9
professional men of the States? No, certainly not. Why should a man, because he owns a plantation and slaves, have greater political rights than other men who have no such profitable investments? What gives such property a superiority over other property politically? When the Convention which framed the Constitution of 1845, had under consideration a similar proposition, Mr. Roselius, then a senatorial delegate from this parish, very properly said:
“So far from entertaining the idea of placing the basis according to population, gentlemen say that a particular kind of property should be preferred. They say slaves should be represented, and are in favor of a mixed basis composed of population and exclusively of slave property. If slaves be adopted because they are property, they are the most unstable and least permanent kind of property. Why not adopt other property? Real property? Why confine it to the slaves?”
Thus spoke the Nestor of the Louisiana bar in 1845; and thus he closed a speech of great eloquence and power:
“Before this issue all party distinctions will cease. Not a single vote in the city will be cast in favor of a Constitution which contains so infamous a proposition. The city will be united in its resistance, and will have the sympathies and voices of the country who are not insensible to the dictates of justice. The Constitution, with such a principle, will never be sanctioned—never! never! never! In common parlance, the delegation from the city will take the stump in opposition to its ratification, and will point out its gross and flagrant injustice. They will appeal from the decision of this Convention to the decision of the people.”
Such arguments defeated the proposition for the time. In 1852, when the present Constitution was before the people for ratification or rejection, an esteemed friend of mine, who was the leader in the opposition, and through whose influence the Constitution came near being rejected, used this language:
“When, for instance, the basis of representation in this State has for forty years been the qualified electors, and can an attempt to deviate from this, as has been done in the new Constitution, upon which the people will soon be called to pronounce judgment, be regarded in any other light than a deliberate conspiracy to confer upon property rights, of which the people, it is hoped, will not permit themselves to be despoiled? Has anything ever been done heretofore, similar to the treason against the people contemplated in this new organic law? Have the people of any other State in the Union ever consented to a compromise of their dearest rights, or to a vile barter of them, at the bidding of a grasping oligarchy. Who ever heard of an American population retrograding in their republicanism; or of the people of any State in the South approving a Constitution intended to elevate the slave to the legislative importance of the white man?”
Again he said :
“The idea that the free white population of this State can be reconciled to any system by which political power is to be transferred from their hands to those of men owning large gangs of slaves, is equally preposterous and dangerous; and we earnestly entreat every one who is led away by this belief, to study the history of this country with more attention before the fatal step is justified by him.“It is all very well to say that unless this slave basis of representation be adopted, New Orleans will be still farther restricted in her representation. This may gull some people, but those who rely on it as a successful cover to the political degradation of the people of Louisiana, sure to follow the adoption of the new Constitution, miserably deceive themselves. The people are not fools, whatever office-hunting or money-corporation demagogues may think or say in regard to them.”
Thus wrote the powerful pen of Dr. Hugh Kennedy, in the True Delta of August 13th, 1852. These quotations from the productions of two of our most talented and influential citizens, explain themselves and have a deep significance at this time, considering the opinions now entertained by those gentlemen. The same reasoning applies to the representation
