History of Mexico (Bancroft)/Volume 1/Chapter 7

by Hubert Howe Bancroft

 

CHAPTER VII.

WHAT MONTEZUMA THOUGHT OF IT.

Home Of Mexican Civilization — The Border Land Of Savagism — Configuration of the Country — The Nahuas and the Mayas — Toltecs, Chichimecs, and Aztecs — The Valley Of Mexico — Civil Polity Of the Aztecs — King Ahuitzotl — Montezuma made Emperor — Character of the Man — His Career — The First Appearing of the Spaniards not Unknown to Montezuma — The Quetzalcoatl Myth — Departure of the Fair God — Signs and Omens Concerning his Return — The Coming of the Spaniards Mistaken for the Fulfilment of the Prophecy — The Door Opened to the Invader.

Before entering upon the crusade which was so painfully to affect the destinies of this vast interior, let us cast a brief glance upon the country and its inhabitants, and particularly on that idiosyncrasy of the aboriginal mind which opened the door to the invaders. The first two subjects are fully treated in the first, second, and fifth volumes of my Native Races of the Pacific States to which I would refer the reader, being able here to give only an outline of what in detail is an exceedingly interesting phase of indigenous development.

This development awoke to consciousness in the forms of the Nahua and Maya civilizations, the former occupying the northern portion of that tropical tableland which rises to salubrious heights between latitudes 22° and 11°, and the latter the southern portions. Round the opaque lowland edges of this heaven-enlightened interior the mind of man seemed also dark and low, dwarfed by sandy sweeps, or overshadowed by redundant foliage; yet it was not altogether free from the influence of its neighbors, for the people of the tierras calientes bordering this elevation were further removed from savagism than their more northern and southern brethren. The valley of Mexico, the Anáhuac of the Aztecs, was situated between the two principal ranges, the Pacific branch and the Atlantic branch of the Sierra Madre, under which name the great cordillera here presents itself, coming in from the north-west, flattening near the centre, and reuniting before reaching Tehuantepec. Eventually Anáhuac overspreads the whole plateau. Cross the continent on the nineteenth parallel and you will reach the greatest elevation and see the highest mountains in this vicinity. Indeed, from the plain of Puebla, whereabout lay the walled town of Tlascala, you may take in Popocatepetl, Iztaccihuatl, and Orizaba at one view. Within seventy leagues from Vera Cruz inland, through the temperate valley of Orizaba, you may pass from a region of palms to a region of pines. The plains of Tabasco, upon whose border we have already landed and fought our battle, form the north-eastern part of the broad isthmus valley of Tehuantepec. This is bordered on the south by the sierra connecting the elevation of Anáhuac with the table-land of Guatemala, whose western declivity breaks into parallel wooded ridges running due south-west. North of Anáhuac the surface settles into wide plains between short sierras, until monotonous quietude is attained in the prairies of Texas and New Mexico. Crossing the isthmus of Tehuantepec at a diminished altitude the cordillera rises again and stretches out into the broad and lofty ranges of Central America, where the Maya nations made their home.

Earliest among the Nahua nations to stand forth upon the mythic record are the Toltecs, whose first supremacy in Anáhuac is placed in the sixth century. Endowed by tradition with a culture surpassing that of their successors, the halo surrounding their name has been kept bright by monuments, such as the pyramids of Teotihuacan and Cholula. For five centuries this people flourish, sustained by a confederation of kings whose capitals become in turn famous as seats of learning and of imperial splendor. Religious strife, developing gradually into civil war, with attendant famine and pestilence, opens the door to ruder tribes, and the Toltecs pass off the stage. Throwing off the Toltec veil so long shielding them, a number of tribes now rise into distinct political existence, and the stronger, in connection with somewhat ruder yet more energetic incomers, form the new ruling combination, the Chichimec empire. Of the leading power, denominated the Chichimec, nothing is known; but the permanency of Nahua language and civilization leads to the supposition that it is of the same race as its predecessors. In later times the name is also applied to the wild border tribes of the north. For several centuries Anáhuac becomes the scene of intrigues and struggles between the different branches of the combination for the balance of power, during which a number of towns figure as dominating centres, and a number of tribes rise to prominence under the traditional term of conquerors and immigrants. Among these are the Aztecs, the representative nation of the Nahua civilization at the coming of the Spaniards.

Upon opposite sides of the largest of a cluster of lakes which illuminate the oval valley of Mexico have stood, since the beginning of the fourteenth century, three cities, Tezeuco, Mexico, and Tlacopan, capitals of three confederate nations, the Acolhuas, the Aztecs, and the Tepanecs. To the first belonged the eastern portion of the valley, to the second the southern and western, and to the third a small portion of the north-west. Of this confederation, Tezcuco was for a time the most powerful; Tlacopan was least. While keeping to their respective limits within the valley, beyond its classic precincts the three powers made common cause against the barbarians. About the middle of the fifteenth century, under the warlike Montezuma I., Mexico attained the supremacy, and during the next sixty years extended her empire to the shores of either ocean. Within this circuit, however, were several nations which she never conquered; instance the Tlascaltecs, the Tarascos, and the Chiapanecs. Many there were — for example, the people of Tehuantepec, of northern Guatemala, and Soconusco, and the Miztecs and Zapotecs of Oajaca, whose conquest by the Aztecs was temporary — who either paid tribute for a time only, or who threw off the yoke the moment the invader's back was turned. The Matlaltzincas, west of the lakes, and the Huastecs and Totonacs of Vera Cruz, were subjugated but a few years prior to the appearing of the Spaniards. These coast-dwellers had not yet become reconciled to the rule of the interior lords, but hated them as inveterate foes; and herein lay one of the chief causes of success accompanying the Castilian arms. Indeed, Aztec supremacy was maintained in every quarter only by constant war; rebellion, as soon as checked in one quarter, breaking out in another. Further than this, the Aztecs, by their overbearing spirit, had become obnoxious to their allies; yet their aggressive policy was continued in full force by the predecessor of Montezuma II., Ahuitzotl, with whom war was an absorbing passion.

In the civil polity of the Aztecs were elements which, if given free play, would by elevating the people raise the nation yet higher in the scale of domination. This did not escape the observant neighbors, upon whom the prospect fell with chilling fear, a fear by no means mitigated by the ever increasing tendency of the Mexicans for the immolation of human beings. Nor were the Aztec nobles pleased to see political power slipping from their grasp and falling into the hands of the people, among whom the spirit of republicanism and equality was regarded as having already gained too great ascendancy. The result was a struggle, not unlike that at the same time going on in Europe, between the nobility and the commonalty, the clergy taking sides with the former. And at the death of Ahuitzotl the higher class succeeded in raising to the throne a person of extreme aristocratic and religious tastes, though humble withal, as Coriolanus could not be, to catch the common herd; for when tidings of his election were brought him he was found sweeping the temple.

