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was the case. Where are the leaders, where is the policy, where is the proletariat which has fallen in vain? What policy of the leaders is condemned by these people? All this must be expressed clearly.
Gorter says further: "How long will the sham-struggle of the Trade Unions, these sham organisations, be supported and the struggle of the industrial organisations boycotted? How much longer will the new Marxian, scientific tactics be sabotaged?
Consequently the Trade Unions, which are now really the motive power of the whole revolution, are sham organisations because they do not follow our policy? Noske, Scheidemann, Thomas, Ebert, Horsing are shams; Gorter alone is no sham.
The situation is not such in reality. True, the Trade Unions are arch-reactionary, but if we do not win over their weapons the proletarian revolution cannot be assured. Whoever wishes to teach the working class that the Trade Unions are a sham, is in the best of cases a thoughtless phrasemonger, and not a leader of the working class, striving to hunt down the bourgeoisie?
It says further: "The excuse that the V.K.P.D. had to fail this time because it was not strong enough, is not valid." This is printed in large type. And further on we read: "So long as it will be a mass party, it will never be strong within."
And so, on one hand, the parties must not be mass-parties, and on the other hand the Communist Labour Party is not a mass party, while demanding a policy of the masses. Let anyone understand this who can. I think, comrades, we have had enough for the time being of this pamphlet of the Dutch school. I must say, however, that the question is not so harmless. The comrades are following the example of Serati. I have here a May number of the K.A.Z. (Communist Labour Paper) which would have to manifest international solidarity, and set forth the ideas that unite us. This number contains the fol-
