History of Mexico (Bancroft)/Volume 5/Chapter 29

by Hubert Howe Bancroft

 

CHAPTER XXIX.

 

STRIFE FOR SUPREMACY.

 

1858-1859.

President Juarez — His Government at Vera Cruz — War Operations — Zuloaga's Difficulties — His Change of Policy — Echeagaray's Pronunciamiento and Plan — Robles Pezuela's Reformed Plan — Zuloaga Set Aside — Miramon Comes to the Front — Zuloaga Reinstated — Robles Pezuela Retires — Zuloaga Names a Substitute — Miramon as President — His Campaign in Vera Cruz a Failure — Battle of Tacubaya — Constitutionalists' Defeat — A Day of Horrors, and its Evil Consequences.

At the end of the last chapter we left the government of Juarez, based on the constitution of 1857, installed at Vera Cruz.

Before proceeding further, I will give here some in formation on the previous life of this extraordinary man, risen from the lower stratum of society to become one of his country s brilliant lights, statesman, patriot, and representative of a progressive age.

The city of Oajaca, capital of the state bearing the same name, is situated in a small valley near the mountain of San Felipe, a portion of the extensive and complicated ridge formed by the junction in the state of the two branches of the Sierra Madre. Twenty-two miles to the north-east of the city is the town of Santo Tomás de Ixtlan, within whose district lies, in the most intricate part of the mountain, the humble though picturesque hamlet of 150 or 200 inhabitants named San Pablo Guelatao, consisting of a few huts of adobe and the rest of straw, but surrounded by fertile soil that yields a variety of fine fruit, and embellished with a lake to which, for its limpid waters, the people have given the romantie name of Lago Encantado. Here in this spot was born the champion of Mexican liberty and independence, Benito Juarez, on the 21st of March, 1806.^[1] He lost his mother at his birth, and remained in charge of his grandmother first, and of an uncle next. The poverty of his relatives and the isolated position of his home prevented the boy from receiving even the first elements of instruction, and thus at the age of twelve years he could neither read nor write, and was ignorant of the Spanish language.

The people dwelling to the north-east of the sierra bore a name for honesty and industrious habits, which made them much sought after by the wealthy families of the city for servants, whose compensation was indeed insignificant; but then the boys and girls desiring it had an opportunity to attend school. Juarez followed the example of his companions, and in 1818 entered the service of a worthy and charitable citizen named Antonio Salanueva,^[2] who became so much attached to the bright and studious Indian boy that he resolved to educate him for the priesthood, and in due time entered him at the ecclesiastical seminary. The young student's application was truly remarkable, and his conduct exemplary in every respect. He made rapid progress, and had already finished the first year's course of theology, when he threw off the robe, never having taken kindly to the ecclesiastical calling, and went to study law in the instituto de ciencias y artes, founded by a state law of 1826. From that time it may be said that he began to pave the way to eminence as a jurist and statesman of the most advanced ideas.^[3] Before his admission to the bar, he took an active part in the warm political campaign of 1828, affiliated, as a matter of course, with the yorkinos. Juarez never profited pecuniarily by the legal profession, his mind being too much engrossed with politics.^[4] In 1846 he began to figure in the national councils, as a deputy in the federal congress, when he sustained the government in raising funds on the ecclesiastical property for the war against the United States. In 1847 he was chosen constitutional governor of Oajaca, reëlected in 1849, and discharged the office till 1852, when he retired to private life, the constitution not permitting a second reëlection. These five years of service gave him renown throughout the republic. After his surrender of the executive authority, he became president of his beloved instituto, and opened a law office, being then as poor, plain, and honest as before he held his first public trust. But he was allowed only a few months' rest. His presence in the country was dangerous to any tyrannical ruler.^[5]

 

After the triumph of the revolution of Ayutla, we have seen Juarez a member of the president's cabinet, and later appointed governor of Oajaca in 1856. His administration at this time was marked by much ability and energy. Among the many benefits it conferred on the state was the restoration of the instituto de ciencias which Santa Anna had suppressed. In 1857 he was chosen constitutional governor of the state by 112,000 direct votes.

The blow which the constitutionalists received by Parrodi's surrender tended to decrease their number, as well as that of the towns which had hitherto recognized only Juarez. However, the liberal party was large, having in its ranks a majority of the most enlightened as well as of the lower classes. What they lacked was a sufficient number of able commanders to give them the superiority on the battle-fields. And yet the situation was almost desperate. Parrodi and Doblado had become much disheartened, and Juarez could count only on Degollado for the moment as a man of acknowledged firmness.

The reactionary government was also experiencing serious trouble from the uncompromising spirit of the clergy.^[6] Among its several measures was one that did not please the people, namely, changing the organization of the states into mere departments, thus restoring the central régime with a complete territorial and administrative modification. Its unpopularity was further increased by the conduct of its agents in arresting and persecuting persons, in extending espionage, enlarging the number of informers, and violating the privacy of domicile under the pretext that the inmates were conspiring. Besides the difficulty of capturing Vera Cruz, the conservative party, in whose ranks were included Zuloaga's personal supporters, had another of a very serious import; it had İecome divided into three branches, namely, Santanistas, Zuloaguistas, and fusionists: the first named wanted exclusively conservative principles leaning toward the aristocratic, and being aware of Zuloaga's administrative incompetency, looked upon him as a mere tool to carry out its ends; the second branch, equally exclusive in principles, was for sustaining Zuloaga; and the third desired the fusion of parties, and leaned toward moderation. The liberal party used its best endeavors to widen the breach, and to increase the general hatred toward the reactionary administration, which, notwithstanding all these drawbacks, continued favored by fortune in its military operations.^[7] The triumphs obtained in battle made it believe that the so-called reformed plan of Tacubaya would soon rule over the whole country unopposed, in view of the fact that within four months the conservative standard had been planted in most of the populous cities of the republic amidst the enthusiastic acclamations of its partisans.

Vera Cruz had now no communication with the interior. The reactionists claimed that Juarez had come to reside there because he could not obtain recognition elsewhere. Zuloaga passed several decrees of a military character, and others to create resources; and with the view of crippling those of his enemy, ordered the closure of the ports of Vera Cruz, Matamoros, Acapulco, and Manzanillo, and the temporary opening of that of Tuxpam, which had recognized his authority.