Montezuma, he was called, and surnamed Xocoyotzin, the younger, to distinguish him from the first Montezuma, known as Huchue, the elder. He was the son of Axayacatl and Xochicueitl, and nephew of the late king; and had reached only his thirty-fourth year when selected for the throne, in preference to an elder brother. The reasons alleged for this distinction were the possession of high qualities as a warrior, whose bravery had been tested on more than one field of battle; as an adviser, whose words, uttered in clear, dignified tones, had been heard in the council with respect; and as high priest, whose gravity and circumspection had won him favor among all classes. Upon occasions he could observe the taciturnity which so often attracts a reputation for wisdom; and, moreover, he possessed a fine figure and a majestic presence, such as admirably suited the monarch. He was proficient in astronomy, picture-writing, and in certain esoteric branches, for which he showed a natural bent; likewise he was well read in the history of his people, and familiar with all their traditions.

This second Montezuma was a born prince, and might have been a pattern for Niccolo Macchiavelli, with whom he was contemporary. For, like the Florentine's ideal, he was talented, learned, crafty, and unscrupulous. Had he studied in his own language that immaculate manual of political ethics, The Prince, he could not have more faithfully followed its precepts. No sooner had he assumed the sceptre than, throwing off the mask by which he had deceived the plebeians, he dismissed every person of that class employed about the palace, and filled all vacancies, civil and military, from the ranks of the nobles. He applied himself with energy to war and diplomacy, in both of which he was eminently successful, and raised himself and his throne to the highest pinnacle of grandeur; whereupon he did not disdain the title of Emperor of the World. Notwithstanding his talents and accomplishments, he was exceedingly superstitious, surpassing in this respect many of his followers, and was dependent on diviners and astrologers, appealing also to the counsels of Nezahualpilli and other prominent personages. Men, whom he knew, he did not fear; but the gods, whom he did not know, he feared exceedingly. And because he practised human sacrifice to propitiate them he has been called cruel, but the actions of a blind devotee of religion must not be measured by a too critical standard. There was nothing cruel in the wish of Caligula, however hateful and vindictive it might be, that the Roman people had but one head, so that he might strike it off at a single blow; but when he tortured men and women for amusement while at his meals, that was the quintessence of cruelty. As for honor, integrity, and all those virtues which go to make a man, we must not expect them in princes or in politicians; yet we may safely say that in all the generous qualities of mind and heart the Aztec monarch was no whit behind contemporary European rulers.

From all which it is safe to say that Montezuma, though most magnificent and lordly among his lords, was not popular with the masses, and his position at this juncture was not of the safest. His extravagance exceeded all bounds; his continuous wars were expensive; and to meet the heavy draughts upon the treasury required excessive taxation. This was made to weigh with special heaviness on the subjugated provinces, on which likewise was laid with peculiar aggravation the horrible burden of furnishing victims for human sacrifices. The successful resistance to his arms of several states enclosed by his conquests, or bordering on his domain, caused him no small unhappiness. There was the little republic of Tlascala, on the very border of the Mexican valley, which often he had tried to conquer, and failed. Then there was the Tarascan kingdom of Michoacan, on the western side, whose people boasted as high a culture as any of the lake region, which stood firm against all efforts of the confederation.

With nations beyond their border little intercourse existed, yet Aztec traders, likewise playing spies, were often as far south as Nicaragua, and along the coasts of Honduras and Yucatan. There is no doubt, there fore, that the presence in those parts of the Spaniards was known to Montezuma from the first. It might have been like a voice from behind the clouds, the reports of Columbus and Pinzon, but the appearing of Córdoba and Grijalva, who talked and drew blood, was something more tangible. The people of Tuito, on the west coast of Mexico, held that before the conquest a vessel was lost there, from which had landed more than forty persons, dressed like Spaniards, and whom the natives received kindly, but finally slew because they insisted on the worship of the cross.^[1] A box thrown up by the waves, and containing peculiar clothing, gold rings, and a sword which no one could break, was said to have been in Montezuma's possession. Vague as were these appearings, there was something painfully portentous in them.

For the chief divinity of the Nahua nations was Quetzalcoatl, the gentle god, ruler of the air, controller of the sun and rain, and source of all prosperity. In the palmy days of the Toltecs he had been their king, the creator of their golden age, giving them metals, improved government, and products of spontaneous growth; after which he was their god, with his chief shrine at Cholula, where surrounding peoples, even those inimical to the city, maintained temples for his worship. From toward the rising sun Quetzalcoatl had come; and he was white, with large eyes, and long black hair, and copious beard. After a final rule of twenty years at Cholula he set out for the country whence he came, and on reaching the seaboard of Goazacoalco he sailed away on a craft of snakes. His last words were that one day bearded white men, brethren of his, perhaps he himself, would come by way of the sea in which the sun rises, and would enter in and rule the land;^[2] and from that day, with a fidelity befitting Hebrews waiting the coming of their Messiah, the Mexican people watched for the fulfilment of this prophecy, which promised them a gentle rule, free from bloody sacrifices and oppression; but to their sovereign the thought gave rise to deep apprehension, for then his own reign must terminate.

Thus it was that the tidings of strange sails and bearded white men on their eastern border were received at the gay capital with mingled fear and joy. And marvel-mongers went about the streets talking of the good Quetzalcoatl and his pedigree, of the signs and wonders that had been seen, the prodigies, oracles, and occult divinations, as in ancient Athens the old families of Olympus, with their ape-gods and bull-gods of Memphis, and the dog-headed monster Anubis, were discussed; and as for Rome, Lucan has recorded no omens which the sages of Mexico could not now match. To what extent the Spanish chroniclers have assisted the natives in the manufacture of marvels I leave the reader to judge, simply recommending to his consideration the accompanying lengthy note; neither, however, fell into the madness of Canute, who chose the time the tide was rising, instead of when it was falling, to order the stay of waters.

It was not alone in Mexico, but in distant parts, and on the islands, that man and nature were thus annoyed by the supernatural. There were found predictions centuries old, by priests widely separated, and the poems of wise men, all pointing in the one direction. The destruction of towns was predicted by a philosopher; the famine of 1505 spoke more plainly than words; Popocatepetl, choked by consternation, failed to emit his smoke for twenty days, which, however, was a good omen; an eclipse and an earthquake near together and the drowning of eighteen hundred soldiers were decidedly unfavorable. Most terrible of all, however, were a three-headed comet in open day, a Pyramidal light at night, and other portentous scenes, such as the furious uprising of the lake, the awakening of the dead, and visits to the spirit world.^[3] To us the most wonderful part of it is, not the wonders themselves, but that it should so happen, if indeed it did, that these fearful forebodings, running back for generations, should all converge toward the coming of the brethren of Quetzalcoatl at the very time the Spaniards appeared, and that the latter should be in so many respects as the good gods themselves were to have been. The prophecies of Isaiah are dim indeed and unfathomable as compared with these. To what end are signs that cannot be interpreted until after the occurrence, as is generally the case, when their interpretation is not needed, sages do not say. But in this instance the testimony is abundant and explicit that many of these prodigies were at the time received, not only by Montezuma and his people, but by the neighboring nations, as the distinct announcement of the coming of the gods, who did in good truth appear at the proper time in the person of the Spaniards. And what should be their doom, those stupid and profane men of Potonchan and Tabasco, who had raised their hands against these heavenly messengers!

