The nation was further encouraged in its firmness of attitude by the protest of the communal authorities of Ghent, whose refusal to recognize the division of Belgium was answered by the arrest of the aldermen and the deportation of the burgomaster, M. Braun. Ghent was thenceforward administered by a college of aldermen appointed by the German governor-general, who reserved the right of controlling them and substituting himself for them in the exercise of their functions. A German military officer was appointed burgomaster of the town.
The government of occupation hoped to use education as a potent weapon for dividing the country. The Flemish language was proclaimed the only one permitted in the State and voluntary schools of Flanders. Even in Brussels, where French is spoken by a large majority of the population, Flemish was to be the only language of instruction. A transition period was conceded, but from Sept. 5 1918 primary education was to be completely Flemicized.
Flemicizing of Ghent University. The centre of the whole scheme for the Germanizing of Flanders was to be the university of Ghent. It was to become a tool in the hands of Germany. Flemicization was decided upon in 1915 by the German Government and overtures were made to the professional body. On that body's refusal to submit to the invaders' desires reprisals began, Profs. Henri Pirenne and Paul Fredericq, accused of leading the resistance, being arrested and deported to Germany. The Ghent professors did not flinch before these intimidatory measures, but stood firm. On March 15 1916 an order was issued that thenceforward all lectures in the university of Ghent were to be given in the Flemish language. Professors who did not deliver their courses of lectures were to be placed on the retired list. The new university retained only four professors from the staff of the Belgian university, one of them a German. To fill its professional chairs it had to draw on students, members of the " Activist " party, Dutchmen and Germans. Shortly after, the German authorities celebrated the opening of the university, and the King of Bavaria graced the ceremony with his presence. A characteristic touch was the omission of Belgian history from the syllabus of the university. To attract students all the scholarships in Belgium were allotted to the university of 'Ghent, and a shameless campaign of intimidation was organized: students in the zone d'elape were given the alternative of either being transported as forced labour to Germany or pursuing their studies at the " Activist " university. The latter alternative was backed by substantial advantages, extra food rations being added to the scholarship grants of money. Despite all this, and despite the suspension of lectures in all the universities of the country, not 200 students were recruited.
In 1917 the German authorities began to understand that Flemish opinion could not be counted on to aid in the dismemberment of Belgium, and consequently their treatment of the working-class population of Flanders increased in harshness, deportations becoming particularly frequent. But still attempts were made to foster Activist ideas. Lectures and meetings were promoted for the exposition of German views; the publication of pamphlets and tracts was facilitated; every form of autonomistic propaganda was supported by armed force. In the end it became obvious that no result would ever be achieved by these means, so a new form of propaganda was adopted. At Courtrai an association was formed with the name of Volksopbcuring (regeneration of the people). Its supposed object was to raise the moral standard of the Flemish people and relieve distress. It was supported by a committee in Holland consisting of the most exalted personages. In reality it had no other aim but to promote the idea of Flemish autonomy. Its activities were ignored, and remained without result until the day in 1918 when the German Government transferred to it the responsibility, till then belonging to the communal authorities, of distributing sugar, syrup, jam, potatoes, butter, etc. Thenceforward, the whole population of Flanders being forced to apply for those necessaries to the Volksopbcuring, propaganda could be made in terms of food, and constraint be exercised directly on each individual through the distribution of the necessaries of life. To make this organization quite omnipotent the Government was further inspired to entrust it with the distribution of the home-grown food supplies. Resistance to anti-Belgian propaganda would then have been reduced by starvation. This project, however, produced such a fury of indignation throughout the country that the foreign legations were moved to protest and succeeded in preventing its realization. The true role of the Volksopbeuring had become so flagrantly apparent that in 1918 it was disavowed by the Dutch committee which had been formed to support it.
The Economic Situation. The occupation of Belgium by the German army profoundly disturbed the country's economic situation. Industry suffered from the very outset, owing to the measures taken for military reasons. Raw materials were at once requisitioned, and to facilitate that the declaration of stocks was made obligatory, while they might not be disposed of without permission. In Dec. 1914 the declaration was made obligatory of stocks of benzine, petrol, alcohol, glycerine, oils, fats, carbides, india rubber and pneumatic motor tires. On Jan. 25 1915 this order was extended to stocks of lead, copper, aluminium, antimony, zinc, nickel, mercury, tin and alloys of metals.
Besides requisitions, other measures threatened and destroyed Belgian industry. On Nov. 26 1914 commissaries had been appointed by the German Government to supervise industrial or business concerns belonging wholly or in part to nationals of countries at war with Germany. On Feb. 17 1915 this supervision was changed into sequestration. All such undertakings, whether Belgian or foreign, were sequestrated if they could be useful to Germany or if they might be harmful to her. They were temporarily taken out of the hands of their proprietors and their management assumed by the government of occupation, which either continued to work them in the interests of Germany, or proceeded to liquidate them. Over 100 industrial concerns were sequestrated in 1915, about 20 in 1916, about 10 in 1917. They were great metallurgical works, building works, stone quarries, collieries, electrical generating stations, etc. Foreign undertakings, principally British ones, were put into liquidation.
The establishment of central depots for the monopoly of coal, oils, fats, water, gas and electricity completed the capture of Belgian industry by the invader. In Oct. 1914 the Belgian collieries resumed work. On April 24 1913 the government of occupation established the Kohlenzentrale. Collieries had to send their entire output to the " Central," excepting only what was consumed in their own works. Contracts for deliveries existing at the moment of the publication of the edict were annulled. The Kohlenzentrale was intended to provide coal for the railways and the German army. This object rapidly expanded, and the " Central " became an instrument of official pillage.
The obligation to declare stocks was imposed simply to facilitate requisitions. In Oct. 1914 Germany introduced into Belgium a double system of requisitions: on the one hand, requisitions made directly for the army and the military authorities; on the other hand, general requisitions. The scheme for working them had been framed by Dr. Rathenau, who was entrusted with the creation of the " Department of raw materials of war " at the War Office in Berlin. Such raw materials were first seized, and could no longer be sold save to the " Centrals " which fixed their price. If the vendor refused the price offered he was expropriated, and handed a requisition voucher. From 1915 onward requisitions of raw materials and of machine tools were made throughout the country. Belgian industries, deprived of raw materials, protested vehemently to the government of occupation that the requisitions should at least be paid for. They were told in reply that if the war tax of 60 millions per month was regularly paid, the price of requisitions would be paid in cash from Jan. i 1915. This promise was never fulfilled, a thousand pretexts for delaying the payments being offered: difficulties in transporting and classifying the goods, and in checking the requisition vouchers; disproportion between claimed value and the real value; the necessity of not allowing German specie to leave Germany. Moreover, Germany never regarded herself as responsible for the price of the requisitioned goods;