The national existence of Mexico was danger; the bonds of government in the interior and the diplomatic relations with foreign powers being broken, the situation was only growing worse, and there was no apparent cure. Juarez had no idea of giving up the struggle. In Yucatan the reactionists possessed only Mérida; Tabasco was beset by the liberals; Chiapas was entirely under the control of the latter; and so were Oajaca, Guerrero, nearly the whole of Michoacan, Sonora, Aguascalientes, Zacatecas, Nuevo Leon, Coahuila, and Chihuahua, Tehuantepec, Colima, and even Tlascala; and among the states where Zuloaga's authority was recognized, such as Vera Cruz, Tamaulipas, San Luis Potosí, Guanajuato, Jalisco, and Mexico, there were some now in most important points occupied by the constitutionalists.^[8]

After the first shock caused by the reactionary victories had passed away, the constitutionalists felt more encouraged, and their numbers increased. Juarez' administration at first suffered much from lack of resources, but soon became convinced that it could sustain itself for an indefinite time in the port of Vera Cruz in spite of everything its opponents might do. The reactionists had one armed vessel at their disposal, the Guerrero, but with her could not establish a blockade, much less as the liberal government had the Demócrata and some gun-boats.

The time came at last when Zuloaga's government could get no more money from the clergy; so it resorted to an extraordinary tax levy, against which the British and American ministers protested. The decrees repealing the ley Lerdo, the orders on loans, and the double payment of duties demanded from foreign trade, which only by special permits from Zuloaga could affect imports, brought on further complications.^[9]

Circumstances made it evident that the assembling of a congress, pursuant to the plan of Tacubaya, to constitute the nation "in the manner most adequate to its needs," was an impossibility, and Zuloaga's cabinet had to frame an estatuto orgánico to serve provisionally as a fundamental law, which could neither satisfy any one nor guarantee order or regularity in the acts of the reactionary government, as under the peculiar condition of affairs it had to pursue its course without the pale of law; as regarded the liberals, it was of no use, the constitution of 1857 being their sole recognized code.

The government councils that the Zuloaguista governors organized availed naught; they were both a drag and a heavy burden on the revenue, already scanty, and derived only from extra taxation or loans from the clergy. The means furnished by the clergy, much against their will, being insufficient, the government seized private property to cover the taxes, often employing the armed force in that odious occupation. In this manner the relations with the American legation came to be interrupted. Miramon also committed violent acts against Englishmen in San Luis Potosí.

The failure to subdue the constitutionalists was finally attributed to lack of efficiency of the ministers; whereupon Zuloaga early in July organized another cabinet, with the following members, namely: Joaquin Castillo y Lanzas, of relations; M. Fernandez de Jáuregui, of government; Father F. Javier Miranda, of justice; General J. M. García, of war; Pedro Jorrin, of the treasury; and José M. Zaldívar, of fomento.^[10] The retrogressive tendencies of this new ministry may be judged from the fact that Father Miranda's was its leading mind. It promised a more stringent policy, and certainly carried out such a one. Its most objectionable measures were a law against conspirators, and another muzzling the press.^[11] This change of policy on Zuloaga's part would have soon brought his rule to an end; but this result was retarded by Miramon's capture of Guanajuato on the 24th of July.^[12] Nevertheless, the reactionary government controlled only the places where it had heavy garrisons. A number of liberals deluded themselves with the hope that the war could be ended by compromise, and suggested it to Degollado — as if compromise were possible between parties separated by such a bloody chasm! Indeed, their opponents did not fail to breed discord in their ranks, and some of the liberal leaders aided them to accomplish that end. Several prominent leaders pretended to feel contempt for the inactivity of Juarez' government precisely at a time when it was nost active. Vidaurri by his exactions and arbitrary acts greatly alarmed Juarez, who wrote Degollado to reassume the chief command in the north which he had virtually abandoned.^[13]

On the other hand, Zuloaga's special permits for trade greatly favored the liberal government. When this was detected, the reactionary commander Echeagaray declared the communication with the port of Vera Cruz closed on the 30th of August. The plottings of the reactionists in the liberal camp were met with liberal plots in the city of Mexico. One of these conspiracies was, unhappily for the parties concerned in it, detected on the 15th of September.^[14] The spirit of freedom, manifested in so many ways, prompted the government at Vera Cruz to refuse aid from private persons in the United States so long as its opponent did not seek the protection of a foreign flag; for an intervention on the part of England, France, and Spain in Mexican affairs was already contemplated as among the possibilities. Juarez had gained the good-will of the United States, whose minister, Forsyth, demanded his passports from Zuloaga. The war continued to rage. The constitutionalists showed themselves at various points, the largest force being that of Antonio Carbajal. Some of these parties became notorious for their lawless acts, and Zuloaga resolved to recognize in guerrilla-men no political character, and to punish them as common criminals, besides holding them pecuniarily responsible for damages caused.^[15] There was much fighting going on. A severe action took place August 12th near Acámbaro, between Leonardo Marquez and the constitutionalists under Pueblita and others, nearly 4,000 strong, that lasted several hours, the night putting an end to it. Marquez then marched to Querétaro. Miramon and Mejía occupied San Luis Potosí on September 12th. Vidaurri was signally defeated by them and Marquez, near Ahualulco in San Luis Potosí on the 29th of that month, after an intermittent fighting of five days. His frontiersmen left on the field 400 killed, 170 wounded, upward of 3,000 prisoners, 33 pieces of artillery, 120 wagons of ammunition, arms, etc. According to Miramon's official report, his casualties were 7 officers killed, 20 wounded, including Mejía, 136 rank and file killed, 181 wounded, and 43 missing.^[16] This victory was celebrated in Mexico in many ways, Zuloaga decreeing a cross to every man of his army who was in the battle, and a sword of honor to Miramon. The joy of the reactionists was somewhat dampened by the reverse sustained in the defile of Las Cuevitas, Jalisco, on the 21st of September, by the forces of General Casanova, who had himself a narrow escape from capture. However, their victory at Ahualulco was so important that it prevented the downfall during two years more of the reaction, which now encountered resistance only in Vera Cruz, against which place it brought to bear all its resources. And yet, at that time when the reactionists were in their fullest strength — October 1858 — the capital was assailed on the 14th by 3,000 constitutionalists from Morelia, of whose coming Zuloaga had no inkling till they arrived at the gates of Mexico. The assailants were commanded by General Blanco, who occupied the hill of Chapultepec, and attacked the Tlalpam gate, but had to retreat before the reactionary forces of Perez Gomez and Piña; the liberals being likewise dislodged from San Pedro y San Pablo and La Merced, where they had intrenched themselves with their leader, General José J. Álvarez.^[17]

The capital was the centre of agitation of all the liberals that had been expelled from the departments, and who now began to feel renewed encouragement with the recapture of Guadalajara by Santos Degollado on the 27th of October, after a siege of thirty days and a formal assault. One third of the city was left in ruins. Several executions followed for unjustifiable acts.^[18]