We are further assured that, prior to the arrival of any Spaniard, some of the subjected provinces assumed an air of independence, encouraged by the fear which these occurrences produced on the Aztecs, against whom they were regarded as especially directed. Cuetlachtlan sorcerers having in their divining-pits conjured up visions of Mexicans acting as abject carriers to armed bearded men astride giant deer, this people became in 1511 so insolent as to refuse the customary tribute, and even to murder the Aztec officials sent to collect it. And so involved was Montezuma in divers troubles that he was unable to resent the outrage.

The thought occurred to the Mexican monarch that perhaps the threatened evils might be averted by propitiating the gods with greater sacrifices. For this the several campaigns then waged or concluded promised an abundance of victims; and to make the holocaust still more imposing, it was resolved to consecrate at the same time a new sacrificial stone. After diligent search a suitable stone was found at Tenanitlan, near Coyohuacan. The sculptors having finished their work, and the priests theirs, with loud hosannas it was rolled along toward the imperial city. While crossing the Xolco canal the bridge broke, and the stone sank beneath the water, dragging down the highpriest and his attendants, "who went to hell quicker than the stone," comments the pious Torquemada. The stone, however, was recovered, and consecrated on the summit of the great temple, in 1512, with the blood of over twelve thousand captives.^[4]

And now Montezuma almost wishes the calamities he fears were already upon him, so full of dread and dire oppression is he. Priests, chiefs of wards, and other officials, says Tezozomoc, are commanded to ascertain and impart all dreams and strange occurrences relating to a coming people or to the throne. Wise and politic as he is, he does not seem to know that this is only placing himself and his malady at the mercy of the masses. Who could not conjure up visions under such a summons? Some old men immediately come forward with a dream, wherein Huitzilopochtli's image is overthrown and his temple burned to the ground, leaving no vestige. Certain hags next appear with a dream of a furious stream, which has swept away the palace and temple, forcing the lords to flee the city.

This will not do. Away with such trumpery! And so the terrified monarch hurls the evil dreamers into prison, and leaves them there to die of starvation, while he orders on new ones in the persons of the priests and men of circumspection. But softly now. These wise ones deem it prudent not to dream at all, which course only adds suspicion to the hot anger of Montezuma. Next he calls on all astrologers, sorcerers, and diviners in the empire to dream, to cause others to dream, and to declare their dreams; to declare the secrets of the starry realms, and all things pertinent on and in this earth. Neither will these ply their avocation during such troublous times. Down with them, then, to the lowest depths! In prison, however, they do understand that the planets and terrestrial phenomena combine to foreshadow extraordinary occurrences, whether for good or evil the emperor will soon enough know. "Force them to tell; burn them else," are the next instructions. But the messengers find the prison, though guarded, empty. The unhappy monarch sends to their respective towns and demolishes their houses, but these agents of offended heaven are never seen again.^[5] This, and more of yet wilder strain continued in the note, shows at least that prior to the coming of the Spaniards the people of the Mexican valley, and their sovereign in particular, were profoundly moved with fearful forebodings of calamity of some kind. And whether these forebodings pointed to some strange arrival by sea or other marvel, certain it is that they opened the door of this rich realm to the invaders.

Ever intent on means to propitiate the gods, Montezuma in 1517 hit upon the idea of plating the temple of Huitzilopochtli with gold set with precious stones and feathers, and gave the order accordingly to Tzompantzin, the minister of finance. Now Tzompanztin was an old and faithful servant of the government, blunt withal, and nowise afraid to die. He was of the ancient chivalry, not wholly in sympathy with the present régime, and did not hesitate to expostulate with his sovereign, saying that the people would be ruined by the proposed tax. "Beside," he concluded, "Huitzilopochtli will not long be god, for those even now are coming who will take for themselves all these riches and lord it over us forever." That very night Tzompantzin and his son were politely escorted across the dark river.^[6]

The following year, 1518, the temple of Coatlan was dedicated, with the usual sacrifices, the last recorded holocaust to consecrate a heathen temple. For already the white-winged vessels of Spain were at hand, having on board the messengers of a purer religion, even if it did not at once prove to be the gospel of peace to the poor Indian.

Pinotl, calpixque of Cuetlachtlan, was the first of Montezuma's captains, according to the native record, to make observations for the emperor of the dreaded visitants. Prompted no less by zeal in his master's service than by curiosity, Pinotl, with several attendants, armed with provisions and rich mantles for presents, had mingled with the crowd which boarded Grijalva's vessel, and had prostrated himself at the feet of the commander and his officers as before kings or gods.^[7] The beads and other trinkets given in return for their goods they received as priceless marks of favor from supernatural personages. When Pinot! explained as best he was able the majesty and wealth of his sovereign, Grijalva promised to return some day and visit him in his great city. Bearing with them paintings on amatl, or maguey paper, of the vessels with all their belongings, and of the soldiers and sailors with their arms, armor, dress, and attitude, down to their very swagger, and leaving orders that the strangers should be treated with every consideration, the chief men of the province set out by fast relays to report the awful tidings to the emperor.^[8]

Entering the imperial presence they prostrated their bodies to the ground, which they kissed, declaring themselves worthy of death for having ventured unbidden before their lord, but their mission permitted no delay. "For oh! most dread sovereign," they exclaimed, "we have seen gods! All of us here present have seen their water-houses on our shores. We have talked with them, and eaten with them, and have handled them with our hands; we have given them gifts, and have received in return these priceless treasures." Then they showed the glass beads, a specimen too often approaching the value of the gifts received by the strong from the weak. Montezuma sat mute, scarcely heeding the messages sent him by Grijalva, concerned most of all that vassals should not witness his dismay. Here again was his phantasy before him, like the shade of dead Hector before Æneas, warning him against hopeless resistance to the preordained fall of Troy.

