and not of states. No advantage can possibly be proposed by the large states by swallowing up the smaller. The like fear existed in Scotland at the time of the union with England; but it has turned out to be wholly without foundation. Upon the present plan, the smaller states may swallow up the larger. It was added by one most distinguished statesman,[1] (what has hitherto proved prophetically too true,) that the danger was not between the small and the large states. "The great danger to our general government is, the great southern and northern interests of this continent being opposed to each other. Look to the votes in congress, and most of them stand divided by the geography of the country, not according to the size of the states."[2]
§ 695. Whatever may now be thought of the reasoning of the contending parties, no person, who possesses a sincere love of country, and wishes for the permanent union of the states, can doubt, that the compromise actually made was well founded in policy, and may now be fully vindicated upon the highest principles of political wisdom, and the true nature of the government, which was intended to be established.
§ 696. It may not be unprofitable to review a few of the grounds, upon which this opinion is hazarded. In the first place, the very structure of the general government contemplated one partly federal, and partly national. It not only recognised the existence of the state governments; but perpetuated them, leaving them- ↑ Mr. Madison.
- ↑ This summary is abstracted principally from Yates's Minutes of the Debates, and Luther Martin's Letter and Speech, January 27, 1788. See Martin's Letter in 4 Elliot's Debates, 1 to 55. See Yates's Minutes in 4 Elliot's Debates, 68; id. 74, 75, 81, 89 to 92, 99 to 102, 107, 108, 112 to 127; 2 Pitkin's Hist. 233 to 248. See also The Federalist, No. 22.
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