History of Mexico (Bancroft)/Volume 1/Chapter 28

by Hubert Howe Bancroft

 

CHAPTER XXVIII.

INVALUABLE FRIENDSHIP.

July-September, 1520.

Divers Disasters to the Spaniards — Mexico Makes Overtures to Tlascala — A Council Held — Tlascala Remains True to the Spaniards — Disaffection in the Spanish Army — Cortés again Wins the Soldiers to his Views — Renewal of Active Operations against the Aztecs — Success of the Spanish Arms — Large Reinforcements of Native Allies — One Aztec Stronghold after another Succumbs.

At Tlascala were certain invalid Spaniards, who praised the natives for their kind treatment, and for the almost universal sympathy exhibited with regard to the misfortunes at Mexico. The army now learned that disaster had also befallen the Spaniards in other parts of the country. The news of the flight had spread with marvellous rapidity, and Cuitlahuatzin's envoys had not failed to magnify the successes of his arms while urging throughout the country the extermination of the invaders. This advice had found ready acceptance in the provinces west and south of Tlascala, which had additional reasons for hostility in the assumption of the little republic since she became the ally of the strangers.

Shortly after the departure of the army from the coast a party of fifty men with five horses had followed with baggage and valuables. At Tlascala a portion of them, with two horses, under Juan de Alcántara senior, received the portion of treasure set aside during the late repartition for the coast garrison, estimated at sixty thousand pesos. With this they set out on their return to Villa Rica, accompanied by a few invalids. On the way they were surprised and slaughtered, the treasures and effects being distributed as spoils.^[1]

The larger division of the party, under the hidalgo Juan Yuste,^[2] which were to join Cortés, also picked up some convalescents, together with additional treasure and baggage, and proceeded to Mexico by the way of Calpulalpan. They numbered five horsemen, forty-five foot-soldiers, and three hundred Tlascaltecs, the latter under command of one of Maxixcatzin's sons. Advised of their approach the natives of Zultepec, among others, were induced, more by cupidity than patriotic zeal, to form an ambuscade along the steep declivity of a narrow pass which had to be followed. Here they fell upon the party on all sides as they descended in single file, encumbered beside by their burdens. Resistance was ineffective, and those not slain were carried to Tezcuco to be offered up to the idols, while their effects were distributed, some of the trophies being dedicated to temples of the Acolhuan capital, there to tell the mournful tale to the returning conquerors.^[3]

About this time a vessel arrived at Villa Rica with three or four score of adventurers, under Captain Coronado, and being told of the fabulously rich Mexico they resolved to lose no time in following the army, in order to secure a share of treasures. It was just after the flight from Mexico, and the provinces were in arms, elated at the triumphs at the lake. On approaching the Tepeaca district the party was surprised, and partly slaughtered, partly captured, the prisoners being distributed among the towns of the province for sacrifice.^[4]

These reports created no small alarm for the safety of Villa Rica, and several Tlascaltec messengers were sent with letters, by different routes, to bring news. Orders were also given to the comandante to forward powder, fire-arms, bows, and other necessaries that he could spare, together with some men, sailors, if no others were available. The reply was reassuring, for although the natives had fuller particulars of the disaster at Mexico than Cortés had chosen to impart to the garrison, yet everything remained quiet. The remittance of war material was small, and the men who convoyed it numbered less than a dozen, men stricken by disease, and led by Lencero, who became the butt of the drôles de corps.^[5]

Every attention and comfort was tendered at Tlascala to the Spaniards while caring for their wounds and awaiting the development of projects. Hardly a man had arrived scathless, and quite a number had received injuries which maimed them for life or resulted in death.^[6] Cortés' wounds were most serious. The indomitable spirit which sustained him so far now yielded with the failing body. Severe scalp cuts brought on fever,^[7] which caused his life to hang in the balance for some time. Finally his strong constitution and the excellent empiric methods of the native herb doctors prevailed, to the joy, not alone of Spaniards, but of Tlascaltecs, who had shown the utmost anxiety during the crisis.

 

During this period of Spanish inaction the Mexicans were energetically striving to follow up their blow against the invaders. The first act after ridding the capital of their presence was one of purgation, in which the victorious party fell on those whose lukewarmness, or whose friendly disposition toward Montezuma and his guests, had hindered the siege operations and aided the enemy. A tumult was soon raised, wherein perished four royal princes, brothers and sons of Montezuma,^[8] whose death may be tributed to Cuitlahuatzin's desire to remove any dangerous rival to the throne. Not that this was a necessary precaution, since his standing, as a younger brother of Montezuma, and his successful operations against the Spaniards, were sufficient to raise him above every other candidate.^[9] Furthermore, as commander-in-chief of the army and as leader of the successful party, he held the key to the position, and accordingly was unanimously chosen. About the same time Cohuanacoch was elected king at Tezcuco, in lieu of the younger brother forced on the people by Cortés, and Quauhtemotzin, nephew of Montezuma, rose to the office of high-priest to Huitzilopochtli. The coronation was the next prominent event,^[10] for which the indispensable captives had already been secured from the fleeing army. What more precious victims, indeed, could have been desired for the inaugural than the powerful Spaniards and the hated warriors of brave Tlascala? And what grander site for the ceremony than the great temple, recovered from the detested intruders and purified from foreign emblems? In connection with this came a series of festivals.^[11]

The utmost activity was displayed in repairing the damage caused by the Spaniards, and in fortifying the city and its approaches against a possible future invasion. The construction and discipline of the army were improved in some degree after the examples given by the Europeans; its tactics were revised, and its arms perfected with the aid of captured weapons,

the Chinantec pike being also introduced and tipped with Toledo blades or other metal points. Envoys were despatched to near and distant provinces, bidding for their support by remission of taxes and tributes, by restoration of conquered territories, by patriotic appeals, and by roseate views and promises.^[12] The Spaniards were painted as selfish, perfidious, and cruel, intent on conquering the whole country, on enslaving the people, on extorting their substance, and on overthrowing social and religious institutions. Spoils and heads of Spanish men and horses were sent round to disabuse the people of their supposed invulnerability; and as a further encouragement the dreaded Cortés was declared to have fallen.