Bidding the men retire and keep secret what they had seen, Montezuma hastily summoned his privy council,^[9] King Cacama of Tezcuco, his brother Cuitlahuatzin, lord of Itzapalapan, and laid before them the mystery. After sage consultations, attended by divinings and comparisons of signs, prophecies, and traditions, not unlike the means by which we of to-day likewise ascertain the unknowable, it was concluded that this commander was none other than the fair-hued god himself, who had returned to resume the throne, as he had said. Therefore resistance would be in vain; and the only proper course was to tender worthy reception and conciliate with gifts. The chiefs were sent back with orders for the governors of the coast districts^[10] to report any arrival or strange occurrence. Following them was an embassy of five persons bearing rich presents, with instructions to bid the god welcome in the name of the emperor and of his court; yet they were to watch him closely. But the embassy was too late. Grijalva had gone.^[11]

 

 

1. When Francisco Cortés entered the town, shortly after the fall of Mexico, he was met by a body of Indians with their hair tonsured like priests, and with crosses in their hands, headed by the chief in flowing white gown and scapulary. This, they explained, had been the practice of the shipwrecked crew, who had held up the cross as a recourse from all danger. Frejes, Hist. Conq., 63-4. This authority places implicit reliance in the story, and regards the strangers as a missionary party driven from the East Indies or China. Jalisco, Mem. list., 30-2.
2. See Native Races, iii. and v., 25-6, for the myths relating to Quetzalcoatl, and to their interpretation, in which occur the characters of the Messiah and the apostle Saint Thomas, with whom some pious chroniclers have identified him. The Saint Thomas idea is advocated in Florencia, Hist. Prov. Comp. de Jesus, 234.
3. The natives of Española are said to have received an oracle shortly before Columbus' arrival, announcing the coming of bearded men, with sharp, bright swords. Villagvtierre, Hist. Conq. Itza., 33. The Yucatec records abound in predictions to the same effect, more or less clear. The most widely quoted is that of Chilam Balam, high-priest of Mani, and reputed a great prophet, who foretold that, ere many years, there would come from the direction of the rising sun a bearded white people, bearing aloft the cross which he displayed to his listeners. Their gods would flee before the new-comers, and leave them to rule the land; but no harm would fall on the peaceful who adımitted the only true God. The priest had a cotton mantle woven, to be deposited in the temple at Mani, as a specimen of the tribute required by the new rulers, and he it was who erected the stone crosses found by the Spaniards, declaring them to be the true tree of the world. Cogolludo, Hist. Yucathan, 99-101, gives the prophecy at length, which is not quite so clear as the version which he afterward quotes from Herrera. The latter calls the priest Chilam Cambal, and says: 'Esta fue la causa que preguntauan a Francisco Hernandez de Cordoua, y a los suyos, si yuan de donde nacia el Sol.' Dec. ii. lib. iii. cap. i. Alaman enters into a profound argument on the above, and interprets Chilam Cambal to be the Chinese for Saint Thomas. In seeking to give a date he mistakes the meaning of a Yucatec age and places the prophecy back at the beginning of the Christian era. The opening lines of the prophecy read, 'at the end of the thirteenth age,' which should be interpreted 'at the end of two hundred and sixty years.' The name is also given as Chilam Balan and Chilan Balam, the latter part savoring of the Canaanite divinity. Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 245-6; Gonzalez Dávila, Teatro Ecles., i. 203-4. A priest of Itzalan, named Patzin Yaxun Chan, is recorded as having urged his people to worship the true god, whose word would soon come to them; and the high-priest of the same place, Na Hau Pech, prophesied that within four ages — a Yucatec age equals twenty of our years — news would be brought of the supreme God, by men who must be received as guests and masters. Ah Ku Kil Chel, also a priest, spoke with sorrow of ills to come upon the people from the north and from the east. In the age following the date of his prediction no priest would be found to explain the will of their idols. Another temple guardian announced that in the last age idolatry would cease, and the world would be purified by fire. Happy he who repented! Cogolludo, Hist. Yucathan, 97-101. Several prophecies therein quoted literally are reproduced in Villagvtierre, Hist. Conq. Itza., 34-5, which also refers to Itzan predictions.

