Disappointment at Garfield's letter of acceptance—Regarded as reactionary—A better course to have taken—Schurz will appeal to the independents and conservatives.
Defends letter of acceptance—Refers to his attitude in Congress on money question and civil service—Expresses “great satisfaction” with Schurz's Indianapolis speech.
Popular impression growing that Garfield will return to old patronage system and will not prevent sectional strife—His recent visit to New York believed to be a surrender to the “machine”—Schurz advises Garfield not to go to Warren.
Republican victory in State elections due to fear of reactionary tendencies of Democratic party—Hopes that Schurz can allay the antagonism between German Republican leaders in New York—Thanks Schurz for effective campaign work.
Garfield's task more difficult than that of Hayes—Future of Republican party dependent on success of his Administration—Cabinet should be chosen for their ability, energy and integrity, rather than to please the party—Schurz discusses the merits of several whose names have been suggested.
“Geographical question” in choosing Cabinet of less importance than efficiency—General tendency toward independence in politics—“Boss-rule” a menace to Republican party—Democrats in earnest about civil service reform—Garfield's Administration must be clean, and able in managing public business.
Case of Big Snake reviewed—Dawes's misrepresentations—Official evidence quoted to prove that Poncas were content to remain in Indian Territory—Let the Poncas at last have rest.
Enjoys Schurz's editorials—Reasons for Conkling's solicitude for Arthur—Senate was prevented from electing a President pro tem. before adjournment because a Democrat would have been chosen.
Rejoices that “the Ponca war” has been ended by the marriage of Tibbles and Bright Eyes—Will Dawes and Long add this to their indictments?—Schurz's Indian policy adhered to by Kirkwood.
Senate resolution calling upon the Interior Department for copies of Secretary Schurz's ruling on the Northern Pacific R. R. land grant—Schurz assailed in the newspapers—Asks Edmunds to move for a thorough investigation of the case.
The Northern Pacific R. R. land case, as a legal question, was submitted to the Attorney-General and decided on its merits—Newspapers ascribe false motives—Thorough investigation desired.
Amused at Blaine's posing as a civil service reformer—Schurz did not write the Evening Post criticism of Blaine—Natural that Blaine should dislike one who believes the author of the Mulligan letters would never be President.
Comments on Julian's attacks—The attacks caused Schurz to review, with several officials, his own records and decisions as Secretary—Found they would bear the most searching investigation—Democrats lack courage on tariff question—Probable rearrangement of political parties in near future.
Is not an “apologist of violent methods”—For Republicans to urge want of improvement in the South as a political issue, would be to defeat themselves—Remedy for existing evils.
Gives his views on Sunday opening of libraries, museums, etc. and the operation of railroads—Prohibition laws—Protecting public school system from sectarian control—Equal taxation, etc.
Would be glad to see Bayard President—To defeat Blaine, friends of Bayard and of Cleveland should work together—Tammany's hostility to Cleveland would strengthen him.
Explains personal attitude and agrees with Schurz's suggestions—Puzzled by New York politics and not associated with local politicians—Not seeking a nomination, but, if nominated, would be grateful for Schurz's counsel and aid.
Asks Hoag to sign protest against Blaine's nomination—Mulligan letters show that Blaine traded upon his official position for his own pecuniary advantage—Moral standard of the country would be lowered by electing Blaine.
Blaine regrets Schurz's indisposition to support him—How election to the Presidency would change Blaine—Henderson asks Schurz to suspend all political activities until after they meet.
Butler and Kelly using Bayard's name to prevent Cleveland's nomination—Tammany against Cleveland—Importance of Bayard and Cleveland coöperating—Loss of Democratic opportunities would mean Blaine's election.
Urges Lodge carefully to review the reasons that have led him to declare for Blaine—The demoralizing influence Blaine's election would have on the country—Advises Lodge not to accept nomination for Congress from the Republican party while it is so corrupt—Sincere, warm, personal feeling for Lodge.
Is grateful, but takes a different view of the political situation—Obligations to Republican friends and neighbors—Having freely declared his independent views, he will accept a seat in Congress if offered—However mistaken, he acts from a sense of duty—Must pay a debt of honor to the party.
