Life and select literary remains of Sam Houston of Texas/Part 3
PART III.
LETTERS AND DOCUMENTS.
LETTER TO SANTA ANNA.
Executive Department,
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City of Houston, March 21, 1842
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Most Excellent Sir: — Your communications to Mr. Bee and General Hamilton, dated at the Palace of the Government of Mexico, have been recently presented to my notice. At the first convenient leisure, I have not failed to appropriate my attention to the subjects embraced within the scope of your remarks.
They would have met a more ready attention had it not been for a marauding incursion made by a Mexican force on the defenseless town of San Antonio, on the inhabited frontier of Texas. Apprehending that the force had some other character more important than that of bandits and plunderers, commanded as it was by regular officers, it produced a momentary excitement, and claimed the attention of the Executive. But, as the bandits have withdrawn, characterizing their retreat by pillage and plunder, as has been usual with Mexicans, I am left at leisure to resume in tranquillity the duties of my station.
In reference to your correspondence with Mr. Bee and General Hamilton, I have no remark to offer in relation to the communications which those gentlemen assumed the individual responsibility of making to you. The very nature of the correspondence manifests the fact that it was not done under the sanction of this Government, but rests solely upon their action as individuals. Had your response regarded them in the light in which they were presented to you, it would have superseded the necessity of any notice from me. But as you have thought proper to laud my conduct as an individual, and refer to transactions connected with this country, with which I had official identity, and which I also at this time possess, and as you have taken the liberty, to an unwarrantable extent, to animadvert upon circumstances connected with Texas as a nation, I feel myself compelled by a sense of duty to refute a portion of the calumnies which you have presented to the world under the sanction of your official averment.
You appear to have seized upon the flimsy pretext; of confidential communications unknown to the officers of this Governm.ent, and unknown to the world until divulged by you, for the purpose of manufacturing a capital of popularity at home, and which you have submitted to the world as a manifesto in behalf of what you are pleased to term the rights of a great nation, "by so many titles respectable."
Whatever opinions you may have entertained in relation to the difficulties existing between Mexico and Texas can not materially vary the facts and principles involved, nor will they materially influence the decision of mankind upon the justice of oar cause.
Decency and self-respect, at least, should have induced, on your part, the pursuit of a course different from that which you have adopted. The abuse and ribald epithets which you have applied to the citizens oi this country, as well as those of the Mississippi valley of the United States, are doubtless characteristic of the individual who gave them utterance. So far as the people of this country are concerned, I shall refer mankind to a history of facts and circumstances connected with the settlement of the country. I shall pass by with slight notice your remarks relative to the people of the United States, So far as our origin is connected with them, and the unity of sympathy exists, we are proud to hail them as our kindred—kindred in blood, kindred in laws, kindred in all the ennobling attributes of humanity. They will hear your taunts of defiance with the same contempt and derision that Texans regard your silly gasconade. If they have heretofore sympathized with us in our struggle for liberty and independence, it was from a knowledge of the fact that we had been deceived and oppressed by Mexico, and that the cause in which we were engaged was that of humanity struggling against usurpation and despotism.
The people of Texas were invited to migrate to this country for the purpose of enjoying equal rights and constitutional liberty. They were promised the shield of the Constitution of 1824, adopted by Mexico. Confiding in this pledge, they removed to the country to encounter all the privations of a wilderness, under the alluring promises of free institutions. Other reasons operated also. Citizens of the United States had engaged in the revolution of Mexico, in 1812. They, fought gallantly in the achievement of Mexican independence, and many of them survive, and to this day occupy the soil which their privations and valor assisted in achieving. On their removal here, they brought with them no aspirations or projects but such as were loyal to the Constitution of Mexico. They repelled the Indian savages; they encountered every discomfort; they subdued the wilderness, and converted into cultivated fields the idle waste of this now prolific territory. Their courage and enterprise achieved that which the imbecility of j^our countrymen had either neglected, or left for centuries unaccomplished. Their situation, however, was not disregarded by Mexico, though she did not, as might have been expected, extend to them a protecting and fostering care, but viewed them as objects of cupidity, rapacity, and at last jealousy.
The Texans, enduring the annoyances and oppressions inflicted upon them, remained faithful to the Constitution of Mexico. In 1832, when an attempt was made to destroy that Constitution, and when you, sir, threw yourself forward as its avowed champion, you were sustained with all the fidelity and valor that freemen could contribute. On the avowal of your principles, and in accordance with them, the people put down the serviles of despotism at Anahuac, Velasco, and Nacogdoches. They treated the captives of that struggle with humanity, and sent them to Mexico subject to your orders. They regarded you as the friend of liberty and free institutions; they hailed you as a benefactor of mankind; your name and your actions were lauded, and the manifestations you had given in behalf of the nation were themes of satisfaction and delight to the Texan patriots.
You can well imagine the transition of feeling which ensued on your accession to power. Your subversion of the Constitution of 1824, your establishment of centralism, your conquest of Zacatecas, characterized by every act of violence, cruelty, and rapine, inflicted upon us the profoundest astonishment. We realized all the uncertainty of men awakening to reality from the unconsciousness of delirium. In succession came your orders for the Texans to surrender their private arms. The mask was thrown aside and the monster of despotism displayed in all the habiliments of loathsome detestation. Then was presented to Texans the alternative of tamely crouching to the tyrant's lash, or exalting themselves to the attributes of freemen. They chose the latter. To chastise them for their presumption induced your advance upon Texas, with your boasted veteran army, mustering a force nearly equal to the whole population of this country at that time. You besieged and took the Alamo; but under what circumstances? Not those, surely, which should characterize a general of the nineteenth century. You assailed one hundred and fifty men, destitute of every supply requisite for the defense of that place. Its brave defenders, worn by vigilance and duty beyond the power of human nature to sustain, were at length overwhelmed by a force of nine thousand men, and the place taken. I ask you, sir, what scenes followed? Were they such as should characterize an able general, a magnanimous warrior, and the President of a great nation numbering eight millions of souls?' No. Manliness and generosity would sicken at the recital of the scenes incident to your success, and humanity itself would blush to class you among the chivalric spirits of the age of vandalism. This you have been pleased to class in the "succession of your victories"; and I presume you would next include the massacre at Goliad.
Your triumph there, if such you are pleased to term it, was not the triumph of arms— it was the success of perfidy. Fannin and his brave companions had beaten back and defied your veteran soldiers. Although outnumbered more than seven to one, their valiant, hearty, and indomitable courage, with holy devotion to the cause of freedom, foiled every effort directed by your general to insure his success by arms. He had recourse to a flag of truce; and when the surrender of the little patriot band was secured by the most solemn treaty stipulations, what were the tragic scenes that ensued to Mexican perfidy? The conditions of the surrender were submitted to you; and, though you have denied the facts, instead of restoring them to liberty, according to the capitulation, you ordered them to be executed contrary to every pledge given them, contrary to the rules of war, and contrary to every principle of humanity. Yet at this day, you have the effrontery to animadvert upon the conduct of Texans relative to your captivity after the battle of San Jacinto.
You have presumed to arraign: he conduct of the then existng Cabinet, and to charge it with bad faith; and though you are pleased to commend the conduct of the illustrious Stephen F. Austin, the father of Texas, and myself, for acts of generosity exercised toward you, you take much care to insinuate that we only were capable of appreciating your proper merits. That you may no longer be induced to misconstrue acts of generosity and appropriate them to the gratification of your self-complacent disposition, I will inform you that they were acts of magnanimity characteristic of the nation to which we belong. They had nothing to do with your merits or demerits. The perfidy and cruelty which had been exercised toward our companions in arms did not enter into our calculation. Your sacrifice would not restore to our gallant companions their lives, nor to our country their services. Although the laws of war would have justified the retaliation of your execution, yet it would have characterized the acts of a nation by passion and revenge; and would have evinced to the world that individuals who had an influence on the destinies of a people were subject to the capricious impulses of vengeance, of which you had so recently set an example.