The defeat of Vicario in the south of Mexico, and the occupation of Pachuca by Carbajal, also occurred. In the last months of the year, the only hopes of the reactionary party were centred in Miramon's energy, recognized and admired even by his enemies, and in the supplies imported by Colonel Robles Pezuela through La Antigua, with which he at once tendered his services to General Echeagaray for the capture of Perote.^[19] Zacatecas was taken by Marquez, but it availed him nothing; he had to quit the city, and it was forthwith reoccupied by the constitutionalists. He marched to Guadalajara with 4,000 men, and Degollado evacuated it, his forces going in various directions, a portion of them making an unsuccessful defence of several days on the Tololotlan bridge, some eighteen miles from Guadalajara.^[20] The reactionists were also successful in capturing Perote on the 16th of November.^[21]

In the early part of November, Zuloaga's minister Fernandez de Jáuregui offered to resign his portfolio, but the resignation was not accepted. When the constitutionalists took Guadalajara and committed the terrible acts of retaliation described, the utmost alarm seized the government circle in Mexico, and the oft-repeated cry of religion, country, and society being threatened with destruction was again heard. The British and French ministers, Otway and Gabriac, held frequent conferences with Zuloaga, and Spain showed herself a most decided friend of the reaction. Judging by the satisfaction the reactionists were manifesting, it was pretty certain that they would coöperate with the foreign squadrons in the blockade of Mexican ports.^[22] There were in Vera Cruz at the time armed vessels not only of two European powers named,^[23] but one of the United States, which had come to demand payment of the claims of their citizens. The latter found in Juarez' government the best disposition to settle the claims. Juarez appealed to the governors of states to raise money wherewith to meet the French dividend already due and guaranteed by the custom-house at Vera Cruz, and also to enable him to defend the seat of his government.

The failure of Zuloaga to provide for a constitution brought on the destruction of his government. Echeagaray made a pronunciamiento at Ayotla on the 20th of December, 1858; his plan being to summon a congress to frame a fundamental law suited to the needs of the country.^[24] Meantime he was to administer the government. Zuloaga at once adopted measures to put down the revolt, assuming personal command of the forces in the city, and forbidding all relations with the rebels. He issued a manifesto against Echeagaray, who was dismissed from the army, and had Manuel Doblado arrested.

The new plan was seconded in Cuernavaca, but met with little favor from either liberals or reactionists, though it claimed to fill the aspirations of the country, which, as Echeagaray said, detested political exaggerations, and only desired a rational freedom.

Zuloaga's measures availed him nothing, for, on the morning of the 23d, Gual's infantry battalion in the capital revolted in support of another plan formed by Robles Pezuela, which somewhat modified that of Ayotla, and was intended to overthrow the existing government. Robles and Echeagaray were to designate the persons who were to organize a provisional government in the manner provided in their plan.^[25] Robles was recognized in the capital as the chief of the movement. Zuloaga offered to resign if the objections were to himself personally, but would not give his assent to the overthrow of the principles of his administration. But as the troops on whom he relied forsook him, he had to resign the presidency, which he did at eleven o'clock on the night of the 23d, after which he went with his family to seek asylum at the British legation, though he had been assured by the revolutionists of personal safety and liberty.^[26] All military commissions that had been issued by him were recognized as valid.

The authors of the last political revolution believed that neither of the two chief contending parties could triumph over its opponent, and secure peace, and that by getting Zuloaga out of the way an understanding might be arrived at with Juarez and his supporters. Robles Pezuela occupied the palace in the morning of the 24th, and but for the greater activity in the movements of officials, the change effected was hardly noticeable.

Manuel Robles Pezuela was a native of Guanajuato.^[27] In 1852 he was minister of war, and the next year, being dissatisfied with the political situation, he resigned his office and military rank, and went abroad, travelling through the United States, England, and the continent of Europe as far as Turkey, and visiting the principal fortresses and scientific and military establishments. In September 1858 he returned to Mexico and aided Echeagaray to capture Perote, having had restored to him his rank as a general.

 

Juarez had no faith in the men who were at the head of the recent movement in Mexico. His opinion was expressed in clear and distinct terms, in his advice to the constitutionalists to keep themselves aloof from it, and to the soldiers fighting for the constitutional cause not to forsake their standard, but to continue the good fight till victory should crown their efforts.^[28]

Robles appealed to the clergy for means to support the troops, and despatched commissioners to Governor Gutierrez Zamora at Vera Cruz, and other prominent supporters of Juarez, inviting them to second his plan. Meanwhile the reactionary forces were kept on the defensive.

The departments of Mexico and Guanajuato accepted the modified plan, and it was reported that Vera Cruz was well disposed thereto, inasmuch as it recognized for its basis popular sovereignty. The constitutional government looked, however, on these devices as by-play, and commanded that operations on the field should be vigorously prosecuted.

One thing was noticed in the arrangements of the leading men at Mexico: that no mention was made of a commissioner to represent the northern army in the junta to be organized, as if to indicate that Miramon was ignored. This greatly displeased the out-and-out reactionists, and the result was that Robles' action did not change the aspect of the main question.

The organization of the junta at the capital was delayed by Echeagaray, who was not pleased with the doings there, and even felt disposed to march with his troops upon Mexico; but he was arrested, and on being released sent as his delegate Cárlos Peza, who on his way was captured by the guerrilla chief Carbajal. Robles' plan for various reasons became impracticable, though he had finally agreed to Echeagaray and Miramon being represented in the junta, which assembled on the 30th of December,^[29] and after framing rules for the executive, and the mode of calling the nation to constitute herself, proceeded to choose a provisional president of the republic. Robles had a majority of votes, but it was decided to have another ballot, as it might be dangerous to ignore Miramon's claims to the presidency. The young general was finally chosen by 50 votes against 46 for Robles Pezuela, and proclaimed to be the provisional president, Robles being authorized to act as his substitute till Miramon should come and assume his duties. A circular of January 4, 1859, by Juarez' minister Ruiz, calls the proceedings a scandal.^[30]

Miramon, flushed with his last victory over Degollado, repudiated all that had been done in Mexico, announcing his intention to uphold the reformed plan of Tacubaya. Robles then retired to private life for a few days. Much confusion prevailed now in the reactionary councils. Zuloaga resigned the presidency, then annulled the resignation, and finally decreed that it was his prerogative to name a substitute, designating on the 31st of January, 1859, Miguel Miramon for that position. He was the first. to hail Miramon as president, and surrendered the executive authority into his hands, though probably reserving the right to resume it.^[31]

From time to time afterward Zuloaga manifested desires of reoccupying the presidential seat. Miramon took him into the interior, so as to have him under better control. Miramon used him to legalize his own arbitrary acts. This did not last long, as another junta shortly after made Miramon president in his own right. Zuloaga made his escape, remaining concealed till early in 1861, when he reappeared, claiming that he was president. He carried on a campaign during that year and a part of the next, when he went abroad, returning to Mexico in 1864, but not to figure again in political life.