Is “paralyzed” by statements of “eminent clergymen” against Cleveland—Urges Schurz to postpone prospective speech for Cleveland—Suggests choosing a candidate with a clean record—Accepting Cleveland as candidate would elect Blaine and kill the Independent movement.
Schurz's investigations convince him that, aside from the old offense, the stories are maliciously exaggerated for political purposes—Known facts do not warrant the risk of changing plans now.
Is disappointed at failure of Independent to publish Dr. Ward's article championing Cleveland—In politics, public virtue is more important than private.
Activities in the campaign—Itinerary to October 4th—Asks why more Independent speakers are not in the field—Great demand for German edition of anti-Blaine speech.
Representatives, both State and National, the immediate agents of the people—Senators generally of a higher average but not belonging to a privileged class, excite no jealousy—Two-house system entirely satisfactory.
Congratulations—Civil service question will demand immediate decision—Cleveland's Administration might be made a turning-point in country's political development—Schurz does not seek anything for himself or for his friends.
Urges Williams to point out to Democratic Representatives from Massachusetts that failure to support civil service reforms will “quickly sweep their party out of power again.”
Approves formal declaration to Cleveland that anyone asking for office ceases to represent the principles and aims of the Independent movement—Blaine's speech after defeat.
If Bayard fears expense of Secretaryship of State, Schurz suggests Secretaryship of the Treasury as less expensive and more influential—Bayard “absolutely needed” in Cabinet.
Schurz offers detailed views to President-elect—Civil service reform the decisive question—What is required of a reformer—Kind of Secretaries a reform President needs, especially in Treasury, Post-Office and Interior Departments—Importance of being well known—Slight importance of geographical considerations—Why Schurz did not go to Albany.
Cleveland's civil service letter an “excellent document”—Schurz arguing with advocates of reform that attitude of critical opposition will delay concentration of energies and necessary reorganization of political forces—Reports prospective absence during Cleveland's visit to New York.
Detailed account of an interview with Cleveland about the choice of a Cabinet: Whitney, Bayard, Manning and others—Cleveland had made no pledges—Desires reappointment of Pearson—Cleveland strongly opposed to silver coinage—White's impression of Cleveland.
Importance of selecting best men in Democratic party for Cabinet positions—Several persons discussed—Impossibility of keeping all Presidential aspirants out of Cabinet—Paramount object, to create public confidence.
Objections to making Whitney and Manning members of Cabinet—Independents disappointed by the prospects—Schurz's past experience in coöperating with Democrats—Has no personal aims, but wishes to see reforms accomplished—Why Lamar is appealed to and what he could do.
Urges reappointment of Pearson—Cleveland's pledges to make efficiency instead of partisanship the test in the civil service will be judged by his treatment of Pearson—No satisfactory middle course between spoils and reform.
Has had many urgent matters to attend to—Perplexed by official documents on file in the Pearson case—Hopes to do the right thing and to gratifiy the reformers—His burden and solemn good intentions.
“What I want to see recognized is not a person but the public interest”—The Administration should either reappoint Pearson or make public its reasons—The Independents made a “free offering” of their support of Cleveland.
Congratulations because of wise appointments—Fears appointment of a partisan, instead of an efficient collector of customs—Administration gaining friends—Bold and consistent reform the only safety.
Thinks criticism of Eastern Mugwumps by Western newspaper too severe—Deplores recent appointments in Indianapolis—Swift should submit to the President charges against Jones.
Personally grateful for investigation ordered of the Bacon-Sterling affair—The anti-reform movement in Democratic party should be met with calm and defiant determination—Danger of having unsympathetic subordinates.
Approves resolutions of Brooklyn Independent Republican Committee—Duty of Independents to vote for the best man, irrespective of party—Davenport represents the best, Hill the worst, political tendencies—Attitude of the Independents—Good administration the main question.
Urges the President to make public the reasons for suspension or removal from office—Quotes letter dismissing a Republican appointee to make room for a Democrat—The President dishonored and discredited by such partisan rulings—Need of heroic measures—Believes a law requiring the President to give his reasons for removals would be both Constitutional and helpful to a reform Administration.
Apprehends that the President misunderstood a recent letter—Urges him to issue Executive order that “hereafter in every case of removal the reasons therefor shall be put upon public record”—Much criticism on the part of Independents.