The most important missions were those to Michoacan and Tlascala, the former an independent kingdom of considerable extent, stretching westward beyond the lake region to the Pacific, over an undulating, well watered territory, which abounded in all the resources of a rich soil and a tropic climate. The inhabitants, the Tarascos, were distinct from the Aztecs in language, but fully their equals in culture, which was of the Nahua type, and as a rule successful in resisting the armed encroachments of the lake allies. The present ruler was Zwanga, who held court at Tzintzuntzan, on Lake Patzcuaro. He received the embassadors of Cuitlahuatzin with due attention, but hesitated about the answer to be given. The Aztecs had from time immemorial been the enemies of his people, and to aid them would surely bring upon him the wrath of the Spaniards, who must still be powerful, since the Mexicans came to plead for his alliance. In this dilemma it was resolved, with the advice of the council, to send plenipotentiaries to Mexico, in order to learn more fully the condition of affairs, and there determine what should be done.^[13]

More decisive in its results was the mission to Tlascala. Regarded as the most important of all, it was intrusted to six prominent men, of acknowledged talent for negotiation. They came fortified with choice presents of robes, feathers, salt, and similar desirable commodities, and were received with customary courtesy by the assembled lords and council. The eldest was the first to speak. He recalled the intimate relationship between Mexico and Tlascala in blood and language, deplored the feud which had so long existed, and urged the establishment of permanent peace, for mutual benefit, whereby the Tlascaltecs would gain all the advantages of a long prohibited trade. One obstacle alone interposed to prevent a happy harmony, which was the presence of the Spaniards, to whom was due the unfortunate condition of the whole country. Their only aim was to make themselves masters, to overthrow the gods of the natives, to enslave the inhabitants, and impoverish them by exactions.

The Tlascaltecs would after rendering service be treated with the same base ingratitude and perfidy as the over generous Montezuma, and reap not only universal detestation, but the anger of the gods. Better, therefore, to seize the present favorable opportunity to deliver themselves from dreadful calamities, to establish prosperity and independence on a firm basis, and by a joint alliance recover the alienated provinces and share the revenues therefrom.^[14] The first step to this desirable end was the destruction of the Spaniards, now at their mercy, whereby they would gain also the gratitude of neighboring peoples, the fame of patriots, and the blessing of the gods.

The speech delivered, together with the presents, the envoys withdrew to let the council deliberate. Bitter as was the enmity between the two peoples, intensified by the recent defeat, there were not wanting persons to whom the argument and offers seemed all that the most brilliant fortune could bring. What, indeed, had they in common with a strange race by whom they had been conquered, and whose presence portended many changes in their social and religious institutions, transmitted by their forefathers, and upheld with the blood of generations? Their independence would be endangered. Besides, the invaders had been shamefully defeated, and might never again hold up their heads. The whole country was mustering to drive them out, and, if successful, woe to Tlascala, as their ally. In any case a struggle was in prospect, wherein their sons and brethren would be sacrificed by the thousands. And for what? For the benefit of strangers, always ready with their yoke of slavery. On the other hand, they were offered the peace so long desired, with its accompanying blessings; deliverance from the trade blockade and seclusion which had so long afflicted them, together with the attractive adjunet of assured independence, and the triumphant and profitable position of conquering allies of the Mexicans.^[15]

The strongest advocate of these views was Xicotencatl junior, who had never forgotten the several Spanish victories that checked his triumphal career as soldier and general, and humiliated him in the eyes of the whole people. Yet this feeling was tinged with love for the independence and welfare of the country, threatened, in his eyes, by the invaders. With the news of disaster at Mexico his party had assumed respectable proportions. Some of its members were impelled by motives similar to his own; some were bribed by Mexican gifts, and promises of wealth and preferment; some were tempted by the arms, baggage, and treasure of the fugitives, whom it seemed easy now to overcome. Not a few considered the burden of maintaining a horde of strangers, with the prospect of afterward yielding them service and blood for their aggrandizement. When the collectors of provisions for the Spaniards made their rounds they could not but observe the bitter feeling which prevailed in some quarters.^[16] The elder Xicotencatl appears to have remonstrated with his son for breeding trouble; but this availed little, as may be supposed. During the deliberation of the council on the Mexican proposal the young chieftain stepped beyond the timid suggestions of those who inclined toward an Aztec alliance, and boldly advocated it as the only salvation for Tlascala.

Next spoke the wise Maxixcatzin, the leading representative of the republic. In his chivalrous nature devotion to the Spaniards exercised an influence, while as ruler of the richest district, in agriculture and trade, he had also an eye to the benefits which would accrue from an alliance with them. He recalled the many instances of treachery and want of good faith on the part of the Mexicans to show how little their promises could be relied on. It was merely the presence of the Spaniards that prompted their offer of alliance, which was to restore Mexico to its former terrorizing strength. This accomplished, the ancient enemy would not fail to remember that Tlascala, in addition to the old-standing enmity, had been one of the chief instruments in their late suffering and humiliation, and had figured as conqueror and master over them. They would lose no time in avenging themselves, and by the destruction of the republic remove forever so dangerous an enemy. Far better, then, to maintain the friendship of the Spaniards, whose good faith had been tried, and whose prowess was not broken by one defeat. Previous to their arrival they had been suffering from the want even of necessaries, and had been exposed to incessant ravages and warfare, which threatened their very existence. With the Spaniards' aid they had been freed from this want and danger; they had enriched themselves with trade and spoils, and had raised the republic to the most prominent position it had ever occupied, all far beyond what the Mexicans would ever permit. What did the gods say? Oracles and omens had foretold the doom of the empire. It was in vain to struggle with fate, which had decreed the control to the new-comers. The interests of the state demanded the friendship of these destined victors, who offered them wealth and glory, while good faith and honor demanded loyalty to the invited guests, from whom so many benefits had already sprung.

Observing the effect of the appeal on the wavering members, young Xicotencatl hastened to defend his cherished plans, but with such imprudence as to rouse Maxixcatzin to strike him. He was thereupon jostled out of the council-chamber, badly bruised and with torn clothes.^[17]Against this expulsion none of his supporters ventured to remonstrate, and the vote being unanimously in favor of Maxixcatzin's views, the Aztec envoys were notified accordingly.^[18] How momentous this discussion! And did the council of Tlascala realize the full import of their acts? For thereby they determined the present and permanent fate of many powerful nations besides themselves. Undoubtedly the country would at some time have fallen before the dominant power; but, had it been possible for the nations of the great plateau to combine and act in unison, very different might have been their ultimate condition. Cortés and his company owed their safety to a decision which kept alive discord between the native tribes, while the Tlascaltecs were saved from what probably would have been a treacherous alliance, perhaps from annihilation, only to sink into peaceful obscurity and merge into the mass of conquered people.^[19] They endeavored to keep the disagreement in the council-chamber a secret from Cortés, but he heard of it, and failed not to confirm Maxixcatzin in his devotion by holding forth the most brilliant prospects as the result of this alliance. The words by which the council decided for Cortés were to him as drops of perspiration on the lately fevered brow, which tell that the crisis is passed.