   Among the Mexicans, says Mendieta, predictions were current some four generations before the conquest of the coming of bearded men dressed in raiments of different color, and with caskets on their heads. Then the idols would perish, leaving but one supreme God; war would cease, roads would be opened, intercourse established, and the husband would cherish but one wife. Hist. Ecles., 180; Torquemada, i. 235-6. This smacks of an elaboration of the Quetzalcoatl promise. Nezahualcoyotl, the wise Tezcucan monarch, who died in 1472, left poems in which chroniclers have discovered vague allusions to a coming race. The reader may, perhaps, be equally fortunate if he examine the specimens of his poems given in Native Races, ii. 494-7. His son Nezahualpilli, equally celebrated as a just king and a philosopher, versed in the occult arts, revealed to Montezuma that, according to his astrologic investigations, their towns would within a few years be destroyed and their vassals decimated. This, he added, would soon be verified by celestial signs and other phenomena. Duran, Hist. Ind., MS., ii. 254-7. The precursor of these harbingers of evil appears to have been the famine of 1505, which compelled many a parent to sell his children for the means to obtain food, while others lined the road-side with their famished bodies. The cessation of smoke from the volcano Popocatepetl, for twenty days, was a feature seized upon by the diviners as a sign of relief; and true enough, in the following year, the suffering people were cheered with an abundant harvest. Soon again their fears were roused by an eclipse and an earthquake, in the very inaugural year of the new cycle, 1507, and by the drowning of 1800 soldiers during the Miztec campaign. Almost every succeeding year confirmed their apprehensions by one or more signs or occurrences of an ominous nature. One of the most alarming was the appearance, in broad day, of a comet with three heads, which darted across the sky, eastward, with such speed that the tails seemed to scatter sparks. 'Salierɔn cometas del cielo de tres en tres . . . . parecian . . . . . echando de sí brasas de fuego . . . . y llevaban grandes y largas colas.' Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., 179. 'Cayó una cometa, parecian tres estrellas.' Sahagun, Hist. Conq., i. 4; Native Races, v. 463. After this, in 1507 or 1510, a pyramidal light, which scattered sparks on all sides, rose at midnight from the eastern horizon till its apex reached the zenith, where it faded at dawn. This continued for forty days, or for a year, according to some accounts. 'Diez años antes que viniesen los españoles . . . . duró por espacio de un año cada noche.' Sahagun, Hist. Conq., i. 3. "Ocho años antes de la venida de los españoles, . . . . y esto se vió euatro años.' Id., Hist. Gen., ii. 271. It occurred in 1509, and lasted over forty days. Codex Tell. Rem., in Kingshorough's Mex. Antiq., v. 154; vi. 144. The interpreter of the Codex enters into a lengthy argument to prove it a volcanic eruption, one of his points being that the original picture-writing places the light as appearing behind, or from, the mountains east of the city. In 1510, Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., 278, or year five, toxtli. Codex Chimalpopoca, MS.; Camargo, Hist. Tlax., 139. Torquemada, who had no other authority for the preceding comet than Herrera, considered that by the comet was meant this light, i. 234. Humboldt suggests that the fiery pyramid may have been a zodiacal light. Astrologers announced that it portended wars, famine, pestilence, mortality among the lords, every imaginable ill, in fact, and causing one general cry of fear and lament. Montezuma himself was so troubled that he applied for advice to Nezahualpilli, although they had not been on speaking terms for some time. This royal astrologer showed his apprehensions by ordering all campaigns then upon his hands to be suspended, and announced to his confrère that the disasters in store would be brought upon the empire by a strange race. Montezuma expressed his disbelief, and proposed a game of tlachtli to decide the interpretation. As if resigned to the fate predicted for himself, and desirous of showing how little he appreciated wealth and power, Nezahualpilli is said to have staked on the result his kingdom against three turkey-cocks. The wager was not so hazardous, however, as it seemed, for the king of Tezcuco was a good player. After allowing Montezuma to win the first two points, and raising high his hopes, he stopped his exultation by scoring the rest for himself. Still doubtful, Montezuma called on an astrologer famous for his many true announcements, only to receive confirmation of Nezahualpilli's utterance, whereupon the irate monarch caused the house to be pulled down over the diviner, who perished in the ruins. Ixtlixochitl, Hist. Chich., 278-9; Veytia, Hist. Ant. Méj., iii. 345-7. Clavigero, who connects the game with a comet, is quite earnest in asserting his belief in traditions and presages of the coming of Spaniards, as attested by native paintings and by witnesses of high standing. 'Se il Demonio pronosticava le futura calamità per ingannar qué 'miserabili Popoli, il pietosissimo Dio le annunziava per disporre i loro spiriti al Vangelo.' Storia Mess., i. 288–9. According to Duran, the summoning of Nezahualpilli was due to a comet with an enormous tail, which burst upon the view of a temple-watcher as it rose in the east and settled above the city. Montezuma, who had been roused to witness the phenomenon, called on his sorcerers for an explanation, and on finding that they had seen nothing, had them punished for their sloth. The wise Tezcucan then came and presaged dire calamities, which would also afflict himself. He was resigned, and would retire to await death. This was to be the last interview between the two kings. Hist. Ind., MS., ii. 274-85. Torquemada compares the comet to that which, according to Josephus, lib. vii. cap. xii., presaged the entry of Titus into Judea. When Nezahualpilli returned to his palace, a hare ran into the halls, pursued by eager domestics, but he bade them to leave it, saying that even so would a strange people enter into Anáhuac without resistance. Torquemada, i. 211-12, 214. Bernal Diaz speaks of a round sign in the eastern sky, of a reddish green, to which was attached a streak extending eastward. The consequent predictions of war and pestilence he finds fulfilled in the campaign of Cortés, and in the smallpox epidemic introduced by Narvaez. Hist. Verdad. (Paris ed. 1837), iv. 460 1. Among the accounts of celestial signs which may be based on the preceding is one by Camargo, describing a brightness observed in the cast by the Tlascaltecs, three hours before dawn, accompanied by a whirlwind of dust from the summit of Mount Matlalcueje. Remesal refers probably to the same whirlwind under the guise of a white cloud, like a pillar, which often appeared in the east before sunrise, and afterward descended upon the cross erected in Tlascala by the Spaniards. The natives accepted this as an intimation that the new-comers were heaven's chosen people, and received the cross. Hist. Chyapa, 304; Camargo, Hist. Tlax., 140. Gomara appears to connect this eastern light with a thick smoke and with the fiery pyramid, which were followed by a battle in the sky between bodies of armed men, attended with great slaughter. Some of the courtiers surrounding Montezuma while he observed this phenomenon, pointed out that the arms and dress of the victorious faction resembled those in the chest which had been washed up on the coast. He declared his conviction, however, that they must be relics of his divine ancestors, not of mortal beings who fell on a battle-field, as these forms appeared to do. He proposed, as a test, that they should break the divine sword. This they tried, but in vain, and remained mute with wonder at its flexibility and strength. Hist. Mex., 214; Herrera, dec. iii. lib. ii. cap. ix. Mendieta places this sign in 1511. Hist. Ecles., 179. The last celestial sign, as described by Mendieta, is a large, brilliant comet, which appeared the very year of the Spaniards' arrival, and remained immovable in the air for several days. Hist. Ecles., 180. Before Nezahualpilli returned to his capital, after interpreting the fiery signs, he was feasted by Montezuma, and the two monarchs thereupon retired to the diviners' chamber to search into the legends of their forefathers for further light upon the omens. From this circumstance grew the story that the twain had made a journey to the ancient home of their race. Nezahualpilli, being a conjurer, took Montezuma through the air to the Seven Caves, where they conversed with the brethren of their ancestors. On learning that the first named was a descendant of the great Chichimecatl Xolotl, he was offered the government of this region, but declined, promising, however, to return at a later date. Torquemada, i. 212-13. Duran applies to the reign of Montezuma I. a similar story, which is more appropriate to the present subject. Eager to acquaint his ancestors with the glorious achievements of their progeny, and to learn something of the old home, this monarch sent a force of sixty sorcerers on a mission to Chicomoztoc, with numerous presents for Coatlicue, the mother of the divine Huitzilopochtli. Transforming themselves into animals, they reached the sacred region occupied by some Aztecs whom the god had left behind when he set out on his career of conquest. These venerable settlers were not a little surprised to behold in the effeminate and ephemeral specimens before them the descendants of that doughty leader and of his companions. On reaching the abode of the divine mother, the sorcerers found an old woman sorrowing over her lost son. The news of his glorious fate roused her interest, and she