So far as I was concerned in preserving your life and subsequent liberation, I was only influenced by considerations of mercy, humanity, and the establishment of a national character.
Humanity was gratified by your preservation. The magnanimous of all nations would have justified your release, had they known how little its influence was dreaded by the Texans. If, upon your return to Mexico, you should have power, and a disposition to redeem the pledges you had voluntarily made to myself, as well as this Government, of an earnest disposition to see the independence of Texas recognized by Mexico, I believed it would have a tendency to restore peace to the two nations, diminish the aggregate sufferings of their citizens, and promote the prosperity of both countries. In the event that you were not disposed to redeem the pledges thus given, but urge a prosecution of the war by Mexico against us, I wished to evince to mankind that Texans had magnanimity, resources, and confidence sufficient to sustain them against all your influence in favor of their subjugation.
Your liberation was induced by such principles as these; and though you tendered pledges, doubtless to facilitate and insure your release, they were received, but not accepted, as a condition. I believe that pledges made in duress are not obligatory upon the individual making them; and, if you intended to exercise the influence which you declared you would, the unconditional liberty extended to you would interpose no obstacle to their fulfillment.
Without adverting to any treaty stipulations which you had made with the Cabinet of Texas, I gave you your entire liberty and safe conduct to the city of Washington.
You have asserted to the world that you have given no pledge to the Texan Government whatever of your disposition in favor of its separation from Mexico. That the tribunal to which you have appealed, may judge of the validity of your assertion, I shall submit with this communication a letter of yours addressed to me at Columbia, dated the 5th November, 1836, after my determination to give you your liberty had been communicated. I shall present it in the original, accompanied with its translation into English. I will also give publicity to a veto which I communicated to the Senate, in consequence of a resolution of that honorable body respecting your detention as a prisoner.
You have spoken of events subsequent to the battle of San Jacinto, and endeavor to convey the idea that promises had been extorted from you "under the rifles of a tumultuous soldiery." I am at a loss to comprehend your meaning by this reference. When you were brought into the encampment as a prisoner, the second day after the battle, you were conducted to the presence of the commander-in-chief—not amidst noise and tumult, nor did any exist. When the character of the prisoner became known to the army, much curiosity was excited; but there was no menace used nor violence offered. You were treated with calmness, and every courtesy extended to you that our situation would afford. Had you been a private gentleman and friend, you could have received no greater facilities than those which were extended to you. As you desired, you were placed near my person, and were never sent with the rest of the prisoners. You were informed that you could have your camp-bed and markee brought to my quarters, where I lay confined with my wound. You were permitted to command the services of your attendants. You were informed, also, that your baggage would be selected from the spoils taken by the army on the field; which was accordingly done, and never inspected. These privileges were granted by my order. Your aide-de-camp. Colonel Almonte, and your private secretary, were permitted to remain with you in your markée. A guard was detailed for the purpose of allaying any apprehension you might have for your personal safety, and every liberty extended to you except your absolute release.
You submitted propositions to me embracing the questions of the recognition of the Texan independence, and the termination of our struggle. I unequivocally refused the acceptance of any offer upon the subject of a treaty, alleging as reasons that we had a constitutional Government, and that the subject would properly come before the Cabinet of Texas, the members of which would be present in camp within a few days. You urged the further consideration of your propositions upon me, declaring that you would rather enter into stipulations with a General of the army than with the civil authorities of the country. I positively declined taking any action upon them, and they were referred to the Cabinet on its arrival. Declining the consideration of your proposals myself, I required you to issue orders forthwith to the General next in command to evacuate Texas with the troops composing the Mexican army, and to fall back with them to Monterey. Orders to this effect were issued by you to General Filisola, and dispatched by an express, which could not overtake him, however, until he had reached the Colorado on his retreat, conducted in the greatest panic and confusion. Owing to his precipitate flight, and your execution of my orders, the Mexicans were permitted to leave Texas without further molestation.
In the meantime. General Adrian Woll, of the Mexican army, came into the encampment at San Jacinto without my knowledge, and not "upon my word or honor"; nor was I apprised of his presence until I learned that he, together with his aide, had been traversing our lines. So soon as I was advised of this fact I ordered them to my presence, and instructed them that such conduct would not be tolerated, and caused them to be placed under vigilance. This reason I deemed sufficient to detain General Woll as a prisoner of war. His subsequent conduct to Captain Dimitt was such as to justify any unfavorable opinion which I had formed of his character. He had rendered himself so obnoxious to the army, that, from a desire for his personal security, I did not permit his release until he could go in perfect safety. In no respect had the prisoners taken on that occasion reason of complaint. Their lives were all forfeited by the laws of war, conformably to the precedent which you had exhibited.
General Cos, who had surrendered in 1835, a prisoner of war, at San Antonio, where one hundred and ninety-five Texans stormed and took the Alamo, with the town, when it was defended by seventeen hundred regular troops of Mexico, was again taken prisoner at San Jacinto, after he had violated his parole of honor, by which he had forfeited his life to the law of arms. Yet such was the lenity of Texans that even he was spared, thereby interposing mercy to prevent reclamation being made for the brave Texans perfidiously massacred.
From the 5th of May I had no connection with the encampment, nor the treatment which the prisoners received, until the month of October, when I was inducted into the office of chief magistrate of the nation. It is true that you were chained to an iron bar, but not until an attempt had been made to release you, with your knowledge and assent. A vessel had arrived at Orizimbo, on the Brazos, where you were confined. In possession of its captain were found wines and other liquors mixed with poison, for the purpose of poisoning the officers and guard in whose charge you were, and thereby insuring your escape. In consequence of the sensation produced by this circumstance, you were confined and treated in the manner you have so pathetically portrayed.
Whilst confined by my wounds in San Augustine, I learned that it was the intention of the army to take you to the theater of Fannin's massacre, and there to have had you executed. Upon the advertisement of this fact, I immediately sent an express to the army solemnly protesting against any such act, and interposing every obstacle possible against your further molestation, or any action which might not recognize you as a prisoner of war.
Your recent communications have necessarily awakened attention to these facts, otherwise they would have remained unrecited by me. Any part which I bore in the transaction is not related in imitation of the egotistical style of your communication. It is done alone for the purpose of presenting the lights of history. You have sought to darken its shades, and appeal to the sympathies and command the admiration of mankind, and have even invoked "the prismatic tints of romance."