There was another cloud about this time appearing on the horizon of the fortunes of Cortés. During his stay at Tlascala the men of Narvaez began again to moot the subject of return. The golden vision of Mexico's treasures had been rudely dissipated, leaving only the remembrance of hardships and disgrace. The flowery Antilles appeared more alluring than ever to these gold-seekers, only too many of whom were more accustomed to the farm than to the camp. They could think of nothing but the ease and security of the fertile plantations, where nature unloaded its wealth, and where docile natives ministered to every want. In furtherance of this idea it was urged on Cortés, by Duero and other leaders, to retire to Villa Rica before the Mexicans had succeeded in their efforts to cut off his retreat. There they would intrench themselves while awaiting aid from the islands and arranging a fresh campaign, having the vessels to fall back on, if necessary. But to these intimations Cortés would not for a moment listen. And there were many reasons for this — his ambition to be all or nothing in this enterprise, his crimes against Velazquez, his irregularities regarding the king's interests, which only brilliant success could redeem. As well might they talk to the unyielding hills; he would join his dead comrades in the canals of Mexico, or voluntarily ascend to the sacrificial stone, but he would not turn back from this adventure.

When the general revealed his firm intention to renew the campaign as soon as possible, the outcry became loud. The Noche Triste and the narrow escape at Otumba had left impressions too horrible to be easily forgotten. They shuddered at the thought of renewing such risk, and cursed the gold which had allured them to former discomfitures. If the general wished to throw away his life he might do so, but they were not such madmen. Moreover, it was highly imprudent to place so much faith in the Tlascaltecs, who might at the first encounter with the enemy abandon or betray allies differing so greatly in language, religion, and customs. A formal demand was therefore addressed to him, through the notary, to return to Villa Rica, on the ground of their small number and dismembered condition, devoid as they were of clothing, arms, ammunition, and horses, and with so many maimed and wounded. They were wholly unfit to undertake any campaign, much less against an enemy who had just defeated them when they were far stronger in number and armament than now. Declared, as it was, in the name of the army, though in truth by the men of Narvaez only,^[20] and headed by such persons as Duero, with invocation of the imperial name, the proposal placed Cortés in a dilemma. Yet it roused in him only a firmer determination. He was more master now than ever he could be under the new proposal; and Cortés loved to be master. The same reasons which had moved him before to advance into Mexico in quest of independent fame and wealth, and to evade the prospective disgrace and poverty, imprisonment and death, were reasons stronger now than ever.

Here was another of those delicate points on which the destiny of the Estremaduran seemed ever turning. Rousing himself to meet the issue, though still weak with disease, he summoned an audience. "What is this I hear?" he asked of the assembled soldiers. "Is it true that you would retire from the fertile fields of New Spain, you, Spaniards, Castilians, Christians! leave the ship-loads of gold which in the Aztec capital we saw and handled; leave still standing the abominable idols with their bloody ministers, and tamely summon others to enjoy the riches and glories which you are too craven to achieve? Alack! for your patriotism, for duty to your emperor, to God, for the honor of Spanish arms! Know you not that one step further in retreat than necessary is equivalent to the abandonment of all? Or perhaps the fault is my own. I have been too careful of mine ease, too cowardly to expose my person to the dangers into which I directed you; I have fled before the foe-help me to remember, friends — I have left my comrades to die unaided on the battle-field while I sought safety, I have fed while you starved, I have slept while you labored, or my too sluggish brain has refused the duty due by your commander." The speaker paused, but only for a moment. At this, the very beginning of his plea, a hundred eyes were affectionately regarding him through their moisture, a hundred tongues were denying all insinuations of baseness as applied to him, their great and brave commander. Already their hearts were aflame with avarice and ambition; aflame, like St Augustine's, with Christian zeal and fervency of devotion, soldier fanatics as they were, stern, forehead-wrinkled men — for fighting men, no less than fighting dogs, display a gravity in their every-day demeanor unknown to tamer spirits. "Are not my interests yours, and yours mine?" continued Cortés. "Therefore, I pray you, ascribe not my views to disregard of your wishes, but to a desire to promote the good of all. What people going to war that does not sometimes suffer defeat; but what brave men ever abandoned a glorious campaign because of one repulse? And do you not see that it is more dangerous to go than to remain — that to retreat further would only invite further attack? I will not allude before soldiers of mine," concluded the speaker, "to the everlasting infamy of abandoning these brave Tlascaltecs to the enmity of the combined forces of the plateau for having stood the Spaniards' friend in time of danger. Go, all of you who will! abandon your sacred trusts, and with them the riches in mines, and tributes here awaiting you, and fair encomiendas, with countless servants to attend before your new nobility; for myself, if left alone, then alone will I here remain and general Indians, since Spaniards have all turned cowards!"

Hearts of steel could not withstand such words so spoken; and loud came the shouts of approval from Cortés' old comrades, who swore that not a man should be allowed to endanger the common safety by leaving. This manifestation was in itself sufficient to shame the disaffected into resignation, although not into silence, for mutterings were frequent against the quality of persuasion employed by the general and his beggarly followers, who had nothing to lose except their lives. In order somewhat to allay their discontent Cortés promised that at the conclusion of the next campaign their wishes should be consulted, and the first favorable opportunity for departure be tendered them — a cool proposal, affecting only those who would be left of them, yet made with sober visage by the artless Cortés.^[21]

The determination of Cortés was now what it always had been, namely, to conquer and become master of all New Spain; and the greater the difficulty the greater the glory. Fearing that further evil might result from continued inactivity, and from remaining a burden on the allies, Cortés resolved to lose no time in taking the field.^[22] In the fertile plains to the south of Tlascala lay the rich province of Tepeyacac,^[23] euphonized into Tepeaca, long hostile to the republic. Intimidated by the subjugation of Tlascala and Cholula, the three brothers who ruled it^[24] had tendered their submission to the conquerors, only to return to their old masters, the Aztecs, the moment fortune seemed to favor them. The latter had indeed, in connection with their other preparations, made particular efforts to stir the provinces round Tlascala and toward the coast, sending large garrisons to form centres for the native armies, the object being partly to cut off communication with the coast, so as to prevent reinforcements from reaching the Spaniards, and partly to effect a rear movement when it might be decided to attack the republic. Reinforcements had already been surprised in this region and slaughtered, as we have seen, and raids had been made on the allied frontier.

Here was all the cause the Spaniards required for attack, and as the country was for the most part open, the horsemen would have great advantage over native troops. Its subjugation, therefore, promised to be easy, and would secure the rear. The Tlascaltecs approved of beginning the campaign with the outlying provinces,^[25] where the concentration of forces was smaller, and where the memory of Aztec misrule and oppression might readily induce the inhabitants to transfer their allegiance, so as to strengthen the conquerors and allure fresh allies. They were eager to begin the campaign, and offered a large force of warriors. Xicotencatl junior also evinced a promptness to coöperate, as if to remove any ill feeling that might have arisen from his machinations.^[26] In order to thoroughly enlist their sympathies Cortés made an arrangement with the lords whereby a number of privileges were assured to their people, together with fixed proportion of the spoils^[27] to be obtained during the war.

