trusion if I give you my view of the situation. The revolt in the Republican party is at this moment very strong. But it would be a mistake to consider Blaine a weak candidate. He is weak in his own party, but he will have the support of the Irish dynamite faction, and the speculators and rascals will flock to him without distinction of previous condition. He will have a large campaign fund at his disposal. The Democratic candidate in order to beat him will, therefore, need the support of the Independent Republican vote to make up for desertions and to furnish the necessary majority. The Independent Republicans will undoubtedly cast a more than sufficient number of votes, if the character of the Democratic candidate be such as to overcome this disinclination to “vote for a Democrat.” That disinclination still exists with many. If the Independent Republicans feel themselves compelled to nominate a “conscience ticket,” and thereby to declare their distrust of the Democratic nominees, the whole movement will be so seriously crippled as to leave the result doubtful. Only in case they vote directly for the Democratic candidates, their votes thus counting double as against Blaine, will the result be certain.
There are only two possible Democratic candidates for whom that vote can be counted upon—you and Cleveland. The nomination of either of you would make success reasonably sure. Cleveland's enemies say that he cannot carry New York on account of the hostility of Tammany. This is nonsense. What Tammany's proclaimed hostility and friendship respectively effect has been seen in the cases of Tilden and of Hancock. The hostility of Tammany would very largely increase the Independent vote for Cleveland. I am sure he would carry the State by an immense majority. Your enemies say that you cannot be elected on account of your Dover speech. This is nonsense also. The Independent Republicans who have
