History of Mexico (Bancroft)/Volume 1/Chapter 30

by Hubert Howe Bancroft

 

CHAPTER XXX.

CONSTRUCTION OF THE FLEET.

December, 1520 — February, 1521.

The Objective Point — Vessels Needed — Martin Lopez Sent to Tlascala for Timber — Thirteen Brigantines Ordered — Cortés at Tlascala — Drill and Discipline — Address of the General — Parade of the Tlascaltecs — March to Tezcuco — New Ruler Appointed — Sacking of Iztapalapan — The Chalcans — Arrival at Tezcuco of the Brigantine Brigade.

The Tepeaca campaign had been only part of the plan conceived during the flight to Tlascala for the recovery of the dominating point of the empire. The strength of the capital, and the ascendancy acquired by the Aztecs during Spanish exclusion from the lake region, made it impossible to strike directly at the centre of the uprising. It was necessary first to conquer the surrounding provinces on which Mexico depended for aid, and to do this in detail was easier than to meet the combined strength of the foe. This would also leave the conquering troops free to turn their whole attention against the capital, with fresh allies and larger resources. A centre for operation was now needed within the valley, and one from which the Aztecs might be attacked in due time both by land and water. For this object Tezcuco presented the greatest advantages in being situated on the lake, some six leagues from Mexico, in the midst of a fertile country, and near enough to Tlascala, from and through which reinforcements might readily be obtained.^[1]

With a prudent foresight to these movements Cortés had shortly after his first successes in Tepeaca sent Martin Lopez, the shipwright, to Tlascala to prepare timber for thirteen brigantines, which were to be transported to the lake for besieging purposes. The republic offered to provide material and native carpenters, and aided by Andrés Nuñez and others, Lopez soon formed an efficient corps of assistants for felling and shaping the pieces, as modelled and numbered by himself. The site of construction was at Atempan, on the Rio Zahuatl,^[2] which afforded the necessary water for the trial launch, and had forests near by from which timber, masts, and pitch could be obtained.^[3] Iron, sails, cordage, and other needful articles taken from the sunken fleet were forwarded from Villa Rica, together with smiths and other workmen.

With the arrival of Cortés at Tlascala, preparations receive a fresh impulse, and weapons and armor are overhauled, pikes and arrows made, and stores collected. An opportune addition is made by the arrival of a vessel from Spain and the Canaries, laden with war material, bows, bowstrings, arquebuses, powder, and a variety of goods; also over a dozen soldiers, with three horses. Cortés purchases the whole cargo, and persuades the owner, Juan de Búrgos, the captain, and the men to join him.^[4]

Drill receives attention, and equally necessary is the maintenance of order, for they are few, remote from succor, and surrounded by a powerful, warlike, and astute foe. Then they must maintain friendly relations with their allies, whose aid is essential to the achievement of their plans. One hasty utterance, one unjust act, can raise a storm wherein all may perish. Good treatment on every hand is necessary to win neutral and hostile provinces. It is often easier to persuade than to enforce. With this view Cortés, as captain-general and justicia mayor for his majesty, prepares a series of regulations which are proclaimed on the 26th of December 1520.

In a lengthy preamble are set forth some reasons for its publication and the necessity for good conduct, as recognized not only in human but in divine affairs, and practised since time immemorial for the regulation of wars.

The first article proclaims the primary motive of this, and indeed of all their campaigns, to be spiritual conquest, in the absence of which material conquests must be regarded as unjust. Blasphemy is forbidden lest the offended Almighty should refuse his assistance. Gambling in a modified form is permitted, but quarrelling is prohibited.

Rules are laid down for discipline in camp and field for sentinels, for prompt and courageous performance of duty. No Spaniard may enter houses in a hostile city to plunder until the foe has been driven forth and victory secured; and booty of whatsoever nature, however and wherever acquired, must be declared before the proper officers, under penalty of death. Any captain who attacks an enemy without orders shall be put to death.^[5]

Orders were also issued to regulate the prices of clothing and accoutrements, which were excessive. In order to enforce the necessary respect for the regulations, Cortés punished the earlier infringements with a severity even in excess of the penalty proclaimed. Two of the general's own negro slaves were hanged for petty theft, and a pilfering soldier was pardoned only when half strangled.^[6]

After a fortnight of rest and preparation Cortés concluded to resume the campaign, partly lest a longer delay should cool the ardor of the soldiers and allies. On the day following Christmas the troops were mustered for review in the main square of Tlascala, where Cortés in velvet-covered mail stood surrounded by the royal officials, the leading chiefs of the republic, and a brilliant suite. First marched the cross-bowmen in double file, who at a signal discharged their arms aloft and passed on with a salute. After them came the shield-bearers, waving their swords, which they sheathed after saluting; then the pikemen with copper-headed pikes, followed by arquebusiers, who saluted with a thundering salvo that reëchoed along the circling hills and sent a tremor through the crowd of native spectators. Last came the cavalry, prancing and skirmishing in rapid evolutions, to display their skill as fighters and riders, and to dazzle the beholders with their glittering arms and adornment. The total force consisted of five hundred and fifty infantry, divided into nine companies, and forty cavalry in four squads, with nine small pieces of artillery, eighty cross-bows and arquebuses.^[7]

The main reliance of the infantry was in the swords and pikes, the long Chinantec poles being largely introduced, even among the allies, and made effective by long drilling. The nucleus of the troops, whereon rested the highest hopes, was of course the horsemen, whose safety had been carefully looked to by providing the steeds with poitrels, and side and quarter coverings of stout bulls'-hide, reaching to the hocks. They were fringed with small pieces of iron which jingled like bells, and were supposed to add to the terror ever spread by these animals among the natives.^[8] The riders were equally protected, some with helmet and body mail of steel, which covered even the limbs, leaving the wearer vulnerable only at the joints.^[9] Others had less complete mail, while many possessed only the twisted cotton armor worn by the foot-soldiers, though this was sufficiently effective in native warfare. Thus was experience rapidly developing the art of war in America.