The troops were mustered at Tzompantzinco, near Tlascala, amidst a large concourse of people. There were about four hundred and fifty Spanish soldiers, with nearly twenty horses, a few firelocks and field-pieces, and a number of cross-bows, but the arms were chiefly swords and pikes. The reinforcements consisted of six thousand Tlascaltecs, including a few Cholultecs and Huexotzincas, a larger force being prepared under Xicotencatl to follow later.^[28] A demand had meanwhile been sent to Tepeaca to confirm the oath of allegiance once tendered the Spanish sovereign and dismiss the Aztec garrisons, whereupon all past offences would be forgiven. The reply was a contemptuous refusal, with the threat that any attempt at coercion would bring upon the invaders worse punishment than they had received at Mexico, for they all would be dished up at the festive board. Every proposal being rejected, a formal notice was sent condemning the province to be chastised with sword, and fire, and slavery, for rebellion and murder of Spaniards.^[29]

The army now advanced on Zacatepec, the first town on the Tepeaca border, where an ambuscade had been prepared in some maize fields. This was discovered in time to prevent a surprise, but a fierce encounter took place, wherein the horsemen did good execution, and victory was soon obtained, with slaughter of the flying. Ojeda, who had led the Tlascaltecs into the thickest of the fight, came during the pursuit to the residence of the cacique and planted there the republican flag, in token of capture. These warriors had suffered severely, owing in part to the use of large lances by the enemy, but the Spaniards had only a dozen wounded, beside two horses, one of which died.^[30] During the three days' stay at this town the neighborhood was reduced, with pillage and enslavement.

The next camp was formed at Acatzingo, which had been abandoned by the enemy after a short fight. These successes so discouraged the Mexican garrisons that they abandoned the province, and the allies, on marching straight for Tepeaca, five days later, entered it without opposition. This now became the headquarters for the different expeditions sent out to reduce the surrounding districts;^[31] and rare work they made of it, plundering, and tearing down idols, and making captives. Salt, cotton, feather ware, and other commodities were abundant, and with their share therein the Tlascaltecs were highly delighted, but the Spaniards obtained little gold. The rulers of the country had fled; one of them to Mexico, to remonstrate against the retreat of the garrisons, and to demand additional aid. Finding themselves abandoned, the inhabitants sent to beg mercy of the conquerors, and being assured that no further harm should be done them, they returned to the city and again tendered allegiance. Several other towns were taken, some, like Tecalco, south of Tepeaca, being evacuated, others tendering submission in advance, while still others required hard fighting to subdue.

The reduction of the Tepeaca province, which was virtually accomplished in about a month,^[32] produced an immediate and marked effect, not only on the natives, but on the late refractory Spanish soldiers. The latter were reconciled to the prosecution of the conquest on finding the opening campaign so speedy and comparatively bloodless, and fresh confidence was infused into the Tlascaltecs, and new allies came forward, while the prestige of Spanish arms began again to spread terror among the enemy and open a way into other provinces. This was promoted by messengers, who carried promises of release from Aztec tyranny, and pointed out the fate of rebellious and stubborn Tepeacan towns. The Mexicans, who during the inactivity of the allies had grown somewhat lax in their efforts to conciliate subject provinces, now became more earnest, more free with presents and offers to remit tribute. These endeavors were greatly counteracted by their troops, however, whose insolence and greed drove the inhabitants to tacitly or openly favor the Spaniards.

The withdrawal of the Aztec garrisons from Tepeaca served to strengthen those on its frontier, particularly at Quauhquechollan,^[33] ten or eleven leagues south-west of the new Spanish head-quarters, which protected the approach to the southern pass into the valley of Mexico.^[34] Its province bordered on Huexotzinco and Cholula, and skirting the snow-crowned Popocatepetl it extended for some distance south and south-east of it. The lord,^[35] who had tendered allegiance to Spain simultaneously with Montezuma, had recently sent in the assurance of his loyalty, with the explanation that fear of the Mexicans had prevented him from doing so before. A few days later came his messengers to ask protection against the Aztec garrisons, reinforced to the extent of some thirty thousand men,^[36] who, from their camp within a league of the city, were plundering and committing outrages. This appeal being quite in accord with the plans of Cortés, he at once complied by sending Olid and Ordaz, with two hundred soldiers, thirteen horses, most of the fire-arms and cross-bows, and thirty thousand allies.^[37] It was arranged with the Quauhquechollans that they should begin the attack as soon as the Spaniards came near, and cut off communication between the city garrison and the adjoining camp.

Olid marched by way of Cholula, and received en route large accessions of volunteers, chiefly from the province to be aided and from Huexotzinco, all eager for a safe blow at the Aztecs, and for a share of the spoils. So large, indeed, was the enrolment that some of the ever timid men of Narvaez conjured up from this a plot for their betrayal into the hands of the Mexicans, with whom rumor filled every house at Quauhquechollan, making in all a larger number than at Otumba. The loyalty of the new province being wholly untried, and that of Huexotzinco but little proven, the alarm appeared not unfounded, and even the leaders became so infected as to march back to Cholula, whence the chiefs of the suspected allies were sent under guard to Cortés, with a report of the occurrence.^[38] The latter examined the prisoners, and readily surmised the cause of the trouble; but, as it would not answer to dampen native ardor for the war by leaving them in that suspicion, he apologized for what had happened as a misunderstanding, smoothed their ruffled feelings with presents, and encouraged their zeal. With an additional force of one hundred soldiers and some horses he set out for Cholula to assume command in person, shaming the men out of their fears,^[39] and accepting the large reinforcements which were offered on the way.

As soon as he came in sight, at the end of the valley, the Quauhquechollans, who had made their preparations in advance, fell on the garrison, securing at the same time the scouts and stragglers. The Aztecs resisted valiantly, encompassed though they were by assailants who filled the roofs and heights round the temple which formed the citadel. An entry was effected by the Spaniards, and the natives rushed upon the warriors with such fury that scarcely one was left to tell the tale. A number of the besieged, outside the citadel, had already fled toward the Aztec camp, whose battalions were now descending, brilliant in feathered mail and ornaments. Entering the further side of the city they began to fire it. Cortés was summoned to the rescue, and hurrying onward with the cavalry he soon routed their disorganized masses, leaving pursuit chiefly to the allies. At a certain pass the enemy rallied, to be dislodged within a few moments and cut off from their camp. Exhausted by battle and flight, under a broiling sun, they turned in disorderly scramble up the steep mountain slope, only to find themselves checked on the summit by fleeter bands of Quauhquechollans and other allies, and obliged to make a stand. By this time they could hardly raise their hands in self-defence, and the battle became little more than a butchery, during which scattered remnants alone managed to escape, leaving the rich garments and jewels of the dead to stay the pursuers, who now, according to Cortés, numbered over one hundred thousand. Several Spaniards were wounded, and one horse killed.^[40] The field being reaped, the victors entered the camp,^[41] which was divided into three parts, each large enough, it is said, to form a respectable town, well appointed, with hosts of servants, supplies, and paraphernalia. Laden with spoils they returned to the city to receive a well merited ovation. The citizens were afterward rewarded with several privileges for their loyal aid;^[42] deservedly rewarded, for without their coöperation the place could not have been captured without difficulty, since it lay between two rivers^[43] coursing through deep ravines, and was shielded on one side by a steep mountain range. Beside its natural strength the city was protected by a breast-work of masonry, which extended toward the mountain and down into the ravines, forming here a smooth facing of some twenty feet, and rising in other places into a distinct wall of great height and width,^[44] with a parapet. There were four entrances,^[45] wide enough for one horseman only, with staircase approaches, and with maze-like lappings of the walls, which rendered it difficult to force an entrance. Along the walls lay piles of stones and rocks ready for the foe. The population was estimated at five or six thousand families, supported in part by a number of gardens within the city, and subject to it were three towns in the valley, containing an equal number of people.