Now, the tribunal to which you have appealed will have an opportunity of contrasting the treatment which you and the prisoners taken at San Jacinto received, with that of those who have fallen within your power, and particularly those perfidiously betrayed on a recent trading excursion to Santa Fe. You have endeavored to give that expedition the complexion of an invading movement upon the rights of Mexico. To believe you serious in the idle display of words made on this occasion, would be presenting an absurdity to the common-sense of the age. Your fears may have given it a character different from that to which it was entitled. Examine the circumstances accompanying it. It was not an act of Texas. Congress had refused to sanction any enterprise of the kind. A number of individuals were anxious to open a lucrative trade (as they believed it would be) with Santa Fé. Such a commerce has been carried on for years by the citizens of the United States from Missouri; and the preparations, connected with the fact that the citizens took with them a considerable amount of merchandise, show that their enterprise was not one of conquest or invasion. You may allege that it had connection with the Government, from the fact that the President identified himself with it, by furnishing arms to those connected with the project. This may have induced you to characterize the expedition as you have in your tirade against Texas. Whatever part the President bore in this transaction was contrary to law and in violation of his duty. A large portion of the people of Texas were apprised of the existence of such an enterprise. You doubtless would insist that it had means of offense against Mexico. So far as their preparation could give character to the undertaking, by carrying with them artillery and other munitions of war, it can be accounted for most readily. They had to pass through a wilderness six hundred miles from the frontier of Texas before they could reach Santa Fé. It was reasonable to suppose that they would encounter many hostile tribes of Indians, and it was proper and necessary that they should be in a situation to repel any attacks made upon them, and, as their objects were pacific, they were justified in resisting aggression from any quarter. The instructions given to them by the President did not contemplate hostilities, but that the enterprise would terminate without bloodshed and violence. Scientific gentlemen from Europe and the United States accompanied them, not for warlike purposes, but for the purpose of adding rich stores to the treasury of science. It had likewise been communicated to the people of Texas that all the inhabitants east of the Rio Grande were anxious to enjoy the benefits of our institutions. You can not allege that you were not willing to admit the justice of our claims to the Rio Grande, or that you were not anxious to facilitate the object. Your communication to me on that subject is conclusive. Texans were apprised of it from your repeated declarations to that effect while in this country, and on your way to Washington city. At the time the expedition started no hostilities were carried on between this country and Mexico. Commissioners from General Arista were at Austin at the time the party started for Santa Fé. They were kindly received, and made the most sincere profession of amity and reconciliation with this Government. They were treated with kindness, and corresponding commissioners appointed to General Arista. To them every facility was extended, and they were permitted to return without molestation. This was the attitude of the two countries at that time. Will you allege that this was not sanctioned by your Government, or will you insist that it was a trick of diplomacy? For myself, I would not have been deluded by any professions which might have been tendered to Texas by Mexico, when a departure from the most solemn pledges would result in injury to the former and benefit to the latter.
That the ministers of General Arista played their parts with fidelity to their instructions, I have no doubt; also that all the information that could be derived in relation to the trading company was faithfully transmitted to the Government of Mexico. Nor do I doubt but that the population of the northern parts of your country, so soon as the intelligence was received, were thrown into the utmost consternation, and a nation numbering eight millions of people, inhabiting "valleys, mountains, towns, and large cities," "by so many titles respectable," was convulsed at the apprehended approach of three hundred Texan traders! But what has been the sequel of this expedition? On their approach to the settlements of the Rio Grande they obtained supplies from the inhabitants, not as a hostile and marauding party, but they paid a valuable consideration for every supply they obtained. They were met by the Mexican authorities with overtures of peace, assurances of friendship, and pledges of security, provided they would give up their arms for the purpose of tranquillizing the Mexican population. Detached, as the company was, into parties remote from each other, and deluded by pledges, they acquiesced in the wishes of the authorities of the country, thereby evincing to them that they had no disposition to disturb the tranquillity of the inhabitants, and that their objects were pacific. But no sooner were they in the power of the authorities than they were stripped of their clothing, deprived of everything valuable, treated in the most barbarous manner, and marched like convicts to the capital of Mexico. On their route every act of inhumanity, cruelty, and hatred was evinced. When their sick and helpless condition required the assistance of Christian charity and humanity, it was denied them. They were barbarously shot, their bodies mangled, and their corpses left unburied. The butchery of McAllister, Galphin, Yates, and others, appeal to Heaven and this nation for retribution upon the heads of their inhuman murderers. You may allege that you did not authorize the perpetration of these outrages, committed upon men who had violated no rule of law known to this civilized age. This will be no excuse for you. Your sanction of these acts is as culpable as their perpetration was degrading to their authors. Their detention as prisoners by you may gratify the malignity of little minds; but the just, the chivalric, the brave, and the generous of all nations may pity, but must despise your conduct. Had it not been for the faithless professions tendered to them, and their too ready belief, they could have maintained their position against all the forces of northern Mexico, and, if necessary, could have made good their retreat to their homes, defying the "generous effort of the people of New Mexico." Your conduct on this occasion will present your humanity and sense of propriety in very awkward contrast with the treatment extended to you and your followers after the victory of San Jacinto, being not, as you suppose, one of the "freaks of fortune," but one of the accompaniments of that destiny which will mark the course of Texas until the difficulties between the two countries shall be satisfactorily adjusted.
But you declare that you will not relax your exertions until you have subjugated Texas; that you "have weighed its possible value," and that you are perfectly aware of the magnitude of the task which you have undertaken; that you "will not permit a colossus within the limits of Mexico"; that our title is that of "theft and usurpation," and that "the honor of the Mexican nation " demands of you "the reclamation of Texas"; that "if it were an unproductive desert, useless, sterile, yielding' nothing desirable, and abounding only in thorns to wound the feet of the traveler, you would not permit it to exist as an independent government, in derision of your national character, your hearths, and your individuality." Allow me to assure you that our title to Texas has a high sanction: that of purchase, because we have performed our conditions; that of conquest, because we have been victorious; it is ours because you can not subdue us; it has been consecrated ours by the blood of martyred patriots; it is ours by the claims of patriotism, superior intelligence, and unsubduable courage. It is not a sterile waste or a desert; it is the home of freemen—it is the land of promise—it is the garden of America. Every citizen of Texas was born a freeman, and he would die a recreant to the principles imbibed from his ancestry, if he would not freely peril his life in defense of his home, his liberty, and his country.
Although you are pleased to characterize our occupation of Texas and defense of our imprescriptible rights as the "most scandalous robbery of the present age," it is not one-fourth of a century since Mexico perpetrated a similar robbery upon the rights of the Crown of Spain. The magnitude of the theft may give dignity to the robbery. In that you have the advantage. That you should thus have characterized a whole nation I can readily account for. Heretofore you entertained the opinion that Mexico could never conquer Texas, and, if it were possible for her to drive every Texan from the soil, that Mexico could not maintain her position on the Sabine, and the retreat of her army would be the signal for the return of the Anglo-Saxon race, who would reoccupy their homes and pursue the Mexicans as far as the Rio Grande; and that Mexico, in preservation of the integrity of the territory which she then possessed, would gain an advantage by abandoning all hopes of conquering Texas, and direct her attention to the improvement of her internal condition. Your recent opinions, as declared by you, appear to be at variance with these speculations, and are most vehemently avowed. It is an attribute of wisdom to change opinions upon conviction of error, and perhaps for it you are justifiable; at least, I discover that you have one attribute of a new convert: you are quite zealous and wordy in the promulgation of the doctrine which you have espoused.
"Sir, from your lenity and power Texans expect nothing—from your humanity less; and when you invade Texas you will not find " thorns to wound the foot of the traveler," but you will find opposed to Mexican breasts, arms wielded by freemen of unerring certainty, and directed by a purpose not to be eluded. Texans war not for gewgaws and titles; they battle not to sustain dictators or despots; they do not march to the field unwillingly, nor are they dragged to the army in chains, with the mock-title of volunteers. For awhile they lay by the implements of husbandry, and seize their rifles; they rally in defense of their rights; and, when victory has been achieved, they return to the cultivation of the soil. They have laws to protect their rights. Their property is their own. They do not bow to the will of despots; but they bow to the majesty of the Constitution and laws. They are freemen indeed. It is not so with your nation.—From the alcalde to the dictator, all are tyrants m Mexico; and the community is held in bondage, subject not to law, but to the will of a superior, and confined in hopeless subjection to usurpation.