Is following with interest the debate on removals and suspensions—How the lost prestige of Senate might be regained—Scheme of Republican Senators to force Cleveland to acknowledge partisan removals and appointments, so as to justify spoils system.
Not at liberty to discuss what passes in secret session—Cases in which publicity would be advantageous—Instances where privacy during discussion is essential.
Points out lack of discrimination in speeches at Reform Club dinner—Independents must never be partisans—Commends Williams for denouncing Democratic “office-mongering” in Massachusetts—Favorable opinion of Edmunds—Need of a strong, searching but high-toned opposition.
By referring each case of suspension or removal to the proper committee for open inquiry, the Senate could determine the public judgment—The people have no confidence in the Senate's secret proceedings in such matters.
Without undervaluing the good Cleveland has done, Schurz thinks the President has permitted partisan removals and appointments—Prefers to make no public speech at present.
Schurz's most pointed criticisms of Cleveland have been made to Cleveland—Cleveland has exasperated the spoilsmen without satisfying the reformers—Strength of Democratic party waning—Cleveland can save the day by acting with firmness and decision—Schurz watching with intense and friendly anxiety.
Has not visited Washington lest the cry be raised of Mugwump influence, etc.—The mistakes of an Administration are widely commented upon, while its good work is scarcely known—Schurz makes specific and practical recommendations as a means of success through reform—President Grant's warning example—Does not regret supporting Cleveland.
Importance of the National Civil Service Reform League's always telling the truth—Schurz anxious to have Cleveland demonstrate that a public man's word can be kept.
Schurz's interest in character of Administration wholly non-personal—Must soon make a report on progress of reforms—Commends selection for New York collector of customs.
Believes in Cleveland's sincerity but does not excuse his mistakes—The causes and the remedies—Seeks a friendly understanding between the reformers and the Administration—Suggests interchange of clerks in the Indian Bureau and those at the Indian agencies—Spoils scandals.
At the request of Independents and Democrats, Schurz points out to the President the more serious mistakes of his Administration, his waning popularity and the possibility of defeat should he accept renomination and the Republicans select almost any one but Blaine—Party success and adhering to reform pledges hang together Schurz's attitude toward the Administration and the charge of “impracticability”—Spokesman for many in this unwelcome task.
Gives details of conversation with Cleveland about his pledges and his practice as to appointments—Believes him to be a “faithful public servant, honest and manly, simple and brave”—Thinking too much of details, he fails to grasp the entire situation—Claims to have kept his pledges, to have made progress and to be considering the next advance—Codman would “deal gently with Mr. Cleveland,” in civil service reform report.
Cleveland's mistaken point of view—His explanations fail to explain—Relations and obligations between Schurz and Cleveland—The Independents must tell the truth and the “report” must deal with actual conditions—Desires conference with Codman before the “report” is made public.
Recovering from effects of fall—Blaine's “beautiful suggestiveness” in diplomacy and the good effects of his defeat as Presidential candidate—Labor candidate in 1888 for Presidency, probable—Inquires as to John Sherman's chances for nomination.
Protests against Mayor Hewitt's favoring Fellows, a confessed gambler and beneficiary of Tweed, for nomination as district attorney—Advocates the appointment of Nicoll, an energetic prosecutor—Gives reasons.
Contemplates writing a political history of 1852-61—Cleveland's tariff message has strengthened his position—Cleveland's chances of reëlection good, if party stands by him—Speculation as to the Presidential election.
Intending to write a political history of the United States beginning in 1852, he seeks Bayard's aid in obtaining access to archives of foreign Governments.
The victim of a newspaper story involving Prince Bismarck, Schurz asks how the matter is regarded in court circles—Complains that the newspapers report him as asking favors from the Crown Prince as to the Techow affair.
Received with much friendliness by Prince Bismarck and other German statesmen—Lucrative offers from newspapers—Will write nothing for publication while abroad.
How Cleveland missed his opportunity—The main consideration: how the public interest can be best served—Blaine the real candidate—The tariff question—“The Trust is the younger brother of the Tariff”—What Cleveland has accomplished—Cannot support Harrison.