 

Miguel Miramon, on assuming the duties of the executive office with the usual formalities, took an oath to discharge them faithfully, and to the best of his ability, upholding the Roman catholic religion. At first he made no appointments of ministers, leaving the several portfolios in charge of the respective oficiales mayores, but on the 15th of February he formed his cabinet, placing at its head Santa Anna's favorite minister and counsellor, Manuel Diez de Bonilla.^[32]

Miramon was born in the city of Mexico, on the 29th of September, 1832, descended from a French family of Pau that had been ennobled about the middle of the seventeenth century, as is said to have been established by the records in France, extracts from which were procured at his special request by the French minister, Mousieur de Gabriac. He was of middling height and lean, handsome of face, elegant in figure and manner, with an open brow and searching look, dark hair, mustache, and imperial. A man of fine intellect, he was ambitious, brave, and daring. He had many true friends, and toward those to whom he gave this name he was loyal.^[33] In February 1846 he entered as a pupil the military school, sustained the government in 1847, and that same year took part in the battles fought against the United States army at Molino del Rey, and Chapultepec. A brief synopsis of his early military record is given at foot.^[34] Of his action in the revolutionary campaigns against Comonfort's government, and of his career since then, I have sufficiently spoken in the proper places. For his services at the capital, on the 20th of January, 1858, in taking by force the hospicio and ex-acordada on behalf of the reformed plan of Tacubaya, he had been made a general of brigade. On the 22d of December, 1858, he was promoted to general of division. His most recent services to the cause were rendered that same month, by defeating Degollado in the hacienda of Atequiza. Retaking Guadalajara, he pursued the enemy, waded the Tuxpan River at Los Novillos, recovered Colima the 25th, signally routed the constitutionalists at San Joaquin the 26th, and next marched on to the Barrancas de Beltran, where he captured 32 pieces of artillery, together with all the enemy's ammunition and trains. Leaving a garrison in Colima, he returned to Guadalajara.^[35]

Miramon proved himself not merely a brave man, but one possessed of great efficiency as a commander, with no small aid from fortune thus far. Some years later, while his courage and daring were fully acknowledged, he was set down to be "no scientific general, and rather an indifferent strategist."^[36] The young president was at once the object of much attention on the part both of his personal friends and admirers, as well as of the supporters of the cause he represented. At a grand banquet in his honor, which took place in the Minería building, the chief clergy were present, with the ministers of France and Ecuador, the latter being the representative of the Jesuit president Doctor García Moreno; the subject of intervention by foreign powers in Mexico was touched

Miramon's Vera Cruz Campaign

upon by Conde de la Cortina, and a toast was drunk to it.^[37] It has been said against Miramon that in 1858 he applied to France for armed intervention, but he denied the charge.^[38]

Among the new president s first measures was a heavy tax, which caused much consternation, of one per centum on all property exceeding $1,000 in value. Miramon's chief aim now was to capture Vera Cruz, to accomplish which he borrowed from the clergy $300,000 on private security. Leaving all state affairs to be attended to by the ministers, he started for Vera Cruz on the 16th of February accompanied by Minister of war Castillo. In Puebla the populace gave him a royal reception.^[39] He had been preceded by the battalions which were to carry out the difficult undertaking. On the 21st he went to Orizaba, where the ayuntamiento gave him a cordial greeting. On the 3d of March preparations had been completed, and the forces began their march. A portion of them under Oronoz and Negrete was sent to flank the Chiquihuite positions, and the Tamariz brigade to force the Jamapa ravine. The rest of the forces marched on by the national road, carrying with them a large supply of projectiles. The hopes of the liberal party were now centred in Vera Cruz, where every preparation was made to meet the impending storm. All the constitutional troops that occupied the defiles of the sierra were concentrated in the port, and families were by order of the comandante general, Iglesias, sent out of harm's way.

Ampudia, commanding the eastern liberal army, addressed Miramon's troops, urging them to abandon their standard. Money was offered to such reactionist officers as were considered purchasable, but only a small number accepted the bribe.

Meantime the reactionists had received heavy blows elsewhere. One of them was the capture by their opponents of Zacapoaxtla, which left free the communications between Vera Cruz and the north. Leon, Lagos, Aguascalientes, and Guanajuato fell into the hands of the constitutionalists. San Luis Potosí, Guadalajara, and other principal towns were closely pressed. Morelia, in Michoacan, where the defeated liberals from Jalisco had found refuge, was the general headquarters of Degollado, several governors, and other prominent chiefs. Artillery and war material of all kinds were made there for the liberal army, and thence were despatched troops in all directions. An army under Degollado himself went to operate in Querétaro and the valley of Mexico. The reactionists were so weakened that they could not assail Morelia.

Miramon's army to attack Vera Cruz consisted of 5,000 well-provided men, with 28 pieces of artillery. The town was divided into four quarters, and the positions were covered by about 1,350 infantry and 440 artillerymen; the rest of the garrison were some 1,200 men.

Cobos and Tamariz attacked the liberals in the barranca of Jamapa and were repulsed. Miramon, on hearing it, ordered the reserve division at the hacienda Potrero to retreat, and marched with the main body from Córdoba to the barranca. Oronoz received counter-orders to retreat from Omealca and take his position in the Potrero. The liberals, after destroying the bridge of Paso del Macho, retreated to Huatusco and next to Jalapa, leaving the route to Vera Cruz free. Their opponents took the Chiquihuite without resistance on the 12th of March, three pieces falling into Miramon's hands.^[40] On his near approach, Governor Gutierrez Zanmora declared martial law in the city, and on the 18th announced to the citizens that the enemy was already upon them;^[41] and so it was, Miramon's headquarters being at Medellin, which, like Alvarado, had embraced his cause.

While these operations were going on, the constitutionalists, under Degollado, abandoning Leon, Guanajuato, and Querétaro, advanced from San Juan del Rio to Arroyo Zarco, paying no heed to the reactionary chiefs Callejo and Mejía, and marched toward the capital. Marquez, however, on hearing of the liberal movements, started from Guadalajara with 1,000 men and nine pieces of artillery, and dislodged the liberals from Guanajuato.

The practical effect of Degollado's strategy was to prevent Miramon from bringing all his resources bear upon Vera Cruz.