Four leagues south of Quauhquechollan lay Itzocan,^[46] a well built city, with a hundred temples, says Cortés, and a population of three or four thousand families, situated in a fertile, irrigated valley, which from the climatic protection afforded by the sheltering mountains included cotton as one of its staples, and had also some attractive gold mines. The place lay at the foot of a hill, surmounted by a strong turreted fort, and offered a striking resemblance to Málaga, it was said. The level sides were protected by the banks of a deep river, which here formed a semicircle, and all round the city ran a wall five feet high, well provided with towers and stone ammunition. The cacique was an alien, appointed by Montezuma, whose niece he had married, and possessed strong sympathies for the lake government, which maintained a fine garrison. To reduce the place, so as to root out a stronghold for the dissemination of Aztec influence, was of the first importance.

Thither, therefore, Cortés proceeded with his forces, including allies, who were by this time so numerous as to cover the plains and mountains, wherever the eye could reach, representing at least one hundred and twenty-five thousand men. On arriving before the city it was found occupied only by warriors, estimated at from five to eight thousand, the women and children having all withdrawn. Guided by natives the army passed to a point affording a comparatively easy entrance. The surprised garrison now thought less of resistance than of securing their retreat across the river. It was spanned by a bridge, but this the Spaniards destroyed as they fell upon them, and many of the unfortunate Aztecs took to the water in their confusion, only to add to the list of victims. The cavalry, swimming across with ease, overtook and arrested a large portion of the flying till the allies came up to aid in the slaughter.^[47] Two captives were sent to offer pardon to the inhabitants, on the condition of their returning and remaining loyal. Soon after the chiefs came to make arrangements, and within a few days the city had resumed its wonted appearance.

Cortés thought it the best policy, in this frontier town of his conquest, to make a favorable impression by extending mercy, and with the rapid flight of his fame as an irresistible conqueror spread also his reputation as a dispenser of justice, lenient or severe, as the case might be. A number of caciques hastened accordingly to propitiate him, during his stay in this quarter,^[48] by tendering submission and praying to be confirmed in authority. Among them came a deputation from the inhabitants of Ocopetlahuacan,^[49] at the foot of Popocatepetl, who cast the blame for delay on their cacique. He had fled with the retreating Mexicans, and they disowned him, praying that the dignity might be conferred on his brother, who had remained, and who shared the popular desire for Spanish supremacy. After a judicious hesitation the request was granted, with the intimation that future disobedience would be severely chastised.^[50]

Still more flattering overtures came from the caciques of eight towns in Cohuaixtlahuacan,^[51] some forty leagues to the south, who had already tendered allegiance on the occasion when Pilot Umbría first passed through that province in search of Zacatula's gold mines.^[52]

Before leaving Itzucan, Cortés was called upon to appoint a successor to the fugitive cacique. The candidates were a bastard son of the late native cacique, whose death was due to Montezuma, and the son of the deceased ruler's legitimate daughter, married to the lord of Quauhquechollan. The general, being only too eager to please so loyal an ally, decided in favor of his son, on the ground of legitimacy; but since he was not yet ten years old, the regency was intrusted to the bastard uncle, aided by some chiefs.^[53] The boy followed the army to imbibe Spanish ideas and instruction, and received baptism not long after, with the name of Alonso,^[54] the first Christian prince in New Spain.

Another important yet troublesome expedition was to secure the road to Villa Rica, on which so many Spaniards had fallen, and which was still dangerous. It was intrusted to two hundred men, with ten horses, and a large force of allies.^[55] The first reduction in this quarter had been Quecholac, where pillage and enslavement formed the retaliation for murders committed,^[56] and Tecamachalco, which gave greater trouble before it fell, and yielded over two thousand slaves, besides much spoil.^[57] The chastisement of these districts had taught the easterly parts a lesson, so that more hardship than fighting was now encountered, for the march lay to a great extent through uninhabited tracts. It was in the region of Las Lagunas that some captive Spaniards had been denuded and fattened, and then goaded to death, like bulls in a ring, for the amusement of the natives. The bodies had then been devoured, a part of the flesh being jerked and distributed over the district as choice morsels, and pronounced savory. Forty of the most guilty tormentors were secured in a yard for execution. Informed of their fate they began to dance and sing, commending themselves quite cheerfully to the gods as they bent their heads to the sword.^[58] How blessed the righteous when they die!

 

 

