but of direct or indirect participation in a conspiracy looking to that end. If this is the case, the apprehension would, I think, be well founded, that any person conspiring for, or seeking to bring about, a change of government in the sense of free institutions in Russia, would, at least by the Russian authorities, be made to appear as a conspirator against the life of the Emperor.
I am not one of those who entertain any sentimental sympathy with dynamiters or manslayers generally. But I appreciate the sentiment stirring up some very good and worthy people here, that when we make an agreement of this nature with a Government which in some respects may be called only semi-civilized, a Government which sends persons to Siberia without any judicial proceeding, by mere “administrative order,” it is of the greatest importance to guard against such a treaty being turned to political use. The greatest Republic in the world would indeed appear in an unenviable light if it directly or indirectly aided the most ruthless despotism in the world in suppressing every liberal aspiration among its subjects. The United States should certainly not be more willing to do such things than Great Britain is.
Pardon me for troubling you with the inquiry what the present status of the treaty is. The citizens who spoke to me about it contemplate a purely American public demonstration against the treaty, but as they have nothing to go on except mere rumor, I advised them to postpone all further steps at least until they had the facts clearly before them, assuring them at the same time that whatever mistake might have been made by the late Administration, you would no doubt do all to set it right. I enclose a printed paper bearing upon this subject which was put into my hand.
I beg leave also to enclose some letters concerning appointments which I have recently received and which