The reactionary army had advanced slowly, expecting some seditious movement in the port, for which reason the small town of Vergara was occupied only the 22d of March.^[42] Finally, at a council of war Miramon's officers declared that the capture of Vera Cruz by assault was impracticable, with a large number of their forces suffering from the effects of the malarious climate. On the 29th he abandoned the siege, without firing a gun or attempting any attack, and with his whole army marched back toward Mexico.^[43]

Miramon on his march found himself intercepted by Ampudia's army, which on the 2d of April attacked the reactionists at San Juan Coscomatepec, and drove them away, taking some prisoners, among whom were a Spanish major named Juan Gonzalez, and Father Francisco Ortega, the famous parish priest of Zacapoaxtla, both of whom were shot by La Llave's order. A portion of Miramon's forces under Negrete, however, routed the constitutionalists in La Lagunilla, and rounding Las Cumbres, came upon Ampudia and Alatriste, who retreated, losing three pieces of artillery and their ammunition.^[44] Miramon then continued his retreat, and on the morning of the 9th arrived at Ixtapa, whence he went on to the capital.^[45]

General Corona, who commanded at the capital, in order to keep up the courage and enthusiasm of the garrison, which consisted of about 1,550 infantry, the alumni of the military school inclusive, 950 cavalry, and upward of 600 artillerymen, reported the receipt of official despatches that Vera Cruz had surrendered.^[46] Degollado's army of over 6,000 men was divided into three sections, one of which went in the direction of Atzcapotzalco, another toward the hacienda of Enmedio, and the third to Ahuehuetes and Tlalnepantla. The reactionary forces under Callejo and Mejía, who had followed the constitutionalists, were not prevented by Degollado from joining others of their army, and from taking possession on the 22d of March of Tacubaya and Chapultepec, and entering Mexico the next day. Other reactionary parties, both large and small, were also permitted to go to the relief of the beleaguered capital. The incompetency of the liberal commander for the responsible position he held was thus further confirmed. His undisciplined troops were easily routed on the 7th of April, and Marquez entered the city without obstruction. So much ignorance and lack of military prowess on the part of the besiegers inspired the reactionary army with hopes of easy victory, and they were not disappointed. A battle was fought on the 11th of April, in which the constitutionalists were signally defeated, Degollado's loss in men and war material being large, and his force almost entirely dispersed.

The liberal army had been intrenched in Tacubaya, Chapultepec, and Molino del Rey. Marquez sallied on the 10th, with 5,000 men and 22 pieces of artillery, in the direction of San Cosme, Popotla, and the hacienda of Morales. He placed a double battery on the heights of Tacubaya, to cut off the enemy's retreat by way of Toluca, and opened a brisk fire on the Molino de Valdés, which lasted till after dark. This mill and the archbishop's house were the most advanced as well as the strongest points of the liberals. At nightfall there was noticed a brisk musketry firing, answered from a position nearer Tacubaya, and even at 9 o'clock some discharges of artillery were heard. At 6 o'clock the next morning the heights of Mexico were crowded with spectators. No movement could then be seen in Marquez' camp; but at a few minutes before seven twelve of his pieces opened a tremendous fire on the archbishop's house and the aforementioned mill, and a column of infantry, under cover of it, approached the mill, being hotly received by volleys of musketry; but soon the constitutionalists abandoned the position, and the firing ceased there. A few moments later the battery on the height continued playing upon Tacubaya, though not very actively, a portion of the reactionary army advancing a considerable distance, and taking up a position in the vertex of an angle in the direction of the archbishop's house and the slope of the Chapultepec forest. The column placed a battery there, which kept up a heavy fire from halfpast seven till ten. Another fight occurred at the casa mata, where the liberals — infantry, cavalry, and artillery — were attacked by two battalions of infantry and some cavalry. At ten the general depôt of ammunition in the archbishop's palace exploded. Some grenades had also been hurled upon Chapultepec from Belen. Before 11 o'clock Marquez was in possession of all the points Degollado had held in Tacubaya.^[47] A portion of the latter's army retreated to Chapultepec, Another fight occurred at the whence, as well as from Molino del Rey, they were soon dislodged, and finally, being closely pursued, became dispersed. Other liberal bodies had beforehand retreated toward the south, and still others went by way of Atzeapotzalco to the villa del Carbon. Marquez captured 31 pieces of artillery.^[48]

At the time the reactionary forces under Marquez were gaining so signal a victory over their opponents, Miramon arrived at the capital in a stage-coach, having in his company the general officers Cobos, Diaz de la Vega, Blanco, and Castillo. At half-past ten the salvos of artillery, the ringing of bells, and the enthusiastic plaudits of his admirers and sycophants announced his unexpected return. He at once repaired to the heights and witnessed the dispersion of his enemies.^[49] Degollado and many of his generals and field-officers had in time placed themselves out of harm's way; but others were not so fortunate.

For the second time had the constitutionalist hosts come to the very intrenchments of the capital, to be again hurled back discomfited. On this as on the former occasion, their losses were heavy, much heavier now than before, for Degollado had brought with him all his forces and a large amount of war material that he had been long in gathering. But his friends and partisans in the city failed to fulfil their promises, and on the part of himself and his leading officers there was a marked lack of ability and of unity in action; for neither attacking nor retreating at the proper time, their troops were torn to pieces in their own intrenchments, leaving in the enemy's hands all their trains, artillery, and ammunition, a large number of the slain, about 200 prisoners, one of whom was General Lazcano, and, it was said, even Degollado's uniform and general's sash.^[50] The joy of the reactionists was unbounded, and was manifested in salutes, illuminations, etc.; the victory serving Miramon to cover up his error and fiasco of Vera Cruz. Amid that rejoicing, and the chanting of a te deum by the clergy, Miramon issued a written order to Marquez to shoot all his prisoners of the rank of officers. Marquez, being a man of very limited education, regardless of the duties of humanity, had gone into the war prompted by fanaticism and personal ambition. Shooting prisoners was perfectly in order in his estimation, and consequently he fulfilled Miramon's order to the letter, and even went beyond; for either himself, or those to whom he intrusted its execution, committed on that day and night crimes that filled the world with horror. Several students of the medical college had come out to attend the wounded of either band, and while fulfilling this mission were dragged in the darkness of night from the bedsides of their patients to the place where the prisoners were being shot, and immolated with the others. Both Miramon and Marquez disclaimed responsibility for the outrage, shifting it one upon the other.^[51]

The prisoners and students were not the only ones sacrificed on that 11th of April. Some children were speared to death. Several peaceable citizens were brought from neighboring towns and murdered. The bodies of the victims were thrown together into one or more ditches. And on that day the clergy were blessing the authors of these atrocities.