The troops having fallen into line, Cortés advanced on horseback and addressed them. They had mustered for a most important enterprise, to recover the rich provinces once acquired but wrested from them by treacherous rebels, to elevate the holy faith insulted by idolaters, and to avenge the blood of cruelly murdered friends and comrades. "Just are the reasons which impel us," cried the speaker, "and necessary to our security. Spaniards! God has ever favored you; therefore be fearless. Let your conduct be such as to inspire with respect and confidence our stout and tried allies, a hundred thousand and more of whom stand ready and eager to join us. What more can Christian soldiers desire than the double favors which God here giveth us, rich rewards in temporal blessings and that glory immortal which follows victory?" Thus the astute commander stirred the hearts of his men; and believing his own words, was himself stirred thereby. And the shout came back to him that they would regain the lost and avenge themselves on the exultant Tenochtitlans.^[10]

Not to be outdone by foreigners, next morning the Tlascaltecs marched into the plaza to the sound of conchs, pipes, and drums, the four lords at the head richly attired and in plumage studded with precious stones, which rose a yard above their heads in variegated colors, denoting their rank and achievements. Following them were four squires bearing their weapons, and the standard-bearers of the respective quarters. Then in files of twenty deep came the regular warriors, divided into archers, shieldmen, and pikemen, and into companies, each with its ensigns and musicians. A striking spectacle they presented in their orderly lines, gay with flowing plumes, glittering arms, and many-colored devices; some of the latter displayed on a broad plane of shields extended; others embroidered on the quilted cotton tunics of leading warriors. All together formed a series of gay streaks broken by wider bronze-hued masses of naked rank and file, while above all heads rose a profusion of feather-work banners, speckled with brilliant ornaments.^[11] These were lowered as the companies passed before Cortés, who doffed his cap in acknowledgment, the warriors responding by bending the head and discharging their bows. Their number on this occasion has been estimated as high as one hundred and fifty thousand, and although this is evidently exaggerated, there is no doubt that the large Tlascaltec army was swelled by companies from the neighboring provinces.^[12]

The march over, Cortés addressed the allies, extolling their deeds which had covered the republic with glory. Soon again would they add to its renown and its wealth, while avenging ancient wrongs. He would see to it that their services were recognized by the emperor. A small proportion would accompany him on the present march; the remainder could follow after the completion of the brigantines.^[13] In orthodox cheers the native warriors testified approbation. Their general then spoke, exhorting them ever to remember that they were Tlascaltecs, a name of terror to all foes. Only twenty thousand of the eager republicans, including some Huexotzincas and the carriers, were allowed to join the expedition, for more could not be conveniently used during the preliminary campaign. Their general was Chichimecatl.^[14]

On the following day, the 28th of December, after the invocation of divine aid, and midst the stirring strains of music, the army filed out of Tlascala, the populace lining the route and shouting their farewell blessings. "The gods grant you victory!" they cried, "and successful return." "There go the strong ones to humble the proud," said some, while of the women many sobbed: "Oh! if our eyes should never behold you again!" There were three routes leading into the lake provinces, two of them tried already during former marches; but since the enemy were doubtless on the alert with ambuscades and other measures, it was deemed best to select the third and worst road, north of snow-crowned Iztaccihuatl, by which an approach would be least expected.^[15] This led through Tezmeluca,^[16] a village in Huexotzinco, six leagues from Tlascala, where camp was formed. Here began a three-league ascent of the pass, and the Tezcucan border was crossed amidst intense cold, the gradually dwindling vegetation giving freer scope to the bleak wind which came whistling from the summits. A league farther a convenient spot was found for a halt, and the tired and shivering soldiers were soon huddling round fires. On the following day a thick pine forest was entered, and soon after the road was found blocked with felled trees. This created no little stir among the men, but Cortés, who had not expected an unobstructed path, sent forward a body of natives to clear it.^[17] With forces massed and arms prepared, Cortés thereupon led the way, and in half a league open ground was gained, to the relief of all. The difficulties of the march were passed, and behind the army now lay the grim expanse of barren rocks and hoary peaks; while beneath a pale-blue sky they descended the wooded slopes to the valley below, rich in variegated hues of field and garden, and enlivened with the gleaming white of human habitation. Beyond spread the glassy surface of the lakes, bordered on the farther side by the misty outline of low ranges, fading in the distance like the glories of the now fading empire. The queen city was the theme, however, and while some descanted to late recruits on its wealth and beauties, others stood silently gazing on the spot so dimmed with sad remembrances. Thus pondering on the past they could almost hear the voices of fallen comrades calling on them for vengeance, and "we vowed," writes Cortés, "there to achieve victory or perish.'^[18] As if in response to the challenge, ominous smoke columns rose from the circling heights, the signal of the Mexicans to rouse the inhabitants against the invaders.

