and the South render it almost two distinct nations. The question of slavery can not arise in Texas. One portion of the Republic can not, on this subject, be arrayed against another. By annexation we should subject ourselves to the hazard of tranquillity and peace on this subject, which as a separate power would not exist. The debt of Texas is a mere "drop in the bucket." Our public domain comprises at least 150,000,000 of acres of arable land, with every delightful variety of climate, and every natural advantage which a country of the same extent could possibly enjoy.
But notwithstanding I take this view of things, my deliberate judgment has led me to the conclusion, founded upon an intimate acquaintance with our condition, that the present policy of Texas dictates that I should unreservedly cooperate in the contemplated measure. I think it wisdom growing out of necessity, and not an abandonment of principle. If there is any selfishness in my heart I do not know it. I have now lived for half a century, and thirty years of that time I have been chiefly engaged in active employment for, as I believed, the advancement of human happiness. How far I may have been useful is a question I never ask. How my actions are to be appreciated, so they are right, I never care. I have been actuated all my life from feelings of honorable emulation, but not those of empty ambition, nor the idle vanity of commanding the plaudits merely of the world. Circumstances have thrown me into prominent and responsible situations, and like yourself, General, I have received a full share of abuse. But that has never deterred me from doing what I believe to be right, regardless of consequences.
I have no desire to see war renewed again in Texas. It is not the apprehension of personal danger that would alarm me, but rather the deleterious influence which it has upon our population. The revolution has already introduced into Texas more wicked and ambitious men than could be desired in our present condition. In armies and in camps such men have an opportunity of extending their acquaintance, and of deriving some prominence from associations which totally disqualifies them from usefulness in a peaceful community. Unwilling to embark in the useful avocations of life, in many instances they become restless demagogues or useless loafers. They are either ready to consume the substance which they have not earned, or to form combinations unfavorable to good order and the administration of the laws. Peace in Texas would relieve us from such people, and in the absence of their baleful influence give to society a vigorous constitution and healthy complexion. All the evils which we have experienced have resulted from such characters, and unless we have peace permanently established among us we can not tell when a September election might not subject the country to the misrule of such men for three years.
Furthermore, I wish to reside in a land where all will be subordinate to law, and where none dare to defy its mandates. I have arrived at that period of life when I desire retirement, and assurance that whatever I possess will be secured to me by just laws wisely administered. This privilege I would deem a rich requital for whatever I may have performed useful in life. With it I would be happy to retire from all the cares of public station, and live in the enjoyment of the reflection that if I had been serviceable to any portion of mankind their prosperity and happiness were ample recompense. I would give no thought to what the world might say of me, when I could transimit to posterity the reputation of an honest man.
