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lowing passage: "The lessons of the recent March struggle must be comprehended by Moscow. If that does not happen, if the decision is not taken at last to put the question of the revision of the 21 points in the agenda of the next Congress, we shall have to draw the only conclusions possible."
To which I must answer: "If you please, we shall raise no objections." (Laughter.)
Then Gorter continues: "We shall then be justified in assuming that the complete lack of comprehension of the problems of the West European revolution and, on the other hand, the considerations of the special interests of the Russian Soviet power are, for the most part to blame for the swamp into which we have been sinking ever deeper and deeper." To that I can only add what I said at Halle to the Right I.S.P. people: "To-day, gentlemen, you are for Soviet Russia, but to-morrow you will be in the enemy camp fighting against Russia." They replied: Never! And to-day they are open and decided enemies of Russia. I say the same to-day to the leaders of the K.A.P.D.; by these tactics, half childish and half criminal, you will grow to be the enemies of the proletarian Republic.
Radek—Gorter is already defending Kronstadt!
Zinoviev (continuing)—-The same article states: "But the political and organisational breaking away of the Third International from the system of the Russian State policies is the goal which we must try to reach if we desire to do justice to the Western-European Revolution."
This is said somewhat diplomatically, but it is clear. We declared at the Second Congress, and we declare to-day in the name of our Party: We would be most happy if the proletarian revolution would be victorious in Germany or elsewhere, and we could remove the centre of the Communist movement to Berlin.
