fortune it had been to speak the truth with fearlessness in the presence of a triumphant opposition—one of a half-dozen great speeches illustrating the best of American oratory. Looking back upon the past, one cannot but regret that closer relations were not established between the brilliant Ohioan and the Massachusetts reformer, as the zeal of the latter would have stimulated the former to his best work, benefitted society, and changed the story of a life.
The campaign of 1848 is one of the most curious and instructive in American political history. That the incongruous elements—Free Soil Democrats, Conscience Whigs, and New York spoilsmen known as Barnburners led by B. F. Butler and Samuel J. Tilden—which went to make up the Buffalo convention could fraternize, even for a day, was remarkable. We are told that—
"Both the nominating body and the mass-meeting were animated by a profound earnestness. A religious fervor pervaded the resolutions and addresses. The speakers asserted fundamental rights and universal obligations, and in their appeals and asseverations sought the sanctions of the Christian faith."
But for once the reformers displayed common sense, and used the personal prestige of the wily old partisan of Kinderhook and his machine to promote their cause. What if Martin Van Buren had their help in revenging himself upon Cass, and what if 1852 found Butler and Tilden and John Van Buren and others of his followers turning their backs on those noble protests for freedom "which made 1848 an illustrious year in American annals" and supporting Franklin Pierce for President,[1] opposition to slavery had made substantial gains and prepared the way for the struggle that followed the passage of the Compromise Measures,—what was really the death-grapple with the Oligarchy.
We now see coming into greater prominence Sumner, Horace Mann, Charles F. Adams, Henry Wilson, and R. H. Dana, Jr., who placed Massachusetts in the van of the Antislavery movement, despite the opposition of the powerful merchants of Boston and Webster. As the glory of the latter departed, the hero of the new crusade, also a great orator, was hailed with popular acclaim—thus repeating the experience of every generation.
Sumner's career in the Senate is fresh in the recollection of our readers. His culture, industry, singleness of purpose, and perfect integrity made him a true representative of the new North. When he spoke it was with a moral force surpassing that of all others. The world listened with respect. The opposition, enraged, struck back with brute force, to the injury of its own cause. During the administration of Mr. Lincoln, Sumner was an authority on all questions affecting our foreign relations; but his devotion to Antislavery convictions often proved an embarrassment. In common with others he misjudged the President, underrated his capacity for leadership in such a crisis, and at times became impatient and censorious. He did not, however, as did Henry Winter Davis, Wade, and Chase, actively oppose Lincoln's renomination, or seek to force him to withdraw in the midst of the campaign of 1864, as did others. He said:
"If Mr. Lincoln does not withdraw, then all who now disincline to him must come into his support. I have declined to sign any paper or take any part in any action, because I was satisfied that nothing could be done except through Mr. Lincoln and with his good-will. To him the appeal must be made, and on him must be the final responsibility."
This was early in September. In a letter to Mr. Cobden, September 18, he expressed himself more at length on this theme:
"The hesitation in the support of Mr. Lincoln disappears at the promulgation of the Chicago treason. There was a meeting in New York of persons from different parts of the country to bring about a new convention to nominate a Union candidate. The 'Tribune,' 'Evening Post,' 'Independent,' and Cincinnati 'Gazette' were all represented in it; but as soon as they read the platform, they ranged in support of Mr. Lincoln. . . . You understand that there is a strong feeling among those who have seen Mr. Lincoln, in the way of business, that he lacks practical talent for his important place. It is thought that there should be more readiness, and also more capacity for government.
". . . Chase for a long time hesitated in the support of Mr. Lincoln; he did not think him competent. But he finds that he has no alternative; as a patriot, he must oppose Chicago. The President made a great mistake in compelling him to resign. It was very much as when Louis XVI. threw overboard Necker, and by the way, I have often observed that Mr. Lincoln resembles Louis XVI. more than any other ruler in history. I once said to Chase that I should not be astonished if, like Necker, he was recalled, to which he replied, 'That might be if Mr. Lincoln were king and not politician.' Thus far the President has made no overture to him of any kind, although he has received him kindly."
But Mr. Chase did make overtures through Governor Brough, seeking a restoration,—the relation of the particulars of which (if this
- ↑ Tilden and other Barnburners, when secession was threatened, addressed the South in resolutions recognizing the right of slaveholders to carry their slaves into the territories and the justness of their grievances, which further heightens the insincerity of the Van Buren men in 1848.