In an individual so intelligent as yourself, it does seem to me that you have evinced very bad taste by adverting to the subject of slavery, in the internal affairs of this country. Your opinions, whilst here, on this subject were fully and freely avowed. You then believed that it would be of great advantage to Mexico to introduce slave labor into that country; that it would develop her resources, by enabling her to produce cotton, sugar, and coffee, for purposes of exportation; and that without it she would be seriously retarded in her march to greatness and prosperity. Your sympathy and commiseration at present expressed, are no doubt very sincere, and I only regret that they partake so little of consistency. You boast that Mexico gave the noble and illustrious example of emancipating her slaves. The fact that she has the name of having done so, has enabled you to add another flourish to your rhetoric. But the examination of facts for one moment will disclose the truth. The slaves of Mexico, you say, were emancipated. Did you elevate them to the condition of freemen? No, you did not; you gave them the name of freedom, but you reduced the common people to the condition of slaves. It is not uncommon in Mexico for one dignitary, upon his hacienda, to control from one hundred to ten thousand human beings, in a state of bondage more abject and intolerable than the negroes on any cotton plantation in this country. If an individual in Mexico owes but twenty-five cents, by application to an alcalde the creditor can have him, with his family, decreed to his service, and to remain in that state of slavery until he is able to pay the debt from the wages accruing from his labor, after being compelled to subsist his dependent family. This you call freedom; and graciously bestow your sympathy upon the African race. The Abolitionists of the present day will not feel that they are indebted to you for your support of their cause. Had some one else than the dictator of Mexico, or the self-styled "Napoleon of the West"—the subverter of the Constitution of 1824, the projector of centralism, and the man who endeavors to reduce a nation to slavery—become their advocate, they might have been more sensible of their obligation. Slavery is an evil: it was entailed upon us by Mexico. So far as its increase can be prevented, our Constitution and laws have presented every obstacle. They will be maintained to the letter: and on account of slavery, Texas will incur no reproach.
You tauntingly invite Texas to cover herself anew with the Mexican flag. You certainly intend this as mockery. You denied us the enjoyment of the laws under which we came to the country. Her flag was never raised in our behalf, nor has it been seen in Texas unless when displayed in an attempt at our subjugation. We know your lenity—we know your mercy—we are ready again to test your power. You have threatened to plant your banner on the banks of the Sabine. Is this done to intimidate us? Is it done to alarm us? Or do you deem it the most successful mode of conquest? If the latter, it may do to amuse the people surrounding you. If to alarm us, it will amuse those conversant with the history of your last campaign. If to intimidate us, the threat is idle. We have desired peace. You have annoyed our frontier—you have harassed our citizens— you have incarcerated our traders, after your commissioners had been kindly received, and your citizens allowed the privileges of commerce in Texas without molestation—you continue aggression—you will not accord us peace. We will have it. You threaten to conquer Texas— we will war with Mexico. Your pretensions, with ours, you have referred to the social world and to the God of Battles. We refer our cause to the same tribunals. The issue involves the fate of nations. Destiny must determine. Its course is only known to the tribunal of Heaven. If experience of the past will authorize speculations of the future, the attitude of Mexico is more "problematical" than that of Texas.
In the war which will be conducted by Texas against Mexico, our incentive will not be a love of conquest; it will be to disarm tyranny of its power. We will make no war upon Mexicans, or their religion. Our efforts shall be made in behalf of the liberties of the people, and directed against the authorities of the country, and against your principles. We will exalt the condition of the people to representative freedom; they shall choose their own rulers; they shall possess their property in peace, and it shall not be taken from them to support an armed soldiery, for the purpose of oppression.
With these principles, we will march across the Rio Grande; and believe me, sir, ere the banner of Mexico shall triumphantly float on the banks of the Sabine, the Texan standard of the single star, borne by the Anglo-Saxon race, shall display its bright folds in liberty's triumph on the Isthmus of Darien.
With the most appropriate consideration, I have the honor to present you my salutation.
To His Excellency,Antonio Lopez de Santa Anna,
President of the Republic of Mexico.
We are now obliged to cut short our relation of events in detail, to give a brief account of other more important movements. Confidence began to be restored. One open rebellion against the laws of the country Houston put down by going to the scene, and calling out the militia. When desperadoes found there was a man at the head of affairs, who could not be trifled with, they soon disbanded, and the supremacy of law was again restored. A new set of men were in office—justice was efficiently administered—economy was observed, and although there had been saddled an enormous debt upon the country, which could not be discharged for a long time to come, yet public credit was being restored, and men began to feel proud of their Government.
DISPATCH TO TEXAN MINISTERS AT WASHINGTON CITY.
OFFICIAL
Gentlemen:—Your notes have both reached me, one of the 30th ult., and one of the 1st inst. Today I forward to the State Department all my dispatches.
Colonel Ashbel Smith, our Chargé d'Affaires, writes from Paris, under date 29th February, this important fact: "The French and British Governments have united in a protest to the United States against the annexation of Texas to the Union." This is an important fact. Never has the situation of Texas been so interesting since the 21st of April, 1836, as at this moment. You may rely upon it, if the Government of the United States does not act immediately, and consummate the work of annexation, Texas is forever lost to them.
In my opinion, England and France will say to Texas, "If you will agree to remain separate forever from the United States, we will forthwith prevent all further molestation to you from Mexico, and guarantee you independence, agreeably to your institutions now established and avowed." You can not fail to discover what would be the proper course of Texas in such an event. Texas has done all that she could do to obtain annexation; and you may rely upon this fact, in the event of a failure, that Texas will do all that she should do.
If a treaty is made, it will of course have been done after the pledges given by the United States Chargé d'Affaires have been recognized by his Government; and then we are secure. If a treaty has been made, and those pledges exacted by you, and it should be rejected, it will be proper to ascertain if annexation can take place by Congressional action, and this done promptly. Should all fail, you will forthwith call upon Mr. Packenham, the French Minister, as well as also the Government of the United States, and after suitable conversations and explanations, present to them the subject of a triple guarantee for our independence, and to prevent all further molestation, or at least an unlimited truce with Mexico. And then, if all prospect of annexation fails with the Government of the United States, and it should refuse to unite upon the basis here laid down, you will then, so far as practicable, arrange the matter with France and England, and General Henderson, with Mr. Miller, Secretary of the Secret Legation, will make a visit of leave to the heads of the proper Departments, and return to Texas. Texas ought not, can not, and will not remain in its present situation.
The subject of annexation has already embarrassed our relations with Mexico. The truce will end on the first of May, as I presume, for I did not accede to the terms of the armistice, since Texas was recognized as a "Department of Mexico," in the terms of agreement between the commissioners. Mexico was well disposed to settle matters very amicably, when our commissioners arrived at Sabinus, but one of the Mexican commissioners was too unwell to proceed to business. When he recovered, the subject of annexation was mooted in the United States, and the Texan Congress; all of which had reached Mexico. Of these facts, in part. General Henderson was apprised; and the anticipated rupture of our negotiations with Mexico was one reason why I was so careful to require of General Murphy (endorsed by his Government), such pledges as would secure us against all contingencies that might arise to us, in consequence of our opening negotiations with the United States, on the subject of annexation.
This Government has been called on, and requested by her Majesty's Government, to state our relation to the Government of the United States. It was due to England, and her Majesty's Government was informed that an agent, Gen. Henderson, had been sent to Washington city to negotiate upon the subject of annexation; but the particulars were not rendered. Since this occurred, I had an interview with Captain Elliot, and I do not think the British Government will withdraw its friendly offices from the subject of peace between Texas and Mexico. It is reported here that the Government of the United States has refused to sanction the pledges given by General Murphy. This surely can not be the case. If so, you will have found yourselves in a most awkward dilemma. What — disavow such pledges when they were based upon Mr. Upshur's letter? I can not believe this, unless the United States desired Texas to surrender herself to the uncertainty, or chances of annexation, contingent upon the various political influences which might interpose to the consummation of the object, and subject us to the injurious and annoying action of Mexico, instigated by the adhesion of Texas to the United States. A refusal on the part of that Government to secure us against consequences, which it has produced by direct solicitation of us, would be selfish in the extreme, and indeed I can not conceive appropriate terms in which to characterize such conduct and policy, in an official dispatch. It would amount to this only—that if anything could be made out of Texas, by the United States, they were prepared and willing to derive the advantage, and if that could not be done, they wished to incur no responsibility on the account of Texas, but leave her to all the consequences which might possibly result to her from the course which her generosity and credulity might induce her pursue. Pitiable would our situation be if we were not annexed, and had required no pledges; fortunately, this is not our situation.