1. This appears to have taken place on the Xocotlan road, followed by the Spaniards on first entering the country, for in the temple of this town, says Bernal Diaz, were found the saddles and other trophies. He estimates the treasure lost at 40,000 pesos. Hist. Verdad., 108, 116-117; Lejalde, Probanza, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., i. 425.
2. Herrera writes, under Iuste and Morla. If correct there were two Morlas.
3. Herrera copies this account, but gives also another in an earlier chapter, which leads one to suppose that Yuste and a few companions escaped to the mountains. They either perished of hunger or were captured at some settlement while offering the remnant of their treasures for food. An inscription by Yuste on a piece of bark recorded their sufferings. 'Por aqui passò el desdichado Iuan Iuste, con sus desdichados compañeros, con tãta hambre, que por pocas tortillas de mayz, diò vno vna barra de oro, que pesaua ochocientos ducados.' dec. ii. lib. x. cap. xiii.; dec. iii. lib. i. cap. v. Torquemada repeats both versions. i. 530-1. Peter Martyr and Gomara are also confused, allowing the Yuste party in one page to fall at the pass, and on another to turn back to Villa Rica from Tlascala. Hist. Mex., 165, 181-2. A misinterpretation of a vague passage by Cortés is the cause of the mistake, into which nearly every writer has fallen. The party carried, according to the Cartas, 141, 183-4, a number of agreements with the natives, and other valuable documents, beside Cortés' personal effects and valuables, worth over 30,000 pesos de oro. Bernal Diaz says three loads of gold. The inhabitants said that people from Tezcuco and Mexico had done the deed to avenge Cacama. But none except the natives of the district could have had time to gather for the attack.
4. Herrera places the number of the party at 50 or 60. dec. ii. lib. x. cap. xv. Bernal Diaz speaks of the slaughter in Tochtepec of 72 men and 5 women, and he leaves the impression that they were a part of the Narvaez force which had followed the army at their leisure. Hist. Verdad., 108. This is no doubt the party described in the text. Yet Herrera, in cap. xvii., refers to the destruction at Tochtepec of a force of 80 men under Captain Salcedo, who was sent to reduce this province a few months later. This incident, mentioned by no other original authority, may be identical with the preceding. Had the party in question belonged to the original force of Narvaez it would have accompanied Yuste and Alcántara. Such not being the case, it must have arrived after their departure. This receives confirmation from Gomara's statement that several small parties, who had been attracted to New Spain by Cortés' conquests, were killed in Tepeaca and Xalacinco. Hist. Mex., 173. The narratives of Bernal Diaz and Cortés specify some of these, numbering from ten to eighteen men, who fell at Quecholac, Tepeaca, and other places. It is not likely that so many small parties could have arrived on the coast during the short interval of Cortés' departure from Cempoala and his retreat to Tlascala; nor that they would have ventured in small numbers into a strange country, during so unquiet a period; nor would a mere dozen have been allowed to penetrate so far as Tepeaca ere they met their fate. Hence they must have belonged to the large party spoken of in the text, whose members, dead or captive, were distributed among the different towns which had aided in their defeat. This appears to be the only way to reconcile the differing statements, which have so confused every writer as to lead them into apparent blunders or into the omission of facts. See Robertson's Hist. Am., ii. 99; Prescott's Mex., ii. 409-10; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 353-5.
5. Bernal Diaz intimates that only two vessels remained of Narvaez' fleet, and one of these was now destroyed so that the crew might be sent to Tlascala. The reinforcements numbered four soldiers and three sailors, two of whom suffered from swollen stomachs, and the rest from venereal diseases. Hist. Verdad., 109.
6. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 109, mentions only four deaths.
7. Se le pasmo la cabeça, o porque no le curaron bien, sacādo le cascos: 0 por el demasiado trabajó.' Gomara, Hist. Mex., 162. Solis describes the progress of the cure with a minuteness that would do credit to a medical journal. Hist. Mex., ii. 212-14.
8. The Cihuacohuatl, Tzihuacpopocatzin, Cipocatli, and Tencuecuenotzin. The account of this tumult is given in a memorial on the conquest by an Indian, possessed by Torquemada. i. 509-10. Brasseur de Bourbourg assumes Tzihuacpopocatzin and the Cihuacohuatl to be sons of Tizoc, and the last two to be the sons of Montezuma, the last named a bastard. Cipocatli, accepted by him as the other name for Asupacaci, the legitimate heir of the emperor, he assumes with Cano to have been murdered by Quauhtemotzin. Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 345. But we have seen that Cortés appears more correct in saying that the prince fell with him during the Noche Triste. Brasseur de Bourbourg's assumption serves merely to show how hasty and untrustworthy his statements often are.
9. Cortés assumes only two rivals, the natural sons of Montezuma, 'el uno diz que es loco y el otro perlático.' Cartas, 153.
10. Twenty days after Montezuma's death. Ixtlilxochitl, Relaciones, 413, 304.
11. Of which Sahagun gives some account, Hist. Conq. (ed. 1840), 137. See also Torquemada, i. 511.
12. 'Él les hace gracia por un año de todos los tributos y servicios que son obligados á le hacer.' Cortés, Cartas, 155; Gomara, Hist. Mex., 173.
13. Beaumont, Crón. Mech., MS., 68 etc.; Native Races, ii. 107-8; v. 508 et seq.
14. 'Entrarian en parte de todas las rentas de las provincias sugetas por el imperio.' Ixtlilcochitl, Hist. Chich., 304.
15. 'Tanto supieron decir á la señoría estos embajadores, que casi toda ella, ... la redugeron á su voluntad y deseo.' Old Xicotencatl being one of the most devoted. Id. Herrera also assumes that this chief favors the Mexicans, but the supposition is due to confounding the two men of this name. dec. ii. lib. х. сар. хiv.
16. 'A q͏̄ venistes, a comernos nuestra hazienda, anda que boluistes destroçados de Mexico, echados como viles mugeres.' Id.
17. Bernal Diaz assumes that the young chief had been brought before the council a prisoner, to be arraigned for his machinations. His father was so deeply incensed against him as to decree his death, but the other chiefs were lenient out of respect for the father; the conspirators were arrested. Hist. Verdad., 109-10. A later writer states, on doubtful authority, that the chieftain was also removed from the command of the army; and Solis assumes that the act of jostling him down the steps in the council-hall was the form of degradation, which took place during a special session, after the deliberation. He appealed to Cortés, who caused him to be reinstated. Hist. Mex., ii. 220-3. According to Camargo, the elder Xicotencatl had ceded his place as ruler to the son, owing to his advanced age. Hist. Tlax., 173-4. In such a case no imprisonment or degradation could have been admitted; perhaps in no case, since he merely advocated what he considered to be the best for the country. Duran states that he was surrendered to Cortés, who 'le puso en prisiones, y creo que al cabo le mandó matar,' Hist. Ind., MS., ii. 485, a statement which may have aided to confuse Gomara, who allows Cortés to execute him already during his first stay at Tlascala. On the present occasion he lets Maxixcatzin strike the leader of the opposite faction. Hist. Mex., 90, 164. His blunder and vagueness helped Herrera to confound the two Xicotencatls, and Brasseur de Bourbourg to attribute to father and son the same opinion. Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 365-7. This is also the view of Ixtlilxochitl. The discussion was held in the hall or oratory of Xicotencatl, where Cortés had planted the cross. While Maxixcatzin was advocating the Spanish cause a cloud settled on the cross and darkened the room. This miracle encouraged the orator, who threw down the younger Xicotencatl and won all to his side. The Mexican envoys were now dismissed with a refusal, whereupon the cloud dissipated, leaving the room bright and the cross resplendent, and attracting many believers. Hist. Chich., 304-5. Sahagun allows Xicotencatl, chief among the lords, to attack the second lord for urging the murder of the Spaniards. Hist. Conq. (ed. 1840), 138.
