Schurz's friendly motive appreciated—German Government more conciliatory on Samoan question—The difficulties explained—Secret arrangements between Germany and Great Britain should be disclosed—The settlement sought by the United States—Bitterness of Republicans against Democratic Administration and especially Department of State—Bayard's caution and friendliness toward Germany.
Bayard's important despatch on Samoan question, etc.—No demand for Klein's punishment—Why Bayard had not already settled Samoan question—Sends Sackville correspondence and desires Schurz's opinion.
Reviews opposition of Republican managers in the Senate to the Department of State—Pendleton's illness hampered Bayard—Blaine much enfeebled in seven years—Small politics—“Wanamaker!!”
The occasion and incidents of the correspondence reviewed—Exception taken to Wanamaker's answer—Evil of large campaign funds—Schurz would end corrupt practices, regardless of party.
Regrets inability to attend a centennial celebration of Washington's first inauguration—Why Washington will always remain one of the most important and precious possessions of the American people.
Regrets inability to attend banquet in celebration of the seventy-seventh anniversary of Thurman's birth—Memory of old days in the Senate—Congratulations and good wishes.
Regrets inability to attend a dinner to be given to Geo. Fred. Williams in recognition of his services in opposition to free-silver coinage—What Williams and his allies did in Congress—Further usefulness expected.
If Cleveland considers the conciliation of the New York “machine” all-important, Schurz's campaign letter will not fit the situation—That letter will be withdrawn unless Cleveland assures Schurz that it will not be contradicted by any one with authority to speak—Entire good-faith with the public requires this.
Favors retaining Theodore Roosevelt as one of the Civil Service Commission—Cleveland's opportunity to deal a fatal blow to the spoils system—Offers suggestions about the choice of a Cabinet—Why chiefs of division should be brought under the civil service rules.
Wishes to write an article about Cleveland's inaugural—Relations with Harper's Weekly—Hawaii—Urges appointment of a man of high culture as Minister to Germany.
Forwards his Harper's Weekly article on our relations with Hawaii—Urges objections to ratifications of pending extradition treaty with Russia—Further suggestions as to German mission.
Explains attitude toward proposed Russian treaty—Runyon to be nominated for German mission—Pleased by Hawaiian article—“We ought to stop and look and think” as to annexation.
Schurz a “hard taskmaster,” and a candid friend—Case of United States district attorney, in Indiana, Burke—How giving patronage in exchange for support always works—Suggests thorough and fearless treatment of the Burke case—“The Postal Scramble”—Schurz's responsibilities as president of National Civil Service Reform League.
Schurz's attitude toward President Cleveland—What the figures as to removals of postmasters show—A better policy suggested and expected President Cleveland's opportunity and his available source of strength—Why Schurz is so frank and persistent.
Recommends that an extra session of Congress soon be called to deal with the financial situation—The Sturtevant case and Logan Carlisle—No objection to removal of incapables—Again advises that chiefs of division be put under civil service rules—General Johnston not in sympathy with purposes of the Civil Service Commission—Why giving patronage in exchange for legislation is weakening—A fearless reform policy safest and most successful—Introducing Francis E. Leupp.
Thanks Schurz for his efforts in cause of National honor and sound finance—Compliments the independence of sound-money Democrats—The path of official duty.
Thinks no sound-money Democrat or Independent should become a member of President McKinley's Cabinet—How President McKinley can best show his appreciation of independent supporters.
As President of National Civil Service Reform League he begs that Civil Service Commission may be regarded as an essentially non-partisan body—The League would gladly aid in the line of its principles.
About a memorial from a committee of the Civil Service Reform League—Hopes that Republican platform's pledges to civil service reform will not be violated—How President McKinley could prevent this.
The occasion of this letter—Schurz's support of the Republican party and sound-money in 1896—A party organization is not an end in itself, but merely a means for attainment of public ends—Political “traitors”—The “practical politician” respects them in spite of himself—The Civil Service Reform League is non-partisan—Gallinger misrepresents the officers of the League—The Republican party's pledges to civil service reform—Gallinger's inconsistencies and dilemma—Willing to continue the correspondence.
Some valuable lessons—Schurz admits his sins as a non-partisan reformer—Self-stultification of partisans—Principles vs. party—Republican pledges and Republican interpretations—Gallinger's record and logic—Misrepresentations—“A genuine celebrity” and “valiant battles for post-offices.”
Gratitude for assurances that civil service order will be enforced—Suggests advantage of a strong word in favor of merit system—Anxious to give all possible aid in advancing civil service reform—Glad Administration is not to interfere in New York City election.
Administration praised at annual meeting of Civil Service Reform League—Why there should be no further exemptions of “confidential” or “fiduciary” positions—Objection to abrogation of the one-year limit for reinstatements—Effect of making concessions—How violations of removal order might be stopped—The menace of Platt.
Thinks the war fever is receding—The suspicion that the ultimate annexation of Cuba is the secret motive of our action—The talk of war as a party interest.
Importance of remaining true to our promise that this is to be a war of deliverance and not of greedy ambition—Annexation of Hawaii now would have a bad influence—Hopes for an early peace.
Preparing a letter to be published in Germany in hope of winning European sympathy to our side—This should be a war for humanity—What we should do in case any Spanish colonies fall into our possession—The advantage of being the great neutral Power of the world—The dangers of annexing outlying territories—How to prepare for the future—Popular dislike of the war—A prophecy ventured—How the “imperialistic noise” and menace can be ended.
Schurz's Americanism—Why he is opposed to an alliance between the United States and Great Britain—The folly of a voluntary surrender of our unique inheritance of a substantially unarmed peace.
Sentiment of Saratoga conference as to Spanish colonies—Popular opinion against tropical acquisitions will increase—The President's unused opportunity—Still one more opportunity—Need of a thoroughgoing plan and non-acquisition—Wishes to allay unpleasant feeling between United States and Germany.
Favors a conference of the Powers most interested in the Philippines—Defeat of Republican party, the thing first and most needed to help solve the Philippine question.
Offers to pay for printing a pamphlet edition of one of Schurz's speeches against imperialism—The people oppose the Government, but democracy is sound—Good wishes.