You have now all the grounds before you, and I hope you will ponder wisely and proceed securely for our safety.
It is palpable scandal to the nineteenth century, that statesmen should be prating about the emancipation of persons born and their race held in slavery, by the custom and consent of nations for centuries, while they permit Santa Anna to forge and rivet chains upon eight millions of people who were born free. Thus will the horrors of slavery be increased, with design to render his success subservient to the subversion of the liberties of Texas, and form a new era in the history by degrading to slavery a portion of the Anglo-Saxon race. This ought not, and can not be. It argues on the part of statesmen a want of perception, as well as self-respect.
Gentlemen, you will keep the Government advised by every mail, and daily, of important events as they transpire. If you should be thrown for future reliance upon the friendly offices of Great Britain and France, you will, if possible, ascertain from them if they will act promptly, and what conditions they will expect of this Government.
Mr. Van Zandt has written that the United States were not willing to form any alliance with Texas, as it was contrary to their policy. (Hence the necessity, upon the failure of the immediate annexation of this country to the confederacy of the North, and you will, as I have indicated, approach the Governments of England and France.
It is the first duty of statesmen and patriots to insure the liberty and wellbeing of their country. This is now our attitude, and every honest man in Texas will justify and approve that policy, which will place us in a situation where our liberties are secured, whether it be by annexation, or the establishment of our independence. France and England will act effectively, if we do not permit ourselves to be trifled with and duped by the United States. But of this subject, as your situation may soon call your attention to it, you will be the best judges. •••••••••• This letter does not cancel former instructions from the Department; but it is designed to meet emergencies which may arise, or remedy those which have already arisen. Having awaited the arrival of your dispatches, and there being no time to forward them, and send a reply from the State Department, I have deemed it proper to write to you directly by the return mail; so that you may be ready, in the event of necessity, to take such action as our situation may require, and be prepared for contingencies.
I have the honor to be, your obt. servant,
To Gen. J. P. Henderson and Hon. Isaac Van Zandt, etc., etc., etc.
LETTER TO SANTA ANNA.
Executive Department,
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Washington, July 19, 1844.
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His Excellency, General Antonio Lopez de Santa Anna, President of the Republic of Mexico:
It appears by a letter received from General Adrian Woll, under date of the 19th ultimo, that you have entertained a desire to communicate with this Government. I regret, however, extremely, that in so doing, you should have indulged in a departure from the courtesy which ordinarily obtains in the correspondence between civilized States of the present age. There are certain designated and universally acknowledged channels of intercourse between nations, such as the Department of State, or Foreign Affairs.
Through your subaltern, General Woll, you have, in the communication to which I allude, addressed no Government, or functionary of any Government. It is, however, addressed to Texans; but in language which even common courtesy does not sanction.
For the information of your Excellency, I will suggest, that the commission sent out by this Government for the purpose of regulating the conditions of an armistice between the two countries was authorized by the President of Texas, and as such must have been communicated to your Excellency; otherwise they could not have been received in their official capacity. Their credentials alone entitled them to the recognition of yourself or officers.
The Texan commissioners had special and prescribed powers delegated to them, and all their acts were subject to the review and rejection, or approval of the Executive. Without approval, they could acquire no validity. The designation of Texas as a department of the Mexican confederacy so called, was highly obnoxious to the President, and consequently the conduct of the commissioners was, at once, disapproved. For this, you are now, sir, pleased to express, through your subaltern, your indignation at the perfidious conduct of the people of Texas.
I regret much that you have given this complexion to the affairs of the two countries. When men, by chance or Providence, have been elevated to the rule of nations, and entrusted with the protection of the best interests of the people. it must be considered a great misfortune if they entail upon them calamities which their duties as philanthropists should teach them to avert.
When belligerents, even in the most angry excitement of feeling, are arrayed against each other, it is but proper that their chieftains should preserve toward each other that comity which might render them approachable, and thereby avert great human suffering and the effusion of human blood. When war rages, all ranks and conditions are subject to its agitations and calamities. Texas has already endured the extremest agony, and will endeavor to profit by her experience. Against her, you have again denounced war. We will await the event. Eight years ago, you were a suppliant; obtained your liberation without ransom, and acknowledged the Government of Texas. If Texas existed then as a nation, her recognition since then by other powers, and her increased commercial relations, would well excuse your recognition now of her sovereignty. But, sir, you speak of your resources and power. They were defied and triumphed over in 1836; and if you invade Texas in 1844, you will find neither her prowess nor the success of her arms less complete.
I desire to know for what reason you have charged the authorities of Texas with perfidy. Have they given to Mexico any pledge they have not redeemed? They have liberated her chiefs and soldiers taken on the field of battle, without obligation so to do. But they are of a race which permit neither their word nor their honor to be falsified. How has it been with Mexico? The capitulation of Fannin was disregarded, and hundreds massacred in cold blood. You indeed denied a cognizance of this fact; declared that you were implicated by the falsehood of General Urrea, and that if you ever returned to your country and came into power, you would execute him for his duplicity. Have you done it? You have power, but to what purpose? Of the inoffensive traders who visited Santa Fé, and capitulated to your officers, what was the treatment?
They were slaughtered by the way-side, when unable to march, and their ears cut off; evidences, indeed, of barbarity not heard of among nations pretending to be civilized, since the ninth century of the Christian era. Again, at the surrender of Mier, your officers pledged to the men the protection due to prisoners of war; in fulfillment of which, they were soon after barbarously decimated, and the remainder ever since held in chains and prison. They were also to be returned to their home immediately after their submission; but every pledge given to them has been violated. Is this good faith? You pledged yourself also solemnly, through H. B. M. Ministers, to release the Texan prisoners in Mexico, if those of Mexico remaining in Texas should be set at liberty—which was done on the part of this Government, by public proclamation, and safe conduct offered to them to return to their country. Have you performed your part of the agreement and your duty? Are they free? Will all this justify you in charging, through General Woll, either the Government or citizens of Texas with perfidy, or its Executive with double dealing in diplomacy?
I regret, sir, extremely, that it has been my duty thus to advert to circumstances which must be as disagreeable to you as to myself. But you have invoked it.
You have denounced war, and intend to prosecute it; do it presently. We will abide the result. Present yourself with a force that indicates a desire of conquest, and with all the appendages of your power, and I may respect your effort. But the marauding incursions which have heretofore characterized your molestation, will only deserve the contempt of honorable minds.
I have the honor etc., etc.,
LETTER TO GEN. ANDREW JACKSON.
Venerated Friend:—A multiplicity of concerns has prevented me from writing oftentimes to you since I had the pleasure of seeing you in Tennessee. It has not been for a want of inclination; nor has it been that I believed it would be considered irksome by you to peruse my letters. The many and continued regards which you have kindly evinced toward me for the last twenty-seven years, and the undiminished confidence reposed in me, are circumstances which have instructed me in the assurance that you entertained for me that solicitude which will induce sufficient care for me to desire a knowledge of the success which may betide me as an individual and a man engaged in the amelioration and improvement of the condition of mankind.
No one can more understandingly appreciate such efforts than yourself, who have been engaged for more than half a century in the most arduous labors, and constantly opposed by obstacles of every variety of character. You have surmounted all, and in retirement enjoy a nation's gratitude for the matchless benefits which your forecast and patriotism have conferred upon it; and to this is added the admiration of mankind! You are truly rich in earthly blessings; and I most devoutly hope that the great Dispenser of heavenly rewards will grant you an everlasting recompense.
I have often reflected upon the trials through which you have passed, and admired the firmness with which you met and triumphed over opposition. Recently I have seen from your pen a manly and conclusive vindication of your conduct during the defense of New Orleans and subsequent events. If the Kentuckian has any shame, he has abundant reason to blush for his foul slander against you. Whilst you were in the way of aspirants, such things were to be looked for; but when retired to the Hermitage, and in delicate health, I had hoped, for the honor of my native land, that the quiver of malice and detraction had become empty.
