exploded. We moderns; we enlightened Americans; we
who have abolished hierarchy and title; and we who are
submitting to be taxed and enslaved by patronage and paper,
without being deluded or terrified by the promise of heaven,
the denunciation of hell, the penalties of law, the brilliancy
and generosity of nobility, or the pageantry and charity of
superstition.
A spell is put upon our understandings by the words "publick faith and national credit," which fascinates us into an opinion, that fraud, corruption and oppression, constitute national credit; and debt and slavery, publick faith. This delusion of the aristocracy of the present age, is not less apparent, than the ancient divinity of kings, and yet it required the labours of Locke and Sidney to detect that ridiculous imposture.
Publick faith is made with great solemnity to mount the rostrum, and to pronounce the following lecture:
"Law enacted for the benefit of a nation, is repealable; but law enacted for the benefit of individuals, though oppressive to a nation, is a charter, and irrepealable, The existing generation is under the tutelage of all past generations, and must rely upon the responsibility of the grave for the preservation of its liberty. Posterity, beijig bound by the contracts of its ancestry, in every case which diminishes its rights, man is daily growing less free by a doctrine which never increases them. A government intrusted with the administration of publick affairs for the good of a nation, has a right to deed away that nation for the good of itself or its partisans, by law charters for monopolies or sinecures; and posterity is bound by these deeds. But although an existing generation can never reassume the liberty or property held by its ancestor, it may recompence itself by abridging or abolishing the rights of its descendant."
Such is the doctrine which has prevented the eye of investigation from penetrating the recesses of the aristocracy of the present age. It simply offers the comsolation of
