concern was to carry on the policy of its predecessor, and to press forward with unabated determination the military proposals be- fore Parliament. So bitter was the opposition to the Three Years' Service bill that Barthou experienced no difficulty whatever with regard to proportional representation, which almost impercepti- bly dropped for the moment out of the realm of practical politics. The critics of the Three Years' Service bill were recruited from among the ranks of the Socialists and Socialist-Radicals. They did not deny that some answer to Germany was necessary; that something had to be done to increase the military efficiency of France; but they urged that the Government, in asking the country to accept another year of military service, was demand- ing a sacrifice which would not be in proportion to the results achieved. They argued that it would be both less costly and more effective to reform the whole conception of army organiza- tion on the general lines advocated by the Socialist leader Jaures and to aim at the adoption of the Swiss militia system. The ut- most concession the Opposition was willing to make was to agree to an increase of six months in the total service.
The hostility against the proposals of M. Barthou was not con- fined to politicians. Very active propaganda against them was carried on throughout the country by Communists and Anar- chists, and by anti-militarist agitators belonging to the Confede- ration Generale du Travail. This activity for a time had serious effects upon army discipline, and in more than one provincial garrison mutinies broke out. Happily they were not of a grave nature, and prompt action by the Government in arresting the ringleaders, and in showing their dupes and the country the unpatriotic motives which inspired the agitation, soon put an end to the unrest in the army. Legislation calling for the heavy sacrifice of a further year's military service naturally could not be popular; but the military activity of Germany, and the tone of speakers on the other side of the Rhine, left France in no doubt as to what was in store. The country realized the necessity for the fresh effort asked of it. Barthou fought the bill through the Chamber with skill and courage. He had to contend with violent opposition from the Socialists, and with all the dilatory tactics the ingenuity of Radicals could devise. After 22 sittings had been spent in discussing counter-proposals, the House began the consideration of the Government bill on July 7, and, by 339 votes to 223, carried the essential clause. By the end of the sum- mer the whole bill had become law, and the main task of the Bar- thou Ministry was at an end. Hostility towards the Ministry was in no way abated, and Caillaux led his followers to victory on Dec. 2, inflicting defeat by 290 votes to 265 on a vote authorizing a loan of 52,000,000, mainly for non-recurring military expen- diture. The Finance Minister, M. Dumont, asked that fiscal im- munity should be extended to the proposed new Rente, a request which, as Caillaux pointed out, would have cut at the root of any just income tax, since between one-tenth and one-twelfth of French wealth is invested in Rente.
A Doumergue Cabinet. Attempts were made to solve the cri- sis which had arisen, without paying due regard to the claims of the Socialist-Radicals. Both M. Ribot and M. Jean Dupuy tried unsuccessfully as Moderate Republicans to enlist the sup- port of Caillaux and his friends. In these circumstances M. Ribot advised the President of the republic that the new head of the Government would have to be chosen from among the Left. Recollections of the part played by Caillaux in Franco- German relations made it difficult for the leader of the Socialist- Radicals himself to take office as premier; and it was M. Dou- mergue who, after a week of negotiations, formed a Government on Dec. 8, composed almost exclusively of Socialist-Radicals. The Ministry was Gaston Doumergue, prime minister and Foreign Affairs; Rene Renoult, Interior; Bienvenu-Martin, Jus- tice; Noulens, War; Monis, Marine; Caillaux, Finance; Viviani, Public Instruction; Malvy, Commerce; Fernand David, Public Works; Lebrun, Colonies; Raynaud, Agriculture; Metin, Labour; Under-Secretaries of State, Peret for the Interior, Maginot for War; and Jacquier for the Fine Arts.
Interest in the new Ministry was confined to its financial pro- posals, and its attitude towards the Three Years' Military Serv-
ice law. It soon became apparent that, whatever ministers had said about the new law when in opposition, they had no in- tention of interfering with its working. The preceding Govern- ment's bill for the issue of perpetual Rente was withdrawn, and a policy of Radical finance was outlined, based upon the taxation of acquired wealth. As a matter of political fact the chief aim of MM. Doumergue and Caillaux was to stay in power long enough to give to the approaching general elections a pronounced Socialist-Radical flavour. The waning power as a battle-cry of anti-clericalism, the personal talents of Caillaux, the involved condition of the French budget, no less than the real unfairness of the incidence of taxation, made of Caillaux's financial plans the main plank of his party's fighting programme. In the fore- front of those plans were taxes on income and on capital. Be- fore the year was over the electoral campaign had begun.
The Federation des Gauches. Briand, in a speech to his con- stituents at St. fitienne, voiced again those arguments in favour of conciliation which he had put forward at Perigueux and at St. Chamond. He attacked the old Radical school for its desire to keep alive for its own political benefit all the old class and clerical feuds. He recalled Caillaux's secret dealings with Ger- many, and dwelt scathingly upon demagogic plutocrats, who raised the dagger above wealth with such ferocity of mien that it was difficult to say whether they intended to strike at riches or to defend them. Briand rallied to his standard a large number of moderate men belonging to all opinions, and for electioneering purposes they formed a fighting body known as the Federation dcs Gauches. It had the support of men like Millerand, Barthou, Klotz and Ribot, and carried on a vigorous campaign throughout the country in favour of the Three Years' Service law, and in opposition to the proposed taxation of income. When the Cham- bers reassembled after the New Year recess, finance was still their main business. The Briandists sought in vain to shake the Government majority. The Lower House, after a month's de- bate, approved the fiscal proposals of the Government by a major- ity of 115. In the Senate, however, which, being more Radical in politics, was therefore more Conservative in economics, Caillaux had to make concessions and on minor points suffer defeat.
Madame Caillaux. Opposition to Caillaux and his policy found its most virulent expression in the columns of the Figaro, where, day after day, were published documents affecting the personal and political honour of M. Caillaux, as well as of his wife. These attacks were brought to a tragic end on March 16 1914, when Madame Caillaux, having previously taken lessons in revolver-shooting, called upon the editor of the Figaro, Gaston Calmette, and fired five shots at him. He died a few hours after- wards. The publication of the documents in the Figaro sought to prove that Caillaux had, throughout his political career, taken advantage of his position as Minister of Finance to line his own pockets, and that in particular he had brought such pressure to bear upon the judicial authorities that a notorious financial swindler, Rochette, was enabled to abscond while awaiting his trial. This was the most serious charge brought against him as a public man. The Figaro had, however, also started the publica- tion of some very intimate letters written by M. Caillaux to his second wife, the shooter of Calmette, while she was still his mis- tress. In these documents, public and private matters were dis- cussed with cynical licence; and in one of the letters Caillaux boasted to his mistress that in the Senate he had, as Minister of Finance in the Waldeck-Rousseau Ministry, " smashed the in- come tax (his pet measure) while appearing to defend it." The sensation caused by Madame Caillaux's deed was great. Rioting between Radical and Royalist gangs broke out during Calmette's funeral, and for some days Paris was in one of her typically effer- vescent moods. This manifestation was controlled without much difficulty, but it was less easy to limit the political effect of the crime. Caillaux at once resigned office, but Monis, Minister of Marine, was also deeply involved, as having been the prime minister who ordered the Procurator-General to postpone the trial of Rochette, and thus made it possible for him to escape to Mexico. Monis remained to face the storm in Parliament, which appointed a committee of inquiry as the result of further revela-