was induced to reveal several prophecies by her son, among them one concerning the coming of a strange people to wrest the land from the Mexicans. The messengers were dismissed with presents of food and clothing, and returned to their master with twenty of their number missing. Hist. Ind., MS., i. 467-86. Additional facts may be found in Native Races, v. 422-4, etc. Another visit to the spirit world is attributed to Papantzin, sister of Montezuma II., who, shortly after his accession, had married the lord of Tlatelulco. He soon died, and after ruling for a few years she, in 1509, followed him to the grave. She was buried with great pomp in her garden, in a vault closed by a flag-stone. The next morning she was discovered sitting on the steps of the bath adjoining the vault. Her niece, a child of five or six years, was the first to notice her. Too young to understand what would frighten older heads, she fearlessly approached the resurrected woman, and was told to call Papantzin's mayordoma. This old dame, on receiving the summons, thought it a child's prank, and would not stir, but at last she yielded, and on seeing the form of her late mistress, swooned with fear. Others proved more courageous, and carried her into the house. Papantzin now enjoined He declared his conviction, silence, and wished to call Montezuma, but no one daring to appear before the cruel and superstitious monarch, Nezahualpilli was summoned, and he brought the brother with him to her dwelling, together with several attendants. To them she related that, on being released from her earthly bonds, she had entered a boundless plain, upon a road which soon divided into several branches. On one side was a fiercely running stream, which she attempted to cross, but was motioned back by a youth of fine stature, dressed in a loose robe of dazzling whiteness. His face, bright as a star, was of fair complexion, the eyes grey, and the forehead marked with a cross. Taking her by the hand, he led her up the valley past heaps of dead men's bones, from many of which rose the sound of lament. She also observed a number of black persons, with horns and deer legs, building a house. As the sun rose, large vessels could be seen ascending the river, bearing white and bearded men in strange attire, with shining head-gear, and standard borne aloft. They were children of the sun. The youth, in pointing them out, said that God did not yet wish her to pass the river, which could never be recrossed, but to wait and bear testimony to the faith coming with these men, who were destined to wage great wars with her people and become their masters. The lamenting bones were her forefathers — 'who had not received the faith,' is the uncharitable term used by Torquemada — suffering for their evil deeds, and the house building was to hold the bones of those slain in battle by the fair-faced crews. She must return to earth, await these men, and guide her people to baptism. On being restored to her senses from the death or trance, whatever her listeners chose to term it, she removed the stone from the vault and returned to her chamber. Many of those present sneered at the story as originating in the brain of a sick woman, but Montezuma was more deeply moved than he cared to show. He never again saw his sister, who lived a retired life till the arrival of the Spaniards. She then came forward, the first woman in Tlatelulco to receive baptism, and under the name of María Papantzin rendered good aid in the missionary cause. This account, says Torquemada, has been taken from old native paintings, translated and sent to Spain, and was regarded as strictly true among the natives, Papantzin being well known in the town. 'Esta Señora era del numero de los Predestinados,' i. 238-9. Ixtlilxochitl, strangely enough, does not refer to the resurrection. According to him, the mother of Ixtlilxochitl, king of Tezcuco, was the first woman baptized, and this under compulsion from her husband. She received the name of María. After her came Papantzin, now wife of this king, who was named Beatriz. Cortés stood godfather to both. Sahagun refers briefly to the resurrection of a woman of Tenochtitlan, who issued, four days after her death, from the garden vault where she had been deposited. Appearing before Montezuma, she announced that with him would cease the Mexican empire, for other people were coming to rule and settle. This woman lived twenty-one years after this, and bore another child. Hist. Gen., ii. 270-1. At this rate she must have been' alive when Sahagun arrived in the country; yet he fails to speak of her as a princess. Boturini applies the story to a sister of King Caltzontzin, of Michoacan, who died at the time the Spaniards were besieging Mexico, and rose within four days to warn her brother not to listen to the Mexican overtures for an alliance against the white invaders. The new-comers, she said, were destined by heaven to rule the land, and a testimony hereof would appear on the principal feast-day in the form of a youth, who, rising in the eastern sky, with a light in one hand and a sword in the other, would glide over the city and disappear in the west. This sign appearing, the king did as she bade him, rejected the Mexican advances, and received the Spaniards in peace. Catálogo, 27-8. Clavigero censures Boturini's work, in this connection, as full of fables, and this after solemnly observing that the Papantzin incident 'fu pubblico, e strepitoso, acaduto in presenza di due Re, e della Nobiltà Messicana. Trovossi altresi rappresentato in alcune dipinture di quelle Nazioni, e se ne mandò alla Corte di Spagna un attestato giuridico.' Storia, Mess., i. 289-92. He places the baptism of Papantzin in 1524. Veytia, Hist. Ant. Méj., iii. 348-52; Vetancvrt, Teetro Mex., pt. iii. 125-6. Torquemada gives the story of what occurred in the spirit land in her own words; so does Clavigero, though he differs slightly. See also his English translation by Cullen. As if in confirmation of her story, ominous signs became more numerous than ever. The big lake of Mexico began to boil and foam without apparent cause, the water rising high within the city and creating great damage. The date generally accepted for this occurrence is 1509, but Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., 178, says 1499. The lake, like the sky, was connected with more than one mysterious occurrence. A troop of Huatuscan conjurers arrived shortly after this in the imperial city to exhibit tricks, in one of which they cut off their hands and feet, disclosing bleeding stumps, and then replaced the members. In order to test whether this was an illusion or not, the emperor ordered the severed members to be thrown into boiling water before they were returned to the performers. This unwarranted curiosity stirred the magicians to the very core, and before retiring they predicted that the lake would be tinged with blood, and that their avengers would soon appear in a strange people, the conquerors of the empire. Not long after, Montezuma noticed streaks of blood in the lake, mingled with a number of human heads and limbs. He called others to witness the sight, but none save himself could see it. Sending to the injured conjurers for an explanation, they replied that the vision denoted great and bloody battles to be waged in the city by the strange people. Herrera, dec. iii. lib. ii. cap. ix. About the same time some fishermen caught a grey bird, like a crane, with a round comb or diadem, resembling a mirror. On being brought before Montezuma, he was startled by seeing reflected in this mirror the heavenly bodies, although none appeared in the sky, for it was yet daylight. The next moment the stars had vanished, and in their place were seen beings, half man and half deer, who moved about in battle array. Diviners were called to give their explanation, but when they came the bird had disappeared. Torquemada appears to date this as early as 1505, i. 235. Camaryo, Hist. Tlasc., 139-40. Another great bird is referred to, with a human head, which soared above the lake uttering the prediction that speedily would come the new rulers of the empire. Other monsters were found in the shape of double-bodied and double-headed men, which dissolved in the air shortly after being brought to the sorcerers', or black hall, of Montezuma. A horrible animal was caught near Tecualoia. Torquemada, i. 214. During all the years of these signs could be heard, at frequent intervals, a female voice lamenting, "Oh, my children, all is lost to us! My children, whither will you be taken?' Id., 214, 233. A similar voice was heard before the fall of Jerusalem. Josephus, lib. vii. cap. xii; Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., 180; Veytia, Hist. Ant. Méj., iii. 358; Sahagun, Hist. Gen., i. 5. In 1510 the imperial city was startled, one clear, quiet night, by a fire, which, bursting from the heart of the timbers in the temple of Huitzilopochtli, burned all the fiercer under the efforts made to quench it. A precursor of this had been the fall of a stone column close to the temple, coming no one knew whence. "El chapitel de un Cú de Vitzilopuchtli, que se llamaba Tlacoteca, se encendió.' Sahagun, Hist. Conq., i. 3-4. Shortly after, the temple of the fire god Xiuhtecutli, at Zocomolco, was stricken by lightning and burned. This occurred without the usual accompaniment of thunder, and with but a sprinkle of rain; many regarded it as done by a sunbeam, and consequently as particularly ominous. Los Indios decian . . . . el Sol ha quemado este Templo; porque ni hemos visto Relampago, ni hemos oido Trueno.' Torquemada, i. 214, 234. Believing, or pretending to believe, the city attacked by enemies, the Tlatelulcans rushed to arms, for which excess of zeal they were punished by a suspension of all their townsmen who held positions at court. Native Races, v. 461-67.