Your persecutors are determined to pursue you to the last; and if they could they would administer to you "vinegar mingled with gall." I commend the course pursued by you in this case, as it has presented many facts of history which were not before known to the world. I trust, from the masterly vindication, that no base or anonymous slanders will ever violate the sanctuary of your reputation or repose. Whoever undertakes to do right in a corrupt or degenerate age, or in the midst of factions, demagogues, or, unprincipled aspirants may expect to pay the forfeit of their repose. No man deserves the name nor the reward of a patriot who is not willing to hazard everything for his country, and, if necessary, to perish for, or with it, rather than to drag out a humiliating existence.
Peculiar circumstances influence the course of every man whose duty it is to discharge high and important delegated trusts. But if he is an honest man he will never yield principle to expediency, in the hope that by some fortunate chance he may be enabled to repair the injury which he has inflicted upon his country by a wish to conciliate his enemies or temporize for the sake of harmony. To surrender a Constitution to tamperers for plans by which they may gain power to subvert principles or the excitement of a populace, actuated by demagogues, I regard as an act of foul treason. And he whose duty it is to preserve the charter of his country's freedom, and yields to such influences, I esteem either a dastard or a traitor. I regret to entertain the impression that every day lessens the veneration which men and politicians have heretofore entertained, or at least professed, for constitutions. Once they were held in veneration second only to Holy Writ; but now they are derided by many openly, and new theories set up in their place. Statesmen can alone appreciate them, and are willing to rely upon them as the only saving principle of self-government. The above doctrine is now openly advocated by many, that Legislatures have the right not only to exercise the powers plainly delegated to them by the Constitution, but that they have likewise the right to exercise all powers not expressly prohibited by the Constitution, thus destroying all the checks and balances of free government, and throwing into the hands of the legislative department all the co-ordinate powers of government. This, to my mind, is more dangerous to liberty than an assumption by either of the other departments of government. For if either of the others should attempt to assume, or actually assume, a power or powers not granted, the people would easily become awakened to a sense of the danger to which their liberties were subject, because they are not regarded so immediately connected with the people as the legislative department, and are in their character more responsible. The members of Congress being more numerous than the other departments, do not individually incur a proportionate degree of responsibility. What a Legislature does is done by many, or rather by no one; but what is done by either of the other remaining departments can be readily ascertained, promulgated, and the transgressor identified.
Assemblies and deliberative bodies have often destroyed liberty; but no individual, while deliberative bodies have remained honest and incorruptible, has ever overthrown the liberties of any people, and I much doubt if it was ever attempted. Catiline, though unsuccessful, no doubt had many friends in the Roman Senate. Cæsar and Pompey both had their adherents, and the corruption and the factions of the Senate of Rome invited Caesar to enslave his country. Cromwell owed his elevation to a corrupt Parliament, and Napoleon was indebted to the oppression and misconduct of the Assembly of France, for his power. I have recently seen a display of the danger, but it has passed by. If ever the United States do, and they must change their form of government, it will be owing to the assumption of powers by the Congress and the frequency of elections, which open so wide a field to demagogues for all their infamous practices.
I regard all republics as exposed to similar catastrophes. We may desire that period to be far removed from our day when such results must take place, and surely every patriot will cherish a hope that such may never be the case. But when we look through past ages and contemplate the present tendency of the affairs of nations, we can not but entertain many painful apprehensions for our own country's safety. Demagogues are the agents of mischief, and a little leaven leaveneth the whole lump. When the mass of a nation becomes either slavish in spirit or corrupt in principle, the friends of liberty are silenced.
To you, General, I find myself vastly indebted for many principles which I have never abandoned through life. One is, a holy love of country, and a willingness to make every sacrifice to its honor and safety, next a sacred regard for its Constitution and laws, with an eternal hostility and opposition to all banks.
Now, sir, I beseech you to feel assured that no policy, expediency, fear, or whim shall ever cause a departure from these principles, but that I will cherish them while life endures, as I am capable of feeling one grateful emotion from your many acts of affectionate kindness to me, under all circumstances, and in every vicissitude of life in which you have known me.
I will not close this long letter without assuring you that I entertain confidence in the speedy success of Texas, if I am sustained in carrying out a wise policy, to live within our means, act defensively, cultivate our rich land, raise a revenue from import duties, make and keep peace with the Indians, and, if possible, get peace with Mexico, in the meantime watch her, be prepared, and if an army invades us, never to let them return.
LETTER TO GEN. W. S. MURPHY.
To Gen. W. S. Murphy
My Dear General:—To-day, Mrs. Houston, Master Sam, and myself, did intend to go down by the boat; but as matters now stand, we will not go down for some days. I was mortified in not hearing from you, and particularly so, as I learn that you are somewhat annoyed by certain influences. These we must bear with; and can do so with a greater spirit of endurance, for we know from what cause they arise. It is true that some men are like the fallen angels, and would rather rule in hell than serve in heaven; such men are bad servants of the laws, and would make worse rulers than servants. I trust the days of anarchy will soon be numbered, and then cease for a thousand years.
Can't you come up by the next boat? If you can, it is more than probable that we will return with you to the island, or pass a few days or perchance weeks. The roads continue impassable to the Trinity, and I must seek to get Mrs. Houston to her mother's by water.
We have no news of interest here. I do not intend leaving until something definite transpires. The times are big with events of coming circumstances to Texas and the world. I feel that matters now transacting are, if carried out, to perpetuate the union of the States, by the annexation of Texas, at least three centuries. If it is not done by annexation, the Union will be endangered, their revenue diminished, and a European influence grow up in Texas from our necessities and interest that will most effectually pretermit the interest of the United States, so far as they are to look for the sale of their fabrics in the southern section of this continent, and a forfeiture of our sympathies. Mexico in a short time, by the influence which Texas can command, will yield everything to the superior energy, activity, and the employment of well-directed capital, which will flow to us from Europe, and render us the beneficiaries of a vast, important, and extensive trade. All our forts will soon become great commercial marts; and places now scarcely noted upon our maps, will be built up and grow into splendid cities. These are but few advantages which are noticed; but these, to the statesmen of the United States, ought to cause ceaseless efforts to secure so rich a prize. The present movement is the only one the United States will ever enjoy to annex Texas. I am intensely solicitous to see the matter consummated and my country at rest. 'Tis true that we are not to be great gainers when compared to the United States in what they derive. Had I been at Washington, 1 would most certainly have not made a treaty so indefinite as to individual rights which may arise and be involved in the subject of annexation. We surrender everything, and in reality we get nothing only protection, and that at the hazard of being invaded or annoyed by Mexico before any aid could be rendered by the United States. I hope that the precaution taken will be such as to deter Mexico from any attempt upon us. The fact that the United States is one of the rival powers of the world, will render that nation more liable to war than we would be as a minor power.