The nation became horrified, and the leaders of the government at the capital were from that day looked upon as a band of merciless assassins. Degollado then established the system of retaliation, and every reactionary commander or officer taken prisoner was shot. The reactionists pursued the same course, and henceforth the war was carried on with greater animosity than ever before.

The public reception of the victorious army in the capital on the 12th was enthusiastic on the part of its supporters, whose houses were embellished with bright curtains. In the steeples of the cathedral were demonstrations of joy. Every device was used to express the satisfaction of the reactionists. Marquez and Mejía traversed the streets in an open carriage, amid the cheers of the populace.^[52]

 

 

1. The certificate of his christening at the parish church of Ixtlan on the following day states that he was born in wedlock, both his parents, Marcelino Juarez and Brigida García, being pure Indians; their worldly goods consisted of a hut, a little piece of land, and a few domestic animals. They were therefore in not very comfortable circumstances, and could offer their son only a life of toil. Baz, Vida de Juarez, 22-3.
2. 'Tercero del Cármen que tenia escuela pública en Oajaca.' Castellanos, Refutacion, in Arrangoiz, Méj., iii. ap. 98. Others say he was a bookbinder, and it is barely possible that hẹ occasionally had a book to bind or repair. I am speaking of 1818. Baz, Vida de Juarez, 24; Rivera, Gob. de Méx., ii. 591. Zerecero, Mem., 533, calls him a bookbinder, and a 'tercero descubierto de la tercera órden de San Francisco,' one who, without having taken the vows of chastity and clausure, yet wears a habit similar to that of the other friars.
3. The creation of the instituto was looked upon by the clergy as a threat against their order from the liberal party; and though the college was in charge of an enlightened, liberal-minded Dominican priest, war was declared against it. Hence a deadly hatred ensued between the seminario, which represented the old system and continued giving the education of the colonial period, and the instituto, which sympathized with progress and was to impart modern scientific instruction. Juarez experienced the moral pressure of his protector and of the ideas he had been thus far educated in, both requiring that he should stay in the seminario, while his instincts, deep thought, as well as his intimate friends, called him away to the instituto. Miguel Mendez, a pure Indian of bright intellect, who died young, was one of the friends who prompted him to resist his protector's influence. Zerecero, Mem., 536. In 1829 he was appointed to the chair of experimental physics. In 1832 he was made a bachelor of laws, and on the 13th of Jan., 1834, admitted to the bar with the privilege of practice in all the courts of the republic. Baz, Vida de Juarez, 30-1; Juarez, Vida del Ciud., 12.

   Juarez' personal appearance was as follows: of less than medium height; dark copper color; his features were those of a pure Indian, with black piercing eyes and a frank countenance. He had a large scar across his face, which, however, did not disfigure it; hands and feet quite small. Open and communicative in matters not demanding reserve, he was extremely reticent in state affairs; a man who reflected and deliberated long before acting. It was his wont to deeply study the letter and spirit of the law, and after forming his opinion on the right interpretation, nothing could swerve him. His temperament was lymphatic bilious, with all the energy and force of the bilious, and all the calm and coolness of his race, even amid the greatest danger. His health was usually good; indeed, only once in his long political career was he confined to his bed till his last illness. He slept but little, and was an early riser. On the 1st of August, 1843, he married Margarita Maza, by whom he had twelve children, most of them girls. His home was remarkable for domestic peace, his wife being a model woman. His private like his public life was pure; never was he accused of corrupt practices. His leisure moments were devoted to study, specially of history; and though well informed on general subjects, his natural modesty precluded all display of his attainments. Juarez, Biog. del Ciud., 40; Salm-Salm's Diary, ii. 30-1. Portraits of Juarez may be seen in Zerecero, Mem., 529; Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, v. 398; Id., Gob. de Méx., ii. 344; Payno, Cuentas, Gastos, etc., 601. See also my Life of Porfirio Diaz, chap. vi.