No opposition was met during the descent, but beyond a ravine, on level ground, forces were seen approaching from different directions.^[19] By a quick movement Cortés managed to leave the broken ground and gain the bridges ere the foe had united. Having now a plain before them, fifteen of the horsemen charged and routed the main body. The rest dispersed, with the Tlascaltecs in close pursuit to kill and ravage. The army did not camp till they reached the deserted Coatepec, some three leagues from Tezcuco.

Shortly before this there had been an accession in the person of Ixtlilxochitl,^[20] the ruler of the northern part of Acolhuacan, who had offered his friendship to the Spaniards before they ever entered the valley. His faith in them was unshaken, particularly under the aspect of their late successes, and he came to renew his protestations, assuring Cortés that no opposition would be offered at Tezcuco. He gave information about the political feeling, the prospect for humbling the hated Aztecs, and the fate of certain small bodies of Spaniards during the uprising. He also stated that Cuicuetzcatl was no more. While at Tepeaca, Cortés had sent to Cohuanacoch, the usurper king at Tezcuco, an Acolhua noble,^[21] with peaceful proposals. The envoy was executed. Not long after, Cuicuetzcatl set out for Tezcuco, without leave, tired as he was of the semi-captive restraint at Tlascala, and confident that with the aid of his adherents and the prestige of Spanish success he would be able to overthrow his usurping brother and resume the sceptre entrusted him by Montezuma and Cortés. The presence of so powerful an intriguer in the capital could not long escape the spies of Cohuanacoch, who had him seized, and by the advice of Quauhtemotzin summarily removed from his path.^[22]

 

Although fully a hundred thousand warriors were rumored to be hovering hereabout, no formidable evidences of hostility were encountered during the march to Tezcuco. A short distance from Coatepec a procession of Acolhua nobles appeared, headed by four prominent personages, and bearing a golden banner as a peace offering. They came in the name of Cohuanacoch to tender his submission and the hospitality of the city, with the request that no ravages be committed. After what he had learned Cortés could hardly look upon their master as other than an inimical usurper, whose tardy proffers could not be trusted, and whose opposition need not be feared. He accordingly received the message coldly, referred to the treacherous slaughter of the Yuste party of fifty Spaniards and three hundred Tlascaltecs, and demanded that at least the treasures seized on that occasion should be restored; failing in which, a thousand natives should die for every Spaniard killed. The envoys tremblingly explained that the outrage had been committed by Zoltepecs at the instance of the Aztec ruler, whose men had carried off the valuables. Still, they would institute a search.^[23]

Regardless of their urgent request that the entry into the capital should be deferred till quarters had been prepared, Cortés proceeded through the outlying suburbs of Coatlichan and Huexotla, where the chiefs came forth to render homage, and passed on Monday, the 31st of December, into Tezcuco, which was for many a month to be his 'halting-place,' as the name signifies.^[24] Quarters were taken up in Nezahualcoyotl's palace, as the largest and strongest place.^[25]

 

Meanwhile some soldiers who had ascended a tower came to report that the inhabitants were hurrying away by land and water. Cortés now understood why the envoys had sought to detain him on the road, and gave immediate orders to seize the ruler and as many leading men as possible. It was too late, however. Cohuanacoch had escaped. After usurping the throne, combining with the foes of the Spaniards, and murdering the ruler appointed by them, he did not dare to trust himself within their reach. Hence, as the invaders marched in he embarked for Mexico with his family, his chief adherents and treasures, attended by a fleet of canoes with fugitives and effects. The anger of Cortés at this escape encouraged the pursuing troops to commit certain excesses; and in this they could hardly be blamed, for in one of the temples were found relics of the Yuste party, which very naturally fired the soldiers with a desire for vengeance.^[26] Ixtlilxochitl and other friendly chiefs implored pity for the unoffending inhabitants, and orders were issued in accordance, though not until the allies had sacked a number of houses and fired the beautiful Nezahualpilli palace containing the national archives.^[27]

Not knowing what might follow this exodus, Cortés hastened to fortify his quarters and to collect supplies, aided by Ixtlilxochitl, who had succeeded somewhat in reassuring the people. In order to restore confidence, however, and win the inhabitants to his purposes, he saw that there should be a recognized head, with influence to control them, and one whom he could trust. The former necessity demanded that the choice should be made among the brothers of Cohuanacoch, children of Nezahualpilli, and of these Ixtlilxochitl and Tecocoltzin were the only professed friends of the Spaniards. The latter was of less legitimate birth, it seems, than some of the brothers, and a mere youth, who had shared the quasi captivity of Cuicuetzcatl, and had accepted baptism with the name of Fernando Cortés de Monroy.^[28] He was tall and well formed, of noble presence, and as fair as the average Spaniard. Of docile disposition, he had readily conformed to the teachings of the friars, had adopted Spanish ideas, and had become a favorite among the conquerors. It may be readily understood that this easily ruled boy should be preferred by Cortés to Ixtlilxochitl, whose stay in Tezcuco during the troublous times had not tended to strengthen Spanish confidence.

