basis for orientation followed by a myth of explanation. The houses in these cases are built ostensibly with regard to the home of the dead; but in each case they actually face away from the prevailing wind. If indeed the tomb be orientated like the house, it would be interesting to trace the connection between the prevailing winds and a later explanation of the locality of the other world.[1]
To conclude, the suggestions that have been made here are doubtless of a slight nature; but so rapid a survey of burial customs in all ages and climes can but attempt to give a very general idea of the possibility of correlation and causal connection between the various forms of ritual and belief. A considerable harvest awaits those who may be interested in the intensive study, from this point of view, of particular culture areas.
Moreover, the subject is complicated by the presence of additional factors which have had to be eliminated for the purposes of this paper. Thus the converse reaction on ritual of its derivative beliefs, or even of beliefs independently established, should receive due allowance. An example is the differential treatment of the body of the suicide according to the current view of the morality or immorality of his action, and the prevalent belief as to his prospects in a future life.[2] Again, the influence of culture contact must be taken into account. Dr. Rivers has worked out for us in remarkable detail the Melanesian facts with regard to funerary ritual, showing not only how intrusive changes in burial customs may result from migrations, but even how new forms may arise directly from the shock of contact.[3] Once more, the geographical factor must be given full weight, since not only may it
- ↑ See also Mr. T. C. Hodson, Naga Tribes of Manipur, London, 1911, on "The Maram District of Assam," and Dr. Haddon, in The Cambridge Expedition to Torres Straits, vi. p. 127.
- ↑ Van Gennep, Les Rites de Passage, Paris, 1909, p. 217.
- ↑ Rivers, The History of Melanesian Society, Cambridge, 1914.