4. Torquemada assumes that the 12,210 victims comprised also those offered at the consecration of two new temples Tlamatzinco and Quauhxicalli. See Native Races, v. 471. Tezozomoc relates that the laborers, after striving in vain to move the stone from its original site, heard it utter, in a muffled voice, Your efforts are in vain; I enter not into Mexico.' The incident finds a parallel in the vain effort of Tarquin to remove certain statues of the gods, to make room for Jupiter's temple, and in the firm adherence of Apollo's head to the ground, shortly before the death of the Roman ruler. But recovering from their alarm, they tried again, and now the stone moved almost of its own accord. Another halt is made, a second oracle delivered, and finally the stone reaches the bridge, where it disappears into the water. Amid the invocation of priests, divers descend in search, only to come back with the report that no vestige of it is to be found; but there is a fathomless pit extending toward Chalco. While diviners are cudgelling their brains for clues, in comes a messenger to announce that the stone, like the Penates of Eneas, had returned to its original site, arrayed in all the sacrificial ornaments. Observing in this occurrence the divine will, Montezuma let the stone remain, and recognizing at the same time a menace to himself, perhaps of speedy death, he ordered his statue to be at once sculptured by the side of his predecessors, on the rocky face of Chapultepec Hill.Tezozomoc describes the statue. Hist. Mex., ii. 204-7. Duran, Hist. Ind., MS., ii. 313-27. Clavigero, Storia Mess., i. 292-3. Among the troubles which after this fell upon the doomed people are mentioned: An earthquake in 1513. Codex. Tel. Rem., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., v. 154. A locust plague. Vieronse gran cantidad do mariposas, y langostas, que passauan de buelo hàzia el Öccidente.' Herrera, dec. iii. lib. ii. cap. ix. A deluge in Tuzapan, and a fall of snow which overwhelmed the army en route for Amatlan. While crossing the mountains, rocks and trees came tumbling down upon them, killing a large number, while others froze to death. Ixtlilxochitl places this in 1514. Others say 1510. During the Soconusco campaign, see Native Races, v. 472, the ground opened near Mexico, and threw up water and fish. The Indians interpreted this to signify a victory, but the lord of Culhuacan intimated, with a shake of the head, that one force expelled another, whereat Montezuma's delight somewhat abated. 'Quando prendio Cortes a entrambos, se accordò (Montezuma) muy bien de aquellas palabras.' Herrera, ubi sup.
5. Meanwhile it came to pass that an eagle swooped down upon a peasant at work in a field not far from Mexico, and seizing him by the hair in full view of his neighbors, bore him out of sight. Landed high upon a mountain, the man found himself led by invisible hands through a dark cave into a hall of dazzling splendor, where Montezuma lay as if asleep. Less favored than Ganymede, he was permitted to see no other form, but voices around explained to him that this was a representation of the emperor intoxicated with pride and blinded by vanity. Tezozomoc writes that the eagle assumed the form of a lord and spoke; but a superior being can hardly be supposed to have assumed the office of carrying a low peasant. A lighted pipe with a rose was placed in his hand, with orders to burn a mark upon the monarch's leg, and then proceed to court and relate to him what had occurred, pointing out the blister in testimony. The gods were annoyed at his conduct and rule, which had evoked the ills soon to overthrow him. Let him amend and use well the short term still allotted to him. The next moment the peasant found himself borne through the air by the eagle, which enjoined upon him to obey the command received. The man did so, and Montezuma, recalling a dream to the same effect, looked and found a wound, which now began to burn painfully. Throwing the man into prison as an evil sorcerer, he sought his doctors for relief. 'Lo que vio el labrador, pudo ser que aconteciesse en vision imaginatiua porque . . . . no es increyble que Dios por medio de vn Angel bueno ordenasse . . .  que aquel auiso se diesse.' Herrera, dec. iii. lib. ii. cap. ix. Montezuma now resolved to seek a refuge where none of the threatened evils might reach him. The place selected was Cicalco, 'house of the rabbit,' painted by the myths as an abode of delight, abounding in every product, sown with flowers, and flowing with crystal waters, a place where death never entered. As a preliminary step four human victims were flayed and their spirits sent to Huemac, the ruler of that region, to prepare the way for the living messengers. These consisted of sorcerers, accompanied by dwarfs and hunchbacks to carry the flayed skins as presents. Two hunchbacks were sent with the skins of ten flayed men, says Duran. Entering the cave leading to Cicalco, they were guided by its guardian into the bowels of the earth, and presented themselves before the Aztec Pluto. With humble reverence they proffered the skins with the prayer of Montezuma for admission into that abode of delight and into his service. Unwilling to make an exception to the rule for admission through death's portals, Huemac sent the messengers back with presents, giving the evasive reply that their master should confide to him his sorrows and await relief. On receiving this report Montezuma angrily ordered the men to be cast into prison, and sent other messengers with fresh skins, repeating his request for admission, yet conforming in so far as to ask for an explanation of the many signs abroad. Huemac, again avoiding a direct answer, told them that Cicalco was quite a different place from what they supposed it to be. He and his comrades stayed not of their own accord, but were kept there by a superior power, steeped in abject toil and misery. This unsatisfactory report entailed upon the messengers the same punishment as before. Two Acolhuan chiefs were now entrusted with fresh skins and the request that Huemac should at least explain the signs which threatened the emperor, if he still refused him admission. Among these signs is mentioned a white cloud rising at midnight toward the sky. Propitiated by the higher rank or qualities of these messengers, or by the earnest perseverance of their master, Huemac explained that the sufferings and menaces were the result of his pride and cruelty. Let him amend, and as a preliminary task begin a fast of eighty days. This accomplished, Huemac would meet him at Tlachtonco, on the summit of Chapultepec. Montezuma was so delighted with this answer that he rewarded the chiefs most liberally, and made the necessary arrangements for the government of the empire during his seclusion. Going at the appointed time to Tlachtonco, a brilliant stone ordered him to make certain preparations and return in four days, when he would be conducted to Cicalco. This he did, after enjoining secrecy upon all who had assisted in the matter. Arrayed in a human skin adorned with precious stones, gold, and feathers, he seated himself upon a feathered throne, surrounded by his richly dressed dwarf and hunchback pages, and in this guise awaited Huemac. Soon a light in the distance, brilliant as the sun, announced the approach of the mysterious being, and hope leaped high in Montezuma's breast. It stopped, however, and the emperor was devoured by anxiety. Suddenly a human voice recalled him from his absorption. It was that of the guardian of Tzoncoztli temple, who related that Huemac, interdicted by supreme command from approaching the emperor, had commissioned him to recall his master to duty. His presence is needed in Mexico to direct public affairs and to infuse respect among the hostile nations, who would rise the moment his disappearance became known. What will his subjects think? He must obey the divine command, and remember that he is emperor of the world. Montezuma yielded reluctantly and reëntered his palace, taking to his side the faithful Tzoncoztli guardian, and charging all to keep the secret. Tezozomoc, Hist. Mex., ii. 213-27; and in Kingsborough's Mex. Ant., v. 409, et seq.; Duran, Hist. Ind., MS., ii. 328-45.
6. Codex Chimalpopoca, in Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 35-6.
7. 'Besaron todos las proas de las naos en señal de adoracion, pensaron que era el Dios Quetzalcoatl que volvia.' Sahagun, Hist. Conq., i. 5.
8. According to Tezozomoc, an Indian, with ears, thumbs, and big toes cut off, arrived from Mictlancuauhtla with the report that he had seen a round mountain on the sea moving to and fro without approaching the shore. The informant was placed under guard, and a chief with an attendant sent to Pinotl to verify the statement, and to chide him for neglect to report. They 80on returned to say that from a tree they had seen two such mountains or towers, from one of which a canoe had set out om a fishing trip. The men on board had white faces and hands, long, thick beard, long hair, raiments of varied and brilliant colors, and round head-covering. The mutilated Indian being now called to answer further questions, his prison cell was found vacant. Hist. Mex., ii. 232-4; Duran, Hist. Ind., MS., ii. 359-77.
9. Torquemada, i. 379, names ten members, while Veytia, Hist. Ant. Méj., iii. 378, says there were twelve.
10. Particularly at Nauhtla, Toztla, Mictla, and Quauhtla. Torquemada, i. 379; Sahagun, Hist. Conq., i. 6, calls the districts Cuextecatl, Naulitlantoztlan, and Mictlanquactla. Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 49, writes more correctly Nauthtlan, Tochtlan, and Mictlan-Quauhtla.
11. Torquemada, i. 379-80, expresses his disapproval of Gomara and Herrera for following only Spanish versions, and ignoring the Indian records acquired by himself and others, including Sahagun. The latter assumes that Montezuma has been apprised of Grijalva's departure before the embassy leaves, and this body is therefore not sent till Cortés arrives. Hist. Conq., i. 7. This is not unlikely, for council had to be first held and the future course determined, and messengers were always on the way between the subject provinces and the capital, ready to convey news. But most writers, followed by the Native Races, take the view presented in the text. Herrera, dec. ii. lib. iii. cap. ix., who is very brief on Grijalva's visit, says, when it was learned that the Spaniards wanted gold, the governors on the coast were ordered to barter with it, and to find out what further object they had in coming. Ixtlilxochitl states that merchants from the coast fair brought the first news of Grijalva to Mexico. Veytia, Hist. Ant. Méj., iii. 377-8, is brief on the subject. Tezozomoc describes the necklace, bracelet, and other jewelry prepared as presents by four of the leading goldsmiths and lapidaries. With these the chief who had been to the coast to observe the floating towers is ordered to seek the white men. Pinotl must prepare food for them, and if they eat, they are surely Quetzalcoatl and his suite. 'But if they prefer human flesh,' says Duran, in his version, 'and wish to eat you, let them do so; I promise to look to the future of your children and relatives.' Hist. Ind., MS., ii. 366-7. "If you are convinced that it is Quetzalcoatl,' continued Montezuma, 'ado'n his person with these jewels made for the purpose, and say that I beg him humbly to come and take possession of the throne which I hold for him.' Tezozomoc, Hist. Mex., ii. 236-9. This author confounds Grijalva and Cortés, but allows the jewels and message to reach the latter. According to Duran, Montezuma tells the chief to ask the god for permission to finish his rule; after his death he is welcome to the throne. 'Que me dege morir, y que despues de yo muerto venga muy de norabuena, y tome su Reyno pues es suyo lo dejó en guarda á mis antepasados,' ut supra. Acosta, Hist. Ind., 508-14 refers briefly to this subject, and to the various omens and visions, some of which he regards as dreams imparted by angels. Meanwhile fresh messengers arrive to report that the white captain had spread the wings of his floating mountains and faded away in the east. They bring later drawings and gifts, including beads, shirts, a hat, some biscuits and wine. The monarch crunches the biscuits and admits them to be good, but the wine, with its penetrating sweetness, lulling the senses and calling up happy visions, this delights hini, and specimens of both are deposited upon the altar of Quetzalcoatl at Tula. Finally, on seeing the glass necklace, he declares the giver to be indeed the Acatl Ynacuitl, the travelling god of the reed; and deenming himself unworthy of so brilliant an adornment, he consecrates it to the gods. The best painters are called to give a superior representation of the strange visitors from the rude drawings brought by the messengers, and from their description, while the old and wise men are asked for recollections and ideas which may throw light upon the subject. After much search a tradition is raked up, wherein a race is to come from the east mounted on serpents or masted mountains, and with them a white, bearded people, astride of big deers and eagles, who will land at Tzonapan, and obtain possession of all the land. They are also described as a one-legged people, with the face in the middle of the body, of white complexion and with long beard. In confirmation thereof is produced an old painting, which agrees with those depicting the late arrivals. Convinced of the identity, Montezuma orders the governors of the coast provinces to maintain a close watch for the return of the strangers, so that he may receive speedy notice. Tezozomoc, Hist. Mex., ii. 241-50; Duran, Hist. Ind., MS., ii. 359-92.