Cortés summoned the chiefs and represented that since Cohuanacoch had forfeited any claims that he might have had to the throne, by murdering the lawfully elected king and by abandoning his country, they should therefore choose another ruler. He took care that his selection should become known to them, and the electors hastened to conform to the conqueror's will, not even Ixtlixochitl venturing to remonstrate.^[29]

Fernando was accordingly brought from Tlascala soon after and installed with great ceremony, receiving a Spanish dress with arms.^[30] He proved kind and faithful, particularly to his patrons, yet Cortés never relaxed his caution, and in order to keep him under safe surveillance Antonio de Villareal was appointed his tutor, and Bachiller Escobar captain of Tezcuco, while Pedro Sanchez Farfan and his brave wife María de Estrada also remained there. This recognition of an esteemed descendant of the beloved Nezahualpilli, and the just and moderate conduct of the Spaniards, served to reconcile the people, who speedily returned to their homes and avocations. The caciques of Coatlichan, Huexotla, and Atenco tendered allegiance within three days of the Spanish entry, protesting that their hostility had been wholly compulsory.

This ready submission was by no means palatable to Quauhtemotzin, who sent messengers to stir anew the spirit of revolt, while preparing to strike a blow. But the emissaries were promptly surrendered to the Spaniards, before whom they pretended to be merely peace mediators. It pleased Cortés to accept the explanation, and after treating the captives with great kindness he sent them back to Mexico to carry peace proposals. Those who had been the chief promoters of the late uprising were now dead, and it was better the past should be forgotten, and friendship established. To this no answer was vouchsafed.

No hostile demonstration having occurred for eight days after the entry into Tezcuco, Cortés resolved to waste no further time in preparation, but to begin the campaign. This course was also needed to maintain the troops in activity, to encourage them with spoils, and to save the friendly Tezcucans from the constant drain of providing supplies. Among the intended head-quarters during the siege of Mexico to follow was the rich and beautiful garden city of Iztapalapan, close to the southern entrance of the capital. This was an advantageous point, through which a blow might be dealt the Mexicans while chastising the town itself for the hostility of its inhabitants and their late ruler, Cuitlahuatzin, the brother and successor of Montezuma. The expedition consisted of eighteen horse and two hundred foot, with a few thousand Tlascaltecs and Tezcucans,^[31] headed by Cortés, Sandoval remaining in charge of the camp.

Warned by the movement, the inhabitants began to remove their families and valuables, while the warriors marched along the lake shore for nearly two leagues to meet and detain the invaders, supported by Aztec forces and a fleet of canoes. As soon as the Spaniards came up a lively skirmish ensued, the warriors being obliged to retreat, though slowly, rallying at times, when the nature of the ground permitted.^[32] Three hours of fighting brought them near the town, and a final assault by the soldiers effected an entrance and forced the warriors to take refuge in canoes and houses. The first comers occupied the upper quarters, the others continued their course toward the lake, where the dwellings stood on piles, cutting down every person encountered in the streets. General massacre was followed by pillage, and before nightfall six thousand bodies were ready for the funeral pyre.^[33] Suddenly midst the work of destruction Cortés observed startling signs of increasing waters, and soon after a Tezcucan brought word that the dike shielding the town on the west had been cut. In their desperation the inhabitants had invoked the flood, whose mercy could not be more pitiless than the invaders, while it might assist the work of revenge.^[34]

The opening was widening every moment. No time was to be lost. The recall was sounded, but with the people so scattered it took some time to gather them. Staggering under the weight of spoil they fell into line, their march being dimly lighted by the flames behind them. The flood increased so much that few of them could retain their burdens, and near the opening the water came with such force as to make the passage difficult. Several of the allies were swept away. It was nine o'clock before the last of the troops gained the high land beyond the dike. "A delay of three hours longer, and none of us would have escaped," writes Cortés. Failing their desperate sacrifice to catch the invaders in the flooded houses, there to be imprisoned all night by the rushing waters, the enemy were at hand in canoes with early dawn, showering missiles and sallying against the flanks of the invaders. The Spaniards could only reply with sword and lance, for the powder was wet, and since nothing more could be done under the circumstances, they continued the retreat to Tezcuco. A number of allies fell, and even the soldiers, who had suffered no casualties in the capture of Iztapalapan, now lost one out of their ranks.^[35]

Notwithstanding the loss of booty and the humiliating retreat, the expedition had succeeded in its main object, to inflict a severe lesson on the foe by desolating one of the finest cities in the valley, at the very threshold of the capital. The effect was noticed in the arrival, the day after the return to Tezcuco, of messengers from Otumba and several adjacent towns,^[36] penitently to renew their allegiance, which was never again broken. A number of other towns and domains followed the example, notably Chalco, a large and fertile district extending round Chalco Lake, and toward the south-eastward. It had fallen from the rank of an independent kingdom to that of a province tributary to the Aztecs. The severity of its taskmasters kept ever smouldering the flame of revolt, and deeply the people sighed for deliverance. Owing to the proximity of the Mexicans and the presence of their lawless garrisons, they like many others had not before ventured to cast off the yoke, but with the approach of the Spaniards they gathered courage, and two envoys were sent to implore protection.^[37]