4. His first public office was that of alderman of Oajaca in 1831; next he was elected to the state legislature, and held the deputyship two years, when, being accused of complicity in an attempted revolution in 1836, he was confined in prison several months. In 1842-5 he was juez civil y de hacienda; and then made secretary of the state government; a few months later, attorney-general.
5. The conservatives having triumphed in Oajaca in January 1853, Santa Anna arrived in Mexico in April; a few months later he had Juarez banished from his home to Jalapa. Soon after he ordered him to Huamantla, and on arriving in Puebla, the next day, Santa Anna's son José arrested him, and without allowing him time even to get his clothes, conveyed him in a closed carriage seventy leagues to the pier at Vera Cruz. After a confinement of a few days in San Juan de Ulúa, he was put on board the British mail steamer without even paying for his passage, or allowing him time to procure money to live on during an indefinite period of exile. Some friends, however, went to his aid, and paid his passage to Habana and thence to New Orleans. At the last-named place he lived on the little his wife and friends could send him, and we are assured that at times he had to eke out a livelihood by twisting cigars. He remained in New Orleans till July 1855, when he went to Acapulco, via Panamá, and joined General Alvarez, then commanding the forces in revolt against the dictator Santa Anna, and was made a councillor of state. Zerecero, Mem., 536-42; Baz, Vida de Juarez, 78-91; Rivera, Gob. de Méx., ii. 592; Id., Hist. Jalapa, iv. 426, 505; Juarez, Vida del Ciud., 13.
6. Bishop Munguía deemed it a necessary prerequisite, before administering the sacraments to those who had sworn support to the constitution of 1857, or accepted the reform laws, that they should make a public retraction; and furthermore, foreign assignees of former ecclesiastical estates had suffered in their interests at the hands of Zuloaga's government, and filed complaints with the representatives of their respective nations. Rivera, Gob. de Méx., ii. 537.
7. Miramon routed the forces of Nuevo Leon at Las Carretas on the 20th of April. Echeagaray with his army had taken Orizaba, and reënforced by General Negrete, who rebelled at Corral Falso the 21st, was threatening Vera Cruz. El Eco Nac., May 31, July 5, Aug. 20, 1858; Diario de Avisos, March 24, April 21-30, June 21, 1858.
8. The reactionists' tenure would not be secure till they conquered Sonora and Chihuahua, defeated Vidaurri, and captured Perote; expelled Garza from Ciudad Victoria, Castro from Zacatecas, Aranda from Zacatecas, Degollado from Colima and the surroundings, Álvarez from the south; and generally other chiefs who held important positions, not to speak of the innumerable guerrilla bands of Villalba, Leon, Córdoba, Carbajal, and a thousand others in the sierras. To face so many foes the Zuloaguistas had not the requisite number of soldiers — in the city of Mexico alone they had to permanently keep at least 2,000 men — nor the money to support the forces already in the service. Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, v. 81-2.
9. The contest had by this time assumed the utmost blood-thirstiness. Some conspirators taken in Guadalajara were decimated. Herrera y Cairo, a former governor of Jalisco and a confirmed progressionist, was taken out his hacienda by the reactionist chief Piélago and killed.
10. Мéх., Мem. Насіепda, 1870, 1058.
11. The former, dated July 14, 1858, subjected conspirators to the action of courts-martial; no trial was to occupy over eight days. Death, imprisonment, or exile were the penalties provided. The other law caused the discontinuance of many journals.
12. The place had been taken by the constitutionalists under Zuazua. Diario de Aviso, July 29, 1858.
13. Vidaurri without authority deposed several liberal governors, replacing them with his own friends. Some of the governors had assumed powers that were of the exclusive province of the general government; for instance, the governor of Chihuahua and his legislature granted to a company the exclusive right to build an interoceanic railroad. Rivera, Gob. de Méx., ii. 543.
14. These parties were executed. El Eco Nac., Nov. 20, 21, 1858; Diario de Avisos, Sept. 16, Nov. 19, 1858.
15. Several parties were thus treated. Diario de Avisos, Sept. 27, Oct. 13, 1858; El Eco Nac., Sept. 13 to Oct. 31, 1858.
16. Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, v. 128-9; Diario de Avisos, Oct. 15, 25, Dec. 10, 1858; El Eco Nac., Oct. 15, 24, Nov. 17, 27, 1858.
17. The liberals came, expecting there would be a revolutionary movement in the capital. In their disappointment they retreated on the 17th in the direction of Los Remedios, carrying away many of the silver bars they had taken out of Morelia and leaving the others with a sympathizer. With them went Miguel Lerdo de Tejada, whose residence was in Tacubaya. Diario de Avisos, Oct. 18-29, Nov. 2, 3, 1858; El Eco Nac., Oct. 18-31, Nov. 1-4, 1858; Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, v. 130-2; Id., Gob. de Méx., ii. 545.
18. Felipe Rodriguez, Piélago, the murderer of ex-Gov. Herrera, and Morayo, chief of police, suffered. Piélago was hanged on the balcony of the episcopal palace. H. M. Prop. Ecles., 31-4, 38, 46-9.
19. The liberal forces of any consideration at the present time were those of Degollado in Jalisco; Gutierrez Zamora and Alatriste in Vera Cruz and Puebla; Garza in Tamaulipas; Arteaga in Querétaro and Guanajuato; Álvarez in Guerrero; Huerta and Blanco in Michoacan; Álvarez, Delgado, and Miranda in Monte Alto, near the capital; and those in Oajaca. Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, v. 137.
20. According to Marquez' official report, Degollado was defeated the 14th of Dec., and the city was occupied the, next day. El Eco Nac., Dec. 19, 22, 28, 1858.
21. After three months' siege by 3,000 men. The town was destroyed. With the fortress were taken 37 pieces of artillery. Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, v. 138-41.
22. The Diario Oficial said that the European war vessels at Vera Cruz and Tampico had no hostile intention against the republic; but 'against the vandals that had committed outrages on natives and foreigners. . .It was well known by both natives and foreigners that the so-called constitutionalist revolution was not a political but a social one.'
23. There were then lying off Vera Cruz five Spanish and five French war ships.
24. The congress to be formed of three deputies from each department. The constitution to be submitted to the people for approval, and amended if necessary. Diario de Avisos, Dec. 23-8, 1838; Lefêvre, Le Mexique, 66; Wappäus, Mexico, 130; Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, v. 148-9; Id., Gob. de Méx., ii. 547.
25. They were to appoint, in accord with the chief civil authority of each department, a junta of notables, who should choose three representatives.
26. The arrangement for his resignation was made at the house of Lic. José M. Godoy, by two generals and one member of the legal profession, representing each of the parties. El Eco Nac., Dec. 26, 1858.
27. In 1842 he was a captain of engineers; in 1846 a lieut-col; in which year he commanded the engineers at Vera Cruz during the blockade by U. S. forces, and also in the following year during the siege and bombardment. For his good services he was given a medal of honor, and the congress of Vera Cruz made him a citizen of the state. He continued rendering services throughout the war with the U. S.
28. In his proclamation of Dec. 29th, Juarez says: 'Mexicanos: Meditad bien estos sucesos, y decid si la república tendrá paz, libertad y garantías con tales hombres, que reaccionarios, no respetan sus propias hechuras; y gobernantes, ni tienen el prestigio, ni la fuerza para hacerse obedecer.' Baz, Vida de Juarez, 146.
29. There had been summoned 150 men, but only 90 or 100 came together, with Mariano Riva Palacio as president, and Lic. Gonzalez de la Vega and Gen. Francisco Segovia as secretaries. Rivera, Gob. de Méx., ii. 551-2; Id., Hist. Jalapa, v. 157-61; Diario de Avisos, Jan. 1-4, 26, 1859.
30. 'A junta of persons having no mission from the people, and yet calling itself popular, has made an ephemeral appointment.' Archivo Mex., Col. Ley.,, iv. 13-17; Baz, Vida de Juarez, 146-8.
