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know whether it is the "Dutch School" or the K.A.P. I do not know whether Gorter will give up the Dutch Party so easily. I do not think so. Look, for instance, at the "Proletarier" which is published by the K.A.P. with the modest inscription: "The Dutch Marxist School." This booklet contains the entire school. It consists of three articles: "Party and Class" by Gorter; "Marxism, and Idealism" (the mostburning question of the social revolution!) by Pannekoek; and the "Formation of a Communist Mass Party in France," by Henriette Roland-Holst, aboutwhom I really must say: "I am very much grieved to see her in such company." With her brilliant capabilities she might have done more useful service in the Communist International.
Comrades, jokes aside, with their literary productions, the Communist Labour Party of Germany is gradually developing an enemy of the Communist International. Gorter says in one place: "Levi's spirit is the spirit of the V.K.P.D., the spirit of the Executive Committee, the spirit of the Third International. For, how did they act at Tours, at Halle, at Livorno?"
You see we were wrong in Halle, we have acted wrongly at Tours, when we excluded the French Centrists, and we have also erred in admitting too numerous a party at Livorno.
According to Gorter we should not have allowed such large masses to join us, because, he says—"you want only numbers, not quality." Hence the entire International does not stand for quality, it is Gorter alone who represents quality. Further, he says in his Ciceronian manner: "How long will you carry on a policy of leaders, and not of masses? Are not the examples of Russia, Bavaria, Germany, or even Russia alone, sufficient?" What is that, comrades? Is it not something very much like Dittman? What does that mean? Russia, as an example of a policy of the leaders? Let them tell us clearly where this