 

This accorded with Cortés' plans, and Sandoval was instructed to assist them. His first order, however, was to escort to Tlascala with twenty horsemen and two hundred infantry the carriers, together with a number of warriors, who desired to return home with the booty so far acquired. Fresh supplies were likewise desired, and communication with Villa Rica must be kept open. They had not proceeded far before the Tlascaltecs, who had hastened in advance of the Spanish main body, found themselves attacked by a large force, which slew a number and captured the carriers' train. Sandoval routed the assailants and recaptured most of the booty.^[38]

From Tlascala Sandoval turned to Chalco. In certain maizefields in front of the capital the Mexicans stood prepared with twelve thousand warriors to dispute possession. He charged them at the head of his cavalry, but, though yielding for a moment, they rallied and with their long pikes compelled him to fall back upon the infantry and allies. The second charge was more successful, and within two hours the foe was in flight, during which large numbers were slaughtered and some captives taken, including three leading men, while but few of the Spaniards were even wounded.

The Chalcans came forth to tender an ovation, and the two young rulers Acazitzin and Omacatzin^[39] accompanied the troops to personally offer allegiance to Cortés, together with some small presents. Their father had always admired the Spaniards and sought to serve them,^[40] and on his death-bed, during the late small-pox epidemic, he had recommended them and their counsellors to submit to the white chief, for to him and his children of the sun did prophecy point as rulers of that land. So important an accession gave no little pleasure to Cortés, who treated the young prisoners with every consideration. At their own request he confirmed them in the lordship, assigning to the eldest Chalco city, with more than half the towns in the province, while the younger received Tlalmanalco and Chimalhuacan, with Ayotzinco and other places subject to them.^[41]

The eight captives were kindly treated, and sent to Mexico with peace proposals similar to those transmitted by the former captors; but there came no reply. The secession of Chalco was a blow to the Mexicans even more severe than the capture of Iztapalapan, owing to the bad example to submissive and wavering provinces, and Quauhtemotzin hastened with allurements and threats to reimpress upon them the necessity for remaining true to the empire. These messages were also sent to the towns round Tezcuco; and the caciques of Coatlichan and Huexotla came to the Spanish camp in great distress, to say that all Mexico was coming upon them. They were doubtful whether to flee to the mountains or come to Tezcuco. They were reassured and promised succor when required; meanwhile they must entrench themselves and prepare the warriors. The Mexicans did little, however, beyond making raids on farms and stragglers from two towns,^[42] wherein they were entrenched, not far from Tezcuco. This attack on the larder of the army could not be endured, and Cortés went forth on two occasions to secure the threatened crops for himself, driving off a force of marauders who had come with quite a fleet in the expectation of a fine harvest, and capturing their strongholds on the lake.^[43]

All this made communication with Tlascala insecure, and on last leaving that province Sandoval had strictly forbidden any one to cross to Tezcuco without a permit. It so happened that a vessel arrived at Villa Rica with over thirty soldiers, besides the crew, eight horses, and a quantity of war stores. Knowing how pleased Cortés would be, a young soldier broke the rules, adventured his life, and carried the tidings to the general, who freely forgave the disobedience of orders. This young cavalier also reported that the brigantines were completed and ready for transport. Since siege operations could not begin until the brigantines were floated on Tezcuco Lake, no time was to be lost, and Sandoval received orders to proceed at once to Tlascala and convoy the precious train. In going he must pass through Zoltepec, five leagues distant, near the eastern border of Acolhuacan, and there inflict chastisement for the murder of the Yuste party during the late uprising.

Sandoval set out with fifteen horse and two hundred foot. On the way a house was passed bearing upon its wall the touching inscription, "Herein the unhappy Juan Yuste was a prisoner." The inhabitants of Zoltepec, henceforth termed 'pueblo Morisco,' had long expected this descent, and no sooner did the party appear in sight than they hastened to the mountains. One body of soldiers entered the town to plunder, and found among other things relics of the dress, arms, and accoutrements of their slain comrades in one of the temples.^[44] Another body pursued the fugitives, killing a few and capturing a large number, chiefly women, who were enslaved. Their pleading so moved the heart of Sandoval that he issued a pardon to those who had escaped.

Meanwhile Martin Lopez, the master shipwright in Tlascala, had arranged for the transportation of the brigantines. A trial launch had been made of one or two above a dam thrown across Zahuatl River,^[45] and this proving satisfactory they were broken up. Upon the shoulders of eight thousand carriers were now loaded the separate pieces of timber and planks, duly marked and numbered for fitting them together; also the spars, cordage, sails, together with a quantity of ammunition, two heavy guns,and other effects.^[46] Gayly they bent to the burden wherein lay enginery so portentous for the destruction of the hated Aztecs. The caravan set forth, escorted by a large force of warriors, and halted at Hueyotlipan to await the Spanish convoy. After a time the Tlascaltecs became impatient, and regardless of warnings proceeded. While encamped near the border an alarm was raised, and tumultuously the warriors rushed to arms to protect a portion at least of the train which had cost such labor and embodied such hopes. The next moment a cheer was heard. It was Sandoval and his men.