18. With reference to the attack on Xicotencatl in the council-chamber, Herrera says, 'Sin tener los Mexicanos otra respuesta se boluieron, con relacion de lo que passaua,' dec. ii. lib. x.cap. xiv., a sentence which Clavigero elaborates into a flight of the envoy on observing the agitation of the people. 'E' però da credersi, che il Senato mandasse degli Ambasciatori Tlascallesi per portar la risposta.' Storia Mess., iii. 149. Prescott and others also suppose that they fled; but this is unlikely, since personages so conspicuous as envoys could hardly have escaped from the centre of the republic without the knowledge of the senate, who had, beside, given them a guard, as well for their honor and protection as for preventing the undue exercise of their curiosity. Envoys enjoyed great respect among these peoples. Camargo and Ixtlilxochitl assume more correctly that the envoys were notified and dismissed.
19. Tlascala sealed her enslavement, as some view it, ignoring national interests for the sake of shameful revenge. Behold now the punishment in her decay, and in the odium cast on her descendants by other peoples. So says Bustamante, in Sahagun, Hist. Conq. (ed. 1840), 140. They have certainly dwindled away ever since Cortés began to scatter them as colonists in different directions; but this was the natural and inevitable consequence of the presence of the stronger element. During Spanish dominion they enjoyed some slight privileges, and since then no odium has attached to them except in casual references to the conquest by prejudiced writers.
20. 'En nombre de todos.' Gomara, Hist. Mex., 166. Whereat Bernal Diaz is exceedingly wroth. 'We, the old soldiers, stood by Cortés,' he asserts, 'and Gomara's omission to say so is intended to exalt him at our expense.' Hist. Verdad., 110. Cortés himself intimates that the request was general. Cartas, 142. But Herrera more justly attributes it to 'la mayor parte.' dec. ii. lib. х. сар. хiv.
21. 'Si mal nos sucediere la ida [of the next campaign] hare lo que pedis: y si bien, hareis lo que os ruego.' Thus Cortés, by his skill and firmness, saved not only the conquest but the lives of his men, which must have been sacrificed in a retreat. Had they reached Villa Rica they would not have remained there, but would have passed on to the islands, thus abandoning the country. Gomara, Hist. Mex., 167. Most of the points in the above speech are to be found in the lengthy harangue prepared by this author. Oviedo's is weaker, and loses itself in repetitions and crude elaborations, adorned with learned references ill suiting a soldier addressing rude men, although not altogether inconsistent with Cortés' love of display. Toward the conclusion is said: 'If any one there is who still insists on leaving, let him go; for rather will I remain with a small and brave number than with many, if composed in part of cowards and of those who respect not their honor. Even if all fail in their duty I shall not. We shall now know who, being of us, will drink water from the hand, and who will kneel to drink with the face to the ground, so that they may be bidden to depart, as God said to Gideon.' Oviedo, iii. 332-3. The test, if ever intended, was not made, since all acquiesced. Solis, the inveterate speech-maker, has unaccountably subsided for this period; perhaps he is piqued at finding himself so fully anticipated. Cortés gives a brief synopsis of what he indicates to have been a long speech. On no account would he commit so shameful, dangerous, and treasonable an act as to abandon the country. Cartas, 142-3; Clavigero, Storia Mess., iii. 151; Herrera, dec. ii. lib. x. cap. xiv.
22. 'Habiendo estado en esta provincia veinte dias, aunque ni yo estaba muy sano de mis heridas, y los de mi compañia todavía bien flacos, salí della.' Cortés, 143. Gomara follows, while Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 110, writes that after a stay at Tlascala of 22 days Cortés announced the determination to march on Tepeaca, which provoked murmurs from the men of Narvaez. Preparations for the campaign appear to have intervened before the march began, and negotiations with the province to be assailed. Herrera intimates that fully 50 days had passed before negotiations were opened. dec. ii. lib. x. сар. хv.
23. 'Significa Tepeyacac, remate, o punta de zerro,' owing to the position of the city at the end of a mountain range. Id., cap. xxi.
24. Their father, Chichtuc, had been sole ruler, but after his death the sons divided the province. Id. This author assumes that it was merely an ally of Mexico, but there is little doubt about its being tributary. 'Ixcozauhqui, le principal de ses trois chefs.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 368.
25. The suggestion of thus opening the campaign is claimed by native historians for the Tlascaltec lords, Ixtlilxochitl naming Xicotencatl as the originator. Hist. Chich., 303; Camargo, Hist. Tlax., 177.
26. And out of gratitude for Cortés' intercession in his behalf, as Solis claims.
27. Half of the booty obtained in all conquered countries, with incorporation of Cholula, Huexotzinco, and Tepeyacac. Camargo, Hist. Tlax., 176. This extent of jurisdiction is doubtful. 'Les haria en nõbre de su Magestad escriptura de conservarlos en sus tierras, y govierno,' is the moderate arrangement given in Vetancvrt, Teatro Mex., pt. iii. 146. When in 1655 an attempt was made to encroach on their rights they produced the document and obtained justice.
28. Bernal Diaz, who alone enters into details, enumerates 420 soldiers, 4000 Tlascaltecs, 17 horses, and 6 cross-bows, without artillery or ammunition. Hist. Verdad., 111. But this is hardly reliable, for a few lines before he refers to 440 men, and there is no doubt that some ammunition, field-pieces, and other war material must have been obtained from Villa Rica. Herrera speaks of musketeers and 6000 allies, 50,000 more to follow. dec. ii. lib. x. cap. xv. Gomara allows 40,000 allies to set out at once, with provisions and carriers. Hist. Mex., 168. Ixtlilxochitl mentions only 4000, and names some of the leaders. Hist. Chich., 305. Herrera states that a question arose as to the prudence of trusting so small a body of soldiers with so large a force of allies — which soon swelled to over 100,000 — who might in case of disagreement overwhelm them. A council was held, which decided that the loyalty of the Tlascaltecs had been sufficiently tried, and that a small number of allies would be of no service. ubi sup., cap. xiv.
29. Cortés' first messengers returned with two Mexicans, who brought the contemptuous reply. They were given presents, and told to summon the native chiefs to a parley. On their return with a threatening answer 'fue acordado, ... por ante Escriuano ... que se diessen por esclauos à todos los aliados de Mexico, que huviessen muerto Españoles.' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 112. 'Respondieron que si mataron Españoles fue con justa razon, pues en tiempo de guerra quisieron passar por su tierra por fuerça, y sin demandar licencia.' Gomara, Hist. Mex., 168.