There are a thousand reasons which I could urge why Texas would be more secure from troubles if she could have present peace, which she can obtain readily if she is not annexed. When we once become a part and parcel of the United States we are subject to all their vicissitudes. Their commercial relations are extensive, which subjects them to jealousy, and the rivalry of other powers who will seek to overreach them and cramp them by restriction and annoy them by interferences. They will not be willing to submit to these things, and the consequence will be war. Nor will this danger arise from any one power of the earth, but from various nations. The wealth of European nations depends more upon their labor than the people of this continent. We look to the soil, they to their manufacturing capacity, for the means of life as well as wealth. These facts are not all, and indeed but a very partial notice of important affairs. The political relations of the State will increase and become more complicated and expensive with their increase of power. Not only this, but they too will grow arrogant, and it will not be a half century, if the Union should last, until they will feel a strong inclination to possess by force that which they at the present would be willing to make a subject of negotiation and treaty. In all contingencies, if we are annexed, we have to bear a part of their troubles, no matter of what character. Alone and independent, Texas would be enabled to stand aloof from all matters unconnected with her existence as a nation; while the causes of war to the United States would be a source of benefit and prosperity to her. War could grow up between no power and the United States, but what Texas would be the beneficiary. The values of our staples would be enhanced, and that arising from influences of war upon the United States. Texas, enjoying as she does a situation on the Gulf and a neutral attitude, would derive the greatest possible benefits. Calamity to other nations would be wealth and power to Texas. The encouragement given to us by the demand for our staples would increase our individual as well as our national wealth. The fleets of belligerents would be supplied with meats from our natural pastures, and the sale of our superabundant herds would, when added to the sale of our other commodities, give us more wealth than any other nation in comparison to our population. Apart from this, if we should not be annexed, all the European nations will introduce with alacrity vast numbers of emigrants, because it will enable them to extend their commerce. Those who migrate from the different nations to Texas will retain predilections for many years in favor of the partialities which nativity carries with it in after-life. That France, as well as England, will pour into our country vast numbers of industrious citizens, there can be no doubt. Belgium, Holland, other countries will not be remiss in their duty, despite consequences. All these countries have an excess of population, and the common policy and economy of nations is such that they will have a care to the location of those who leave their native countries. Never, to my apprehension, have all nations evinced the same disposition to commerce as that which is now exercised and entertained. Hence no time has ever been so propitious for the rebuilding of a nation possessed of our advantages as that which Texas at this moment enjoys, in the event that the measure of annexation should fail. Its failure can only result from selfishness on the part of the Government or Congress of the United States. If faction or a regard to present party advantages should defeat the measure, you may depend upon one thing, and that is, that the glory of the United States has already calamities. A rival power will soon be built up, and the Pacific, as well as the Atlantic, will be component parts of Texas in thirty years from this date. The Oregon region, in geographical affinity, will attach to Texas. By this coalition or union the barrier of the Rocky Mountains will be dispensed with or obviated. England and France, in anticipation of such an event, would not be so tenacious on the subject of Oregon as if the United States were to be the safe possessor of it. When such an event would take place, or in anticipation of such a result, all the powers which either envy or fear the United States, would use all reasonable exertions to build us up as the only rival power which can ever exist on this continent to that of the United States. Considering our origin, these speculations may seem chimerical, and that such things can not take place. A common origin has its influence so long as a common interest exists, and no longer. Sentiment tells well in love matters, or in a speech, but in the affairs and transactions of nations there is no sentiment or feeling but one, and that is essentially selfish. I regard nations as corporations on a large and sometimes magnificent scale, but no more than this. Consequently they have no soul, and recognize no mentor but interest. Texas, once set apart and rejected by the United States, would feel that she was of humble origin, and if a prospect was once presented to her of becoming a rival to the United States, it would only stimulate her to feelings of emulation, and it would be her least consideration that by her growth to power she would overcome the humility ol her early condition. So the very causes which now operate with Texas and incline her to annexation may at some future period be the cause of most active and powerful animosity between the two countries. This, too, we must look at, for it will be the case whenever difficulties arise between the United States and Texas; if they are to remain two distinct nations, the powers of Europe will not look upon our affairs with indifference, and no matter what their professions may be of neutrality, they can always find means of evasion. The union of Oregon and Texas will be much more natural and convenient than for either separately to belong to the United States. This, too, would place Mexico at the mercy of such a power as Oregon and Texas would form; such an event may appear fanciful to many, but I assure you there are no Rocky Mountains interposing to such a project. But one thing can prevent its accomplishment, and that is annexation. If you, or any statesman, will only regard the map of North America, you will perceive that from the forty-sixth degree of latitude, north, there is the commencement of a natural boundary. This will embrace the Oregon, and from thence south on the Pacific coast to the twenty-ninth or thirtieth degree south latitude, will be a natural and convenient extent of sea land. I am free to admit that most of the provinces of Chihuahua, Sonora, and the Upper and Lower Californias, as well as Santa Fé, which we now claim, will have to be brought into the connection of Texas and Oregon. This you will see, by reference to the map, is no bugbear to those who will reflect upon the achievement of the Anglo-Saxon people. What have they ever attempted and recoiled in submission to defeat? Nothing, I would answer.
Population would be all that would be needful; for, with it resources would be afforded for the accomplishment of any enterprise. As to the proposition that the provinces of Mexico would have to be our own, there is nothing in this; for you may rely upon the fact that the Mexicans only require kind and humane masters to make them happy people, and secure them against the savage hordes who harass them constantly, and bear their women and children into bondage. Secure them from these calamities, and they would bless any power that would grant them such a boon.
The Rocky Mountains interposing between Missouri and Oregon will very naturally separate them from the United States when they see the advantages arising from a connection with another nation of the same language and habits with themselves. The line of Texas running with the Arkansas, and extending to the great desert, would mark a natural boundary between Texas or a new and vast Republic to the southwest. If this ever takes place, you may rely upon one thing, which is this: that a nation embracing the advantage of the extent of seventeen degrees on the Pacific, and so extensive a front on the Atlantic as Texas does, will not be less than a rival power to any of the nations now in existence. You need not estimate the population which is said or reputed to occupy the vast territory embraced between the twenty-ninth and forty-sixth degrees of latitude on the Pacific. They will, like the Indian race, yield to the advance of the North American population. The amalgamation, under the advisement of statesmen, can not fail to produce the result in producing a united government formed of and embracing the limits suggested. It may be urged that these matters are remote. Be it so. Statesmen are intended by their forecast to regulate and arrange matters in such sort as will give direction to events by which the future is to be benefited or prejudiced. You may fully rely, my friend, that future ages will profit by these facts, while we will only contemplate them in perspective. They must come. It is impossible to look upon the map of North America and not to perceive the rationale of the project.
Men may laugh at these suggestions, but when we are withdrawn from all the petty influences which now exist, these matters will be those of the most grave and solemn national import. I do not care to be in any way identified with them. They are the results of destiny, over which I have no control.
If the treaty is not ratified I will require all future negotiations to be transferred to Texas. I have written much more than what I expected, and it seems to me that I have run into a prosaic strain. As I have many letters to answer, I pray you to think that I have not been grudging with you.
LETTER TO GEN. ANDREW JACKSON.
Venerated Friend:—Your several favors of the last month have reached me safely and with expedition. I have given all the attention to their contents which your views, as well as the subject-matter itself, demanded. You are fully aware that every circumstance in which you feel a deep interest, or whatever may concern you individually, awakens in me emotions of the liveliest regard.
It is natural to suppose that the subject of the annexation of Texas to the United States has commanded the most profound deliberation of which I am capable. Heretofore, the demeanor of the United States toward us has been such as to discourage any hope which the friends of the measure might entertain. Our situation also has been peculiar and difficult. I have found myself surrounded with internal difficulties as well as external dangers. It was my duty, as Executive, to have an eye to every emergency which inight possibly arise. My situation certainly might have excused, or even justified, a compromittal on my part, with the hope of securing for my country a respite from existing calamities. I am happy to assure you, however, that I have incurred no committal prejudicial to her interests or my own honor, and am free to take any action which her future welfare may require, and be perfectly vindicated from any imputation of bad faith toward any nation or individual. This assurance may appear strange to you, for I assure you it is even surprising to myself, that the necessities of our circumstances had not suggested some hazardous measure for their alleviation or improvement. So far as I am concerned, or my hearty co-operation required, I am determined upon immediate annexation to the United States.