With this new protection many of the Tlascaltec escort could be dismissed, and the remaining twenty thousand were redistributed, the rear being assigned to the leading chief, Chichimecatl, and the flanks to Axotecatl and Teotepil.^[47]

It was a strange sight in those parts, this serpentine procession as it wound its way across the Tezcucan border, along the narrow defiles of the mountains,^[48] extending two miles from front to rear, it is said. A fleet impelled by human agencies over mountain and plain, through forest and dale, it was indeed a "cosa maravillosa," as Cortés expresses it. The feat of Vasco Nuñez stood repeated, but magnified in some respects, in the number of the vessels, in the distance of the journey, the lurking foe being ever present, and in the audacity of purpose, the subjugation of the proudest metropolis on all this vast continent. And great was the rejoicing at Tezcuco as the caravan came in sight on the fourth day, arrayed in gala attire, with brightly gleaming devices and ornaments, and waving plumage, advancing in one long line to inspiring music. With a large retinue, also in gala dress, Cortés went forth to meet them, and as the procession passed into the city the Tlascaltecs rolled forth their newly acquired Spanish vivas: "Viva el Emperador!" "Viva Malinche!" "Castilla!" "Tlascala, Tlascala, Castilla!" The march past occupied six hours, says Cortés. Ship-yards were prepared for the vessels on the border of a creek or irrigation canal, which had been deepened and widened for nearly half a league, fortified in places with timber and masonry, and provided with dams and locks. This labor had occupied eight thousand Tezcucans fifty days. ^[49]

 

 

