, whose iniquity, he said, had brought the present evil upon the city. Herrera, dec. ii. lib. viii. cap. vi.
47. Herrera devotes five columns to Cortés' sermon. dec. ii. lib. viii. cap. vii.; Torquemada, i. 465-7.
48. Or perhaps of the teachers of the faith, who appeared with sword in hand to enforce their cruel, rapacious, and immoral demands. Herrera believes Montezuma would have become a Christian had he dared. dec. ii. lib. viii. cap. ix. But Duran states that according to the native records all the three captive rulers were baptized, and that Father Olmedo had told him he believed such was the case, although the rite had not been administered by himself. Hist. Ind., MS., ii. 445. This question will be discussed in a later chapter.
49. 'Sed ciertos, que de aqui a mañana llouera, y tendreys el mejor año que jamas aueys tenido.' Herrera, dec. ii. lib. viii. cap. vi.
50. Tapia, Rel., in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., ii. 586; Hazart, Kirchen Geschichte, ii. 520; Torquemada, i. 464.