The New Books.
The Public Career of Charles Sumner.[1]
Mr. Pierce has brought to a successful conclusion, in the third and fourth volumes of his "Memoir and Letters of Charles Sumner," the story of the life of an eminent statesman, whose career was singularly useful in promoting moral ideas in the realm of politics. If Charles Sumner failed to realize the full measure of his ambition no one ever does it could not be said of him that he put his manhood in the balance upon the chance of winning the Presidency. Herein is a lesson for those who choose a public career with honorable aspirations.
The volumes before us cover the period from 1845 to 1874—twenty-nine years of agitation and human activity of profound significance to mankind, during a portion of which it was uncertain whether civilization would be advanced or retarded. The year 1845 finds Sumner in the prime of manhood, fairly launched upon a professional career at the bar, which one cannot but believe, if no other claims had intervened, would have won high distinction. He was a favorite in society, the friend and associate of Longfellow, Hillard, and other literary men at home, and a correspondent of men of distinction abroad. His broad culture and oratorical gifts made him a man of mark, concerning whom there was much prophetic speculation. Conservatism, controling commerce, manufacturing, and finance, wooed him with assiduity. His abilities exerted to maintain the established order of things would have "strengthened the bulwarks of society," and he would have been rewarded with her richest gifts. The temptation was great, but conservatism failed. Charles Sumner elected to be an agitator for moral and political reform. When society became frigid, when the doors of the best houses were closed to him, he grieved and wondered much. Disfavor was manifested even before he became an Antislavery leader; while he was advocating prison reform and promoting the aims of the Peace Society. Antislavery was only the last straw. The antagonism that resulted was bitter, unyielding, and far-reaching in its effects. At that day the refinement of Boston social life was most attractive, and charmed all who came under its influence.
"Such a society was like that of ancient Athens more than any other modern city can show,—intellectual, consolidated, despotic over individual thought, insisting on uniformity of belief in matters which were related to its interests, and frowning upon novelties which struck at its prestige."
During the Mexican War controversy Sumner criticised the course of Mr. Winthrop in Congress, and further widened the breach that had already been made in the ranks of the Whig party in Massachusetts. We are told by Mr. Pierce that it cost him friendships which he valued dearly, and secluded him almost entirely from general society.
"It ended his visits at Nathan Appleton's. Ticknor's door was closed to him; and when a guest at a party there inquired if Mr. Sumner was to be present, the host replied, 'He is outside of the pale of society.' The feeling became so pervasive in Boston's 'Belgravia' that a lady living on Beacon street, who had invited Sumner with other guests to dinner, received a withdrawal of an acceptance from one of them when he found Sumner was to be present, although he was not at all in politics, and had no personal grievance. Prescott, of gentler mood than his neighbors, though with no more sympathy than they in Sumner's themes, still welcomed him in his home on Beacon street and to his summer retreat; but the tradition is that he was obliged to select his guests with care when Sumner was invited, lest the feast should be marred by unseemly behavior on their part. Longfellow and his wife, made of far finer mould than their kin or their class, were, in spite of their connection with Mr. Appleton, as devotedly attached to Sumner as ever, and kept a chamber at his service; but even they sometimes found it necessary to send him a warning from Cambridge that some one was with them whom it was not best for him to meet. Even his triumphant career—his election to the Senate and his fame as an orator—did not soften this animosity."
It was undoubtedly this conservative influence of the solid men of New England which changed Mr. Webster's political course, and prepared the way for the fatal seventh of March speech. Because of his unsoundness on the tariff and tendency toward Antislavery views, the class represented by Lawrence and the Appletons had preferred Clay for President, much to his mortification. He strove to placate it, and succeeded so far that in 1848 they advocated his nomination. It is claimed that their support was only nominal, their real choice being General Taylor, but it is certain that their influence over him was heightened rather than lessened. Webster's opposition to the annexation of Texas led many of the Conscience Whigs to look to him as a candidate, but Sumner distrusted him and opposed his selection. He preferred Corwin, whose happy
- ↑ Memoir and Letters of Charles Sumner. By Edward L. Pierce. Vols. III. and IV. Boston: Robert Bros.