1. Many favored Ayotzinco, near Chalco, which offered also a good launching place for the vessels. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 118.
2. Where now is the chapel of San Buenaventura. Camargo, Hist. Tlax., 176. Yet Lorenzana says: 'Por constante tradicion se trabajó en un Barrio de Hueyothlipan, que llaman Quausimalán, que quiere decir, donde labran los Palos.' Cortés, Hist. N. Esp., 167. But it is more likely to have been on the river passing through Tlascala city, and near Matlaleueye Mount.
3. The timber came probably from the Matlalcueye slopes; the masts from Hueyotlipan; the pitch from the pine woods near Huexotzinco, says Bernal Diaz, where it was prepared by four sailors, for the natives did not understand its manufacture. 'Es la Sierra Matlaleuie,' states Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., i. 524. 'La brea se saca de ... la sierra de la Agua de Xalapa,' near San Juan de los Llanos. Bustamante, in Chimalpain, Hist. Conq., ii. 13. This applies rather to colonial times. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 118, 124, names a number of those who aided in building. See also Mora, in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, x. 302-3.
4. Bernal Diaz names several of the thirteen soldiers. The captain was Francisco Medel. One of the men, Monjaraz, was said to have murdered his wife. He kept aloof from all combat, but once he ascended a tower to look on, and was that same day killed by Indians. Hist. Verdad., 118-19.
5. Such are in substance the famous regulations of Cortés. The document was witnessed on the 22d of December by the leading officers, before Juan de Ribera, 'notary public in all the kingdoms of Spain,' and was publicly read at the review of the troops, the 26th, by Anton García, crier. The full text has been reproduced in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., i. 445-51, and Cortés, Escritos Sueltos, 13-23, owing to the defects of the copy by Prescott, and the briefness and blunders of earlier references to it.
6. 'Quedò tal, que no boluio en si, ni pudo tragar en vn mes.' Herrera, dec. ii. lib. x. cap. xx. One soldier was lashed for imposing on an Indian, and another degraded.
7. This is Cortés' own account, with the exception that he gives the field-pieces as eight or nine. Cartas, 165. Gomara says 540 infantry and nine guns. Hist. Mex., 174. Vetancurt writes six guns, which may be a misprint. Teatro Mex., pt. iii. 150.
8. 'Anqueras,' as Spaniards call the covering, are still in use by rich horsemen in Mexico, highly ornamented.
9. Thompson describes the armor of Alvarado at the Mexico museum. It indicates that this renowned cavalier was a smaller man than Cortés, whom he supposes to have been of Napoleon's size. Recol. Mex., 119.
10. In Cortés, Cartas, 165-6, are given the main points of the speech, too brief evidently for Gomara, who fabricates a verbose spiritless oration according to his fancy, Hist. Mex., 174-5, while shorter versions are presented by Ixtlilxochitl, Oviedo, Torquemada, and Clavigero.
11. See Native Races, ii. 405-12, for description of arms, banners, etc.
12. Herrera, who objects to Ojeda's large figure, gives 60,000 archers, 40,000 shieldmen, and 10,000 pikemen, dec. ii. lib. x. cap. xx., and this Vetancurt accepts, Teatro Mex., pt. iii. 150, while Solis reduces the men at the review to 10,000, though he allows over 60,000 to join the march the following day. Hist. Mex., ii. 287-8.
13. If any there were who followed not of their free-will they should remain behind. He had enough men as it was. The lords replied that they would rather be drowned in the lake than return without victory. Torquemada, i. 526. On this occasion may have been presented to the Tlascaltec battalion the red damask banner, bearing on one side the crowned image of the virgin with the hands uplifted in prayer, and on the other the royal arms of Castile and Leon, a banner which Boturini obtained possession of with proofs of its genuineness. Catalogo, 75. Yet this design appears to belong to a standard borne by the Spaniards on entering the conquered Mexico.
14. The chief motive for restricting the number was, according to Gomara, the trouble of sustaining them. Hist. Mex., 176. Bernal Diaz mentions only 10,000 warriors, wherein he evidently does not include carriers. Hist. Verdad., 119. Herrera increases the number to 80,000, under four captains, directed to a certain extent by Ojeda and Juan Marquez. dec. ii. lib. x. cap. xx.
15. 'Acordé de entrar por esta de Tezmoluca, porque ... el puerto dél era mas agro y fragoso.' Cortés, Cartas, 167. Yet Lorenzana adds a note of explanation which shows that he misunderstands the text. Ixtlilxochitl calls the road Tlepehuacan. Hist. Chich., 306. Through the Rio Frio Mountains. Chimalpain, Hist. Conq., ii. 19. The present improved road from Vera Cruz to Mexico. Orozco y Berra, in Noticias Mex., 255.
16. 'Lugar de Enzinas.' Herrera, loc. cit. Now San Martin Tezmeluca. Bustamante, in Chimalpain, ubi sup.
17. Herrera leaves the impression that a new road was now opened to escape the entrenchments and traps already formed by the enemy. But he is evidently wrong.
18. 'Prometimos todos de nunca dellas salir sin victoria, ó déjar allí las vidas.' Cartas, 169. 'We vowed, if God gave success, to act better in besieging the city.' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 119.
19. Herrera calls them 100.000; Vetancurt, 140,000.
20. At Tlepehuacan, near the border. Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., 306-7.
21. Ixtlilxochitl calls him in one place the brother of Cohuanacoch. Id., 299.
22. 'As a spy,' adds Cortés, Cartas, 176. Ixtlilxochitl states, contrary to Cortés, that this general sent him to Tezcuco on the same errand as the previous envoy. Hist. Chich., 306. But this appears a needless exposure of an important personage.
23. Bernal Diaz states that Cortés nevertheless embraced the envoys, three of whom were relatives of Montezuma. Hist. Verdad., 120.
24. Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., 214.
25. Prescott says Nezahualpilli's, but this was burned at this very time according to the only authority on the point, Ixtlilxochitl, Hor. Crueldades, 10. Brasseur de Bourbourg assumes that the allies stayed at Huexotla, which is doubtful. Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 402.
26. The stuffed skins of the five horses were found, and other things, offered to the idol. Cortés, Cartas, 183. Strange that the Tezcucans should not have removed so palpable evidence against them.
27. Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., 306.
28. Real Cédula, 1551. In this cédula are named a number of the brothers, but the pagan name is not given in every instance. Bernal Diaz and Torquemada confirm this baptismal name for the ruler now appointed; Cortés writes merely Fernando; Ixtlilxochitl adds Tecocoltzin; Sahagun gives the latter name and calls him legitimate, as he was in a certain sense. Hist. Conq. (ed. 1840), 143. Clavigero calls him Fernando Cortés Ixtlilxochitl; Chimalpain interpolates De Alvarado in lieu of Cortés, but substitutes Tecocoltzin for Ixtlilxochitl in one place. Hist. Conq., 21, 55. Vetancurt evidently accepts the true name, but applies the baptism and appointment to Ixtlilxochitl. Teatro Mex., pt. iii. 152. The latter, who succeeded to the Tezcucan rulership toward the end of 1521, received the name of Fernando Pimentel, and it is this similarity of the first name that has led to the pretty general confusion about the appointee. Lockhart actually attempts to rectify the correct statement of Bernal Diaz with a blunder, Memoirs, ii. 411; and Zamacois, in doing the same with the blundering Solis, gives a long note amusingly erroneous. Hist. Méj., iii. 585.