31. Diario de Avisos, Jan. 29, Feb. 2, Aug. 15, 1859.
32. Diez de Bonilla, minister of relations; Teófilo Marin, of government; Manuel Larrainzar, of justice, public instruction, and ecclesiastical affairs; Gabriel Sagaceta, of the treasury; Severo del Castillo, of war and marine, who held it only till the 29th of April, being succeeded by Antonio Corona; and Octaviano Muñoz Ledo, of fomento. Méx., Mem. Hacienda, 1870, 1059; Diario de Avisos, Feb. 15, 1859.
33. Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, v. 175. Arias, Reseña Hist., gives his portrait, 385. There is one thing against his private character, however, which seems to have been prepared by Monsieur Elvin, and found in Maximilian's privy office in Mexico. It was a document giving particulars about the persons of high prominence who had rendered aid to or accepted the French intervention. Of Miramon, it says that he became a gambler early in life, and that when he was a captain of chasseurs in Toluca, he one day gambled away the funds of his company, and then forced the winner to return them to him: 'para sacarse de embarazo, cayó, el sable en mano, sobre la persona con quien habia jugado, y le hizo devolver así su dinero.' Lefêvre, Doc. Maximiliano, i. 399.
34. In the military school he went through the regular grades of promotion, from corporal to lieutenant of artillery. In 1852 he served in Jalisco, and in 1853 was in some actions under generals Salas and Rosas Landa in the department of Mexico. After that he saw much active service, and rose rapidly, so that we see him on the Gth of July, 1855, a brevet lieut-col, and on the 30th of the same month a fully comnissioned one.
35. It was there that he heard of his election by the junta of notables to the presidency. Rivera, Gob. de Méx., ii. 556.
36. Salm-Salm's Diary, i. 34.
37. Se brindó por la intervencion de las potencias extranjeras en México.' Rivera, Gob. de Méx., ii. 556.
38. From New York, Nov. 5, 1862. He also requested Almonte to publish his denial in Mexico.
39. Cholula st. was carpeted to the episcopal palace, where he was lodged. The populace pulled his carriage. Entertainments followed one another in quick succession. He issued a flattering proclamation to the people. Diario de Avisos, Feb. 24, 1859.
40. Miramon's march through Vera Cruz left its mark of destruction. All small towns and bridges were burned.
41. 'Los traidores están al frente de nuestros muros.' Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, v. 191.
42. That same day several prominent reactionists arrived on a British steamer, believing the place already taken by their friends. Among them were generals Diaz de la Vega, Blanco, and Woll, and two sons of Santa Anna. They landed at Mocambo and repaired to Miramon's headquarters.
43. Miramon's mouth-piece, Lieut-col Manuel Ramirez de Arellano, said it was owing to the havoc of disease, and to scantiness of resources; food had becaine so scarce that, 'without exaggeration, a general's pay would not suffice to support a subaltern.' He scorned the idea that Miramon had any fear of the city's walls, guns, etc. Apuntes de la Camp. de Oriente, 38-43; Diario de Avisos, Feb. 15 to March 31, 1859; Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, v. 194-5.
44. Arellano says that the constitutionalists under Ampudia, Traconis, La Llave, and Alatriste fled from Coscomatepec on learning that 1,503 men were going after them. 'Estas fuerzas eran precisamente las que venian á cortar la retirada de todo el ejército ántes de que entrara á Córdova.' Apuntes de la Camp. de Oriente, 48-9.
45. Previous to his departure he ordered the execution of Capt. Oscar Robert. Rivera, list. Jalapa, v. 200-1.
46. It was published in the Diario Oficial, preceded by copious details, ingeniously got up, interspersed, as usual, with insulting epithets to the constitutionalis ts, and the cry of Viva la religion! was not omitted. The whole imposture was reproduced in the Diario de Avisos, March 22, 1859.
47. The constitutionalist government attributed to that explosion, which, it said, occurred after the liberals had three times repulsed the enemy's charges, Degollado's retreat, in perfect order and with the greater part of his trains and pieces of artillery. Archivo Mex., Col. Ley., iv. 21-2.
48. Diario de Avisos, Apr. 4, 13, 1859; Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, v. 192-202; Domenech, Hist. du Mex., ii. 317. Col Ignacio Zaragoza, in a letter of April 14th to Vidaurri, describing the battle and its lamentable result, says that the army of the north lost only a few men, and its morale was good. Boletin Oficial de Monterey, in La Estrella de Occid., July 1, 1859.
49. His mouth-piece, Arellano, coarsely says, 'presenció la dispersion de aquellas chusmas.' Apuntes Camp. de Oriente, 63.
50. As acknowledged in his circular published in El Pigmeo, and reproduced in La Estrella de Occid., June 24, 1859.
51. The number of students thus massacred was eleven, all of them members of good families. The following names have been recorded: Juan Doval, José M. Sanchez, Gabriel Rivera, Ildefonso Portugal, Juan Diaz Covarrubias, and Alberto Abad. Another young man, Manuel Mateos, recently admitted to the bar, was also shot. I find also among the executed Agustin Jáuregui, Eugenio Quisen, S. Fischer, Manuel Neira, and captains Ignacio Sierra and José Lopez. Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, v. 203-4; Id., Gob. de Méx., ii. 559. Minister Ocampo on the 23d of April addressed a circular, which says: Se cebaron bárbaramente con los heridos, con los pocos disperses que aprehendieron, y aun con los cirujanos. Upwards of 100 persons were sacrificed, 'among them several of very tender age.' Archivo Mex., Col. Ley., iv. 23; Dublan and Lozano, Leg. Mex., viii. 667-9; North Am. Review, ciii. 113; Lefêvre, Doc. Maximiliano, i. 26-7; Lefêvre, Le Mexique, 81-8, 93; Marquez, Refutacion, 24-7. Marquez, in a manifesto published in New York in 1869, says that he gave orders not to harm the prisoners, and at his first interview with Miramon told him so. After their separation at the city, he, Marquez, went back to Tacubaya, where soon after Lieut-col Flores, an aid of the president, handed him, in the presence of many, an order that read as follows, translated into English: 'General-in-chief of the national army. Most excellent sir: This very afternoon, and under your excellency's strictest responsibility, you will cause to be shot all the prisoners of the rank of oficiales y jefes, reporting to me the number of those whom this lot has befallen. God and law. Mexico, April 11, 1859. Miramon — a rubric. To his excellency the general of division in chief of the army of operations, Don Leonardo Marquez, Tacubaya.' Archivo Mex., Col. Ley., v. 719-20. Marquez explains how this secret order fell into the hands of Juarez' government, making it known that he had acted under orders. Miramon's order certainly says nothing of shooting physicians or students. Jáuregui, Miramon's counsel at his trial in Querétaro, acknowledges that he owed his life to Miramon on that dreadful day, when he was, together with six others, on the point of being shot by Marquez' orders. He adds that Miramon heard of the shooting of the students after the execution, and became very indignant, but could not punish Marquez for the brutal act, because to him was due that day's victory. In a letter to áauregui, Miramon says: 'I wish to refer to Tacubaya. You will, perhaps, see an order of mine to shoot; but this referred to the officers, my prisoners, and never to physicians, and much less to civilians. At this moment, when I am preparing to appear before God, I make you this declaration.' Maximiliano, Causa, 227; Arrangoiz, Méj., ii. 360. On the 2d of March, 1861, among the first acts of Juarez, after his triumph, was to order the arrest and trial of Miramon and his ministers, and all others who had participation in that massacre.
52. Marquez wore a band with this inscription: 'Á la virtud y al valor, la gratitud de las hijas de México, which had been presented to him that morning by a committee of ladies, Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, v. 204. The corps of engineers gave him a sword of honor, of fine steel with a gold hilt, and a silver scabbard inlaid with gold. Diario de Avisos, April 16, 1859.