    This chapter presents but a faint picture of the state of affairs within the Mexican empire at the time of the arrival of Cortés. As I said at the outset, all this I have given in my Native Races, and can not of course repeat it here. Further authorities on omens and on the state of the Aztec empire, most of them, however, of no value, are Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., ii. 5-12; Beltrami, Mexique, ii. 137-9 and 142-3; Žamacois, Hist. Méj., iii. 130-2; Vetancvrt, Teatro Mex., pt. iii. 124-6; Bos, Leben der See-Helden, 4-5; Hazart, Kirchen-Geschichte, ii. 505-8; Touron, Hist. Gen. Am., iii. 127-34; Viagero Univ., xxvi. 192-237; Larenaudière, Mex. et Guat., 73–5; Lafond, Voy., i. 105-7; Eggleston's Montezuma, 11-17; Sammlung aller Reisebesch., xiii. 289-91; Russell's Hist. Am., i. 76-9 79; Laharpe, Abrégé, ix. 268-73; Du Perrier, Gen. Hist. Voy., 332-6; Burke's Europ. Set., i. 71; Smollett's Voy., i. 214-19; Chevalier, Mexique, 7-22; Mexique Études, 9-10; Robertson's Hist. Am., ii. 17-18; Bussierre, L'Emp. Mex., 119-30; Manzi, Cong. di Mess. 14-19; Roure, Conquête du Mex., 211-20.