29. Ixtlilxochitl states not wrongly that Tecocoltzin was chosen by general request, but he adds that while the political horizon was so cloudy the electors preferred that a legitimate heir like Ixtlilxochitl should not fill so dangerous a position; nor did the latter care to rule while the elder brother lived. Hist. Chich., 307; Hor. Crueldades, 11-13. Pretty good excuse for a prince who forcibly wrested half the domain from Cacama. Brasseur de Bourbourg assumes that he feared to be suspected of seeking a Spanish alliance merely to obtain the crown. Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 409. But this design he had long harbored, as even the abbé intimates at times. He no doubt stood, with his strong character, as one of the powers behind the throne. Cohuanacoch does not appear to have had much influence.
30. Solis takes this opportunity to elaborate a few of his specimen speeches. Hist. Mex., ii. 315-16. 'Fue el primero que en publico en Tezcuco se casò, y velò.' Vetancvrt, Teatro Mex., pt. iii. 152.
31. Bernal Diaz differs somewhat, and gives the proportion of forces, attended also by Alvarado and Olid. Hist. Verdad., 121. The Tlascaltecs numbered about 4000, and the Tezcucans, according to Ixtlilxochitl, from 4000 to 6000.
32. Gomara assumes that they sought to allure the Spaniards into the town. Hist. Mex., 179.
33. So estimated by Cortés and others. Herrera reduces it to 5000.
34. Cortés states that he saw men cutting the dike as he entered the town, but did not consider the significance until the water rose and recalled it to him. Cartas, 174.
35. So says Cortés, while Bernal Diaz assumes that two men and one horse were lost, he himself receiving so severe a wound in the throat as to become an invalid for some time. Hist. Verdad., 121. Solis refers to the affair as a glorious victory.
36. Four, says Cortés, and Lorenzana enumerates several which may have embraced them. Hist. N. Esp., 196. Brasseur de Bourbourg confounds some with southern Chalco towns.
37. Duran states that the Chalcans had sent presents with offers of alliance before the Spaniards crossed the mountain border. Hist. Ind., MS., ii. 491. But this is doubtful. Ixtlilxochitl assumes that they appealed first to his namesake, as their suzerain, and he advised submission to Cortés. Mizquic and Cuitlahuac appear to have joined in the submission.
38. Bernal Diaz writes that two archers fell and seven of the foe. Owing to this incident Sandoval left orders that no reënforcements from Villa Rica should advance beyond Tlascala till further orders. Hist. Verdad., 122. Prescott wrongly assumes that this attack occurred on the march to Chalco.
39. Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., 314. On another page, 307, he names Omacatzin and four other caciques, and Chimalpain, several others, Hist. Conq., 36-7; but they appear nearly all to be sub-caciques. Brasseur de Bourbourg calls the first lord Itzcahuatzin.
40. He had served the Spaniards during the late uprising. Cortés, Cartas, 178-9.
41. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 123; Clavigero, Storia Mess., iii. 174. After taking them back to Chalco, Sandoval escorted from Tlascala some Spaniards and Don Fernando, the new ruler of Tezcuco.
42. Chimalpain names Chimalhuacàn, Chitlahuaca, and Chicoaloapan. Hist. Conq., ii. 24.
43. Some of the raided fields were Mexico temple properties. One Spaniard was killed and twelve wounded, while the Mexicans lost over a dozen, besides a number of prisoners. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 122-3. The caciques of the captured strongholds came now to submit. The Aztecs recaptured them, and had again to be driven forth. Cortés, Cartas, 180-1; Torquemada, i. 529.
44. 'Dos caras que auian desollado ... quatro cueros de cauallos curtidos ... muchos vestidos de los Españoles q' auiã muerto.' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 124.
45. Herrera, dec. iii. lib. i. cap. v., intimates that all were launched, as do Camargo, Prescott, and others, but Torquemada observes that it would have been needless injury to the timbers to put all together. Besides, all were made on one or two models, the different pieces being shaped in exact imitation of those for the models.
46. Ojeda, who appears to have rendered great service as interpreter and in controlling the Tlascaltecs, was soon after rewarded with what he terms a generalship over all the auxiliaries under Cortés. Herrera makes a special later expedition of 5000 Tlascaltecs convey the guns and other effects, carried in wooden beds by relays of twenty natives for each. dec. iii. lib. i. cap. vi.
47. The names are written in different ways by different authors. The former is probably identical with the chief of Atlihuetzian, who afterward killed his two sons for becoming Christians, says Clavigero, Storia, Mess., iii. 176. Chimalpain culls them brothers. Hist. Conq., ii. 26. Camargo, followed by Herrera, assumes that the original native force was 180,000. Gomara and Ixtlilxochitl allow 20,000 to have been retained, besides carriers; others give each of the chiefs 10,000 men, while Bernal Diaz, who as a rule seeks to ignore the value of native aid, reduces the number to 8000 warriors and 2000 carriers. Chichimecatl became quite indignant at finding himself removed from the van. He was a lord of Tlascala, and had ever been accustomed to posts of honor and danger. 'For this very reason,' replied Sandoval, 'have I placed you in the rear, for there the foe will be most likely to attack.' Though mollified in the main, Chichimecatl still grumbled, and considered his army sufficient to guard the rear without the aid of the Spanish force attached to his. Sandoval no doubt took the van, though Bernal Diaz states that he joined the rear. Hist. Verdad., 124. Cortés implies that the change was owing to the risk, in case of attack, to have in the van the cumbersome timber under Chichimecatl's care. Cartas, 184-5. Chimalpain supposes that the chief carried his points. Hist. Conq., ii. 27.
48. North of Telapon, as the easiest route, is the supposition of Orozco y Berra, in Noticias Mex., 256.
49. Hizieron la quatro cientos mil hombres.' Gomara, Hist. Mex., 191. That is, 8000 fresh men daily for 50 days, to judge by the figure. Ixtlilxochitl fails not to adopt a number which speaks so well for the size of his province. Hist. Chich., 307; Relaciones, 416. 'La zanja tenia mas de dos estados de hondura y otros tantos de anchura, y iba toda chapada y estacada.' Cortés, Cartas, 200. Bustamante claims to have seen traces of it, Sahagun, Hist. Conq., 66-7, as did Lorenzana in his time. Cortés, Hist. N. Esp., 234. For the caulking of the vessels cotton was also used, and for want of grease, human fat was obtained from slain enemies, writes Gomara. Oidor Zuazo was assured of this pagan consecration for the fleet. This has been denied by others, observes Oviedo, iii. 423-4; but there is nothing improbable in a partial use thereof, for human fat had been frequently used in other cases, as Cortés adımits. Additional timber was obtained in Tolantzinco, says Ixtlilxochitl.