30. 'Tuuierõ los Indios amigos buena cena aquella noche de piernas, y braços, porque sin los assadores de palo, que eran infinitos, huuo cincuenta mil ollas de carne humana.' The Spaniards suffered from want of water and food. Herrera, dec. ii. lib. x. cap. xv. Rather a strong story. The Spaniards could not well suffer from hunger in the midst of maize fields, in harvest time. Oviedo takes occasion to dwell on the common practice of devouring the slain on the battle-field, thus saving the trouble of burial. iii. 334. 'Mi pare una favola,' is Clavigero's comment. Storia Mess., iii. 152. See Native Races.
31. 'Padeciendo siempre de agua, y comida.' Herrera, ubi sup. But this could hardly be the case in so rich a province, at this time.
32. 'En obra de veinte dias hobe pacíficas muchas villas y poblaciones á ella sujetas ... sin que en toda la dicha guerra me matasen ni hiriesen ni un español.' Cortés, Cartas, 143. 'En obra de quarenta dias tuvimos aquellos pueblos pacificos,' but with great hardship, 'porque de sangre, y polvo que estaua quajado en las entrañas, no echauamos otra cosa del cuerpo, y por la boca,' etc. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 112-13.
33. The name of a beautiful bird, now San Martin de Huaquechula. This town was known to the Spaniards under the name of Guacachula.
34. 'Á la entrada de un puerto que se pasa para entrar d la provincia de Méjico por allí.' Cortés, Cartas, 145. After the conquest it was moved to a more open site, three leagues south. Torquemada, i. 316.
35. Calcozametl. Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 372.
36. Herrera reduces Cortés' figure to 20,000.
37. Bernal Diaz names Olid alone for the command, and Gomara adds Ordaz. and Andrés de Tapia, while Herrera substitutes Ordaz and Ávila. The latter is probably wrong in giving them 300 soldiers, and Peter Martyr errs, through his printer, perhaps, in allowing only 3000 allies.
38. Cortés writes that this occurred in a town of Huexotzinco province, and that here the Spaniards were alarmed by the report of collusion between the Huexotzincas, the Quauhquechollans, and the Aztecs. The leaders described the expedition as difficult. Cartas, 146. Gomara follows, naming the captain who brought the chiefs captive to Cortés. Hist. Mex., 169. Bernal Diaz points out very plausibly that Huexotzinco lay wholly out of the way; and, ignoring the accession of volunteers, he assumes that the report of a vast gathering of Mexican troops round Quauhquechollan was the cause for alarm, among the Narvaez party only. Olid appealed to their honor, and did all he could to encourage them, but failed. Hist. Verdad., 112-13. Clavigero believes, on the other hand, that Olid caught the alarm as readily as the rest. Storia Mess., iii. 154. The joining of Huexotzincas may have led to the belief that the march lay through their territory.
39. Bernal Diaz states that Cortés did not go, but sent Olid a sharp letter, which roused him to proceed with the expedition. But our chronicler was sick with fever all this time, and has evidently not been well informed. Cortés' description of the route and of different occurrences indicates that he must have been present.
40. 'Cayeron muchos dellos [enemy] muertos y ahogados de la calor, sin, herida ninguna, y dos caballos se estancaron, y el uno murió.' Cortés, Cartas, 149.
41. 'En Mexinca.' Gomara, Hist. Mex., 169.
42. 'Y se les conservan el día de hoy,' says Lorenzana, in Cortés, Hist. N. España, 160.
43. 'Dos tiros de ballesta el uno del otro.' Cortés, Cartas, 150.
44. 'Tres estados en alto, y 14. pies en ancho,' says Herrera, dec. ii. lib. x. cap. xvi. 'Alto como cuatro estados por de fuera de la ciudad, é por de dentro está casi igual con el suelo.' Cortés, Cartas, 150. Meaning, in places.
45. Herrera says two.
46. Later Izucar; now Matamoros.
47. Bernal Diaz assumes that Olid is the sole leader; that he was here wounded, and lost two horses. Returning to Tepeaca he was received with great honor, and joined in laughing at the alarm which had caused the army to turn back at Cholula. He would never after have anything to do with the opulent and timid soldiers of Narvaez, he said. Hist. Verdad., 114. Gomara supposes that the bridge had been destroyed before the flight, so that few of the garrison escaped from the sword and the stream. Hist. Мех., 171.
48. Ixtlilxochitl extends the stay at Ytzocan alone to twenty days. Hist. Chich., 305. Others make it less.
49. Cortés calls it Ocupatuyo, which Lorenzana corrects into Ocuituco, and Torquemada into Acapetlahuaca, i. 315, while Clavigero insists that it should be Ocopetlajoccan. Storia Mess., iii. 157.
50. 'Vinieron asimismo á se ofrecer por vasallos de V. M. el señor de ... Guajocingo, y el señor de otra ciudad que está á diez leguas de Izzucan.' Cortés, Cartas, 152.
51. This name is badly misspelled. Chimalpain identifies it with Huaxtéca, which is decidedly out of the way, Hist. Conq., ii. 12, while Orozco y Berra stamps 'en verdad errónea' the suggestion of Lorenzana that it is Oajaca; but modern maps do place it in Oajaca, very slightly modified in spelling.
52. They had always been loyal, they said, although deterred by fear of Mexico from sooner proclaiming it; the four remaining pueblos of the province would soon send in their allegiance. Cortés, Cartas, 152–3.
53. The construction of sentences in Cortés, Cartas, 152, and the complex relationship, have misled nearly every one who notices this incident — as, Gomara, Hist. Mex., 171; Vetancvrt, Teatro Mex., pt. iii. 147; Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 116a.
54. Alonso Coltzin. Chimalpain, Hist. Conq., ii. 12. Ixtlilxochitl calls him Ahuecatzin. Hist. Chich., 305. Alvarado stood sponsor. Terrified by some idle gossip, or by the preparations for his baptism, the boy asked the friar when he was to be sacrificed; but received comfort in a pious exhortation. Torquemada, i. 520.
55. Herrera gives the command to Olid and Juan Rodriguez de Villafuerte, the owner of the much disputed first madonna image, accompanied by Juan Nuñez, Sedeño, Lagos, and Mata. dec. ii. lib. x. cap. xvii. Olid may have been detached from Quauhquechollan after the first success had made troops less necessary; yet Herrera indicates that he set out before this expedition.
56. 'En lo de Cachula fue adonde auian muerto en los aposentos quinze Españoles.' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 112.
57. B. V. de Tapia, in his testimony against Cortés, states that about 6000 prisoners were sent to him from these districts by Olid, all of whom had surrendered without resistance, and that he ordered the men, 2000 in number, to be executed, the women and children being sold or distributed. Cortés, Residencia, i. 59-60.
58. 'Boluierõ a Tepeaca, y auiendo estado treynta dias en esta jornada hallaron a Hernando Cortes, que era buelto de Guacachula.' Herrera, dec. ii. lib. x. cap. xvii. These successes are said to have been dimmed by a severe defeat at Tochtepec, on Rio Papaloapan, whither Salcedo had been sent with 80 men. It was the entrepôt for trade in this region, and was held by a strong Aztec garrison, aided by native warriors with Chinantec pikes. Owing partly to the efficient use of this weapon, and partly to the carelessness of Salcedo, the troops were surprised and slaughtered to a man, after selling their lives as dearly as possible. The disaster being a blow also to Spanish prestige which it would never do to overlook, Ordaz and Ávila were sent not long after with a larger force, some horses, and 20,000 allies, to exact retaliation in death, captivity, and rich spoil. The victors came back with ample plunder. Herrera, ubi sup. See note 4 this chapter for doubts on the massacre.