It is not the result of feeling, nor can I believe that the measure would be as advantageous to Texas if she had permanent peace, as it is indispensably necessary to the United States. Texas, with peace, could exist without the United States, but the United States can not, without great hazard to the security of their institutions, exist without Texas. The United States are one of the rival powers of the earth, and from their importance, as well as the peculiarity of their institutions and the extent of their commercial relations, they must expect, at no distant day, wars, the object of which will be to prevent their continuance, if possible, as a nation. Situated as Texas is, in point of locality, with peace she would have nothing to apprehend for years to come. Other nations would not dread her rivalry, but rather count her friendship for commercial advantage. Her people would have nothing to divert them frotn their agricultural pursuits. Her advancement in the arts of peace and commerce would be inevitable. With a government requiring trifling expenditures, and a tariff much lower than that of the United States, she would invite the commerce of all nations to her ports, as is already, to some extent, the case; and whilst she thus increased the demand for her productions she would drive the manufacturers of the United States from her markets, from the fact that American manufacturers could not so well compete with those of Europe. In this way the immense trade of the northern Mexican States, as well as Texas, would fall into the hands of European merchants, and pass through our ports and territory. In a few years the loss to the American manufacturer would not be a small amount. But, on the other hand, by annexation these advantages would be secured to the American merchant, to the exclusion of the European, for we should then be but one Government, and, consequently, in the markets of Texas, no duties could be levied upon home manufactures. The tariff of the United States would operate then to insure to their own citizens a valuable market which must otherwise inevitably be lost to them, not to say anything about the embarrassments to their revenues by the smuggling which would certainly be carried on. The exchange of commodities between Texas and Europe would give rise to a feeling of reciprocal benefit, and there would be nothing in all this to excite national cupidity or jealousy toward us. Thus situated, Texas might remain at peace for a half-century, nor is it probable that she would even then have war, unless it was with Mexico. Her resources having accumulated for this period, she would have sufficient means and ample capacity to subjugate Mexico whenever she might choose so to do. The efficiency and hardy character of her population would also enable wise leaders to render subservient the means of Mexico to her own subjugation. This is an imperfect glance at some of the advantages which Texas might hope for as a separate power.
By immediate annexation, we relieve ourselves of the solicitude which we have felt as to our situation. Yet that would be no guarantee for immediate peace. Mexico might make annexation a cause of war, and inflict annoyances upon us. It might be some time before the proper aid from the United States would be available for our defense against incursion; such incursion would seriously interrupt our citizens in their peaceful avocations. It is quite possible, too, that England and France would be greatly dissatisfied at the consummation of the contemplated measure, and if so, though no great injury to the United States might eventually result, yet it would at least give much complication to the affairs of the nation.
You may rely upon it, General, that it is essentially important to Texas to be protected by the United States against the contingencies hinted at, even during the progress of negotiations.
This must be assured to her, otherwise she may act unwisely in entertaining any proposition on the subject for a single moment. I, however, rely with confidence upon the magnanimity of that Government to see that she suffers no detriment, either now or hereafter, from the plain manifestation of affection toward the mother-land.
There is a sameness or unity in our national interests and institutions in Texas which does not exist in the United States. All our population is agricultural, and we have no sectional institutions or diversified interests. The farming, manufacturing, maritime, and mercantile interests all claim the peculiar consideration of the national Congress. Texas, independent, would be free from the agitations arising from this condition of things. The interests of the North and the South render it almost two distinct nations. The question of slavery can not arise in Texas. One portion of the Republic can not, on this subject, be arrayed against another. By annexation we should subject ourselves to the hazard of tranquillity and peace on this subject, which as a separate power would not exist. The debt of Texas is a mere "drop in the bucket." Our public domain comprises at least 150,000,000 of acres of arable land, with every delightful variety of climate, and every natural advantage which a country of the same extent could possibly enjoy.
But notwithstanding I take this view of things, my deliberate judgment has led me to the conclusion, founded upon an intimate acquaintance with our condition, that the present policy of Texas dictates that I should unreservedly cooperate in the contemplated measure. I think it wisdom growing out of necessity, and not an abandonment of principle. If there is any selfishness in my heart I do not know it. I have now lived for half a century, and thirty years of that time I have been chiefly engaged in active employment for, as I believed, the advancement of human happiness. How far I may have been useful is a question I never ask. How my actions are to be appreciated, so they are right, I never care. I have been actuated all my life from feelings of honorable emulation, but not those of empty ambition, nor the idle vanity of commanding the plaudits merely of the world. Circumstances have thrown me into prominent and responsible situations, and like yourself, General, I have received a full share of abuse. But that has never deterred me from doing what I believe to be right, regardless of consequences.
I have no desire to see war renewed again in Texas. It is not the apprehension of personal danger that would alarm me, but rather the deleterious influence which it has upon our population. The revolution has already introduced into Texas more wicked and ambitious men than could be desired in our present condition. In armies and in camps such men have an opportunity of extending their acquaintance, and of deriving some prominence from associations which totally disqualifies them from usefulness in a peaceful community. Unwilling to embark in the useful avocations of life, in many instances they become restless demagogues or useless loafers. They are either ready to consume the substance which they have not earned, or to form combinations unfavorable to good order and the administration of the laws. Peace in Texas would relieve us from such people, and in the absence of their baleful influence give to society a vigorous constitution and healthy complexion. All the evils which we have experienced have resulted from such characters, and unless we have peace permanently established among us we can not tell when a September election might not subject the country to the misrule of such men for three years.
Furthermore, I wish to reside in a land where all will be subordinate to law, and where none dare to defy its mandates. I have arrived at that period of life when I desire retirement, and assurance that whatever I possess will be secured to me by just laws wisely administered. This privilege I would deem a rich requital for whatever I may have performed useful in life. With it I would be happy to retire from all the cares of public station, and live in the enjoyment of the reflection that if I had been serviceable to any portion of mankind their prosperity and happiness were ample recompense. I would give no thought to what the world might say of me, when I could transimit to posterity the reputation of an honest man.
A special Minister, together with our resident Charge, has been appointed, with full powers and dispatches to consummate the work of annexation. But that you may be more perfectly informed of everything interesting connected with the subject, I have directed my private secretary and confidential friend, W. D. Miller, Esq., to convey my personal salutation and embraces to you, with authority to communicate everything and upon every subject. Mr. Miller is a young gentleman who has been connected with me in my office since the commencement of my present administration. He knows all my actions and understands all my motives. I have concealed nothing from him, nor will he conceal anything from you. Mr. Miller bears dispatches, and has been appointed Secretary to the Secret Legation at Washington. If you should desire to send any communication to Washington, you will find him a ready writer, and he will take pleasure in serving you as an amanuensis.
Now, my venerated friend, you will perceive that Texas is presented to the United States, as a bride adorned for her espousal. But if, now so confident of the union, she should be rejected, her mortification would be indescribable. She has been sought by the United States, and this is the third time she has consented. Were she now to be spurned, it would forever terminate expectation on her part, and it would then not only be left for the United States to expect that she would seek some other friend, but all Christendom would justify her in a course dictated by necessity and sanctioned by wisdom. However adverse this might be to the wishes or the interest of the United States in her present situation, she could not ponder long. The course adopted by the United Slates, if it stop short of annexation, will displease France, irritate England, and exasperate Mexico. An effort to postpone it to a more convenient season may be tried in the United States to subserve party purposes and make a President. Let them beware. I take it that it is of too great magnitude for any impediment to be interposed to its execution. That you may live to see your hopes in relation to it crowned with complete success. I sincerely desire. In the event that it speedily takes place, I hope it will afford me an opportunity of visiting you again at the Hermitage with my family. It is our ardent desire to see the day when you can lay your hand on our little boy's head, and bestow upon him your benediction. Be assured, General, that I should rejoice if circumstances should afford an opportunity for an event so desirable to us.
Be pleased to make the united salutations of Mrs. H. and myself to your family. We unite our prayers for your happiness, and join in the expression of our affectionate regard for you.