giving the impression that we wish to place hin drances in the way of Austrian action or prescribe limits or aims for it. What we really want is some guidance as to whereabouts the road we are on is likely to lead us."
This is certainly a most remarkable document.
Only think! On July 5th the German Government sanctions the war against Serbia, aware that it may turn into a World War. Since then it urges for a speedy attack, and on the 17th the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs in Vienna timidly inquires whether he "could have some guidance as to whereabouts the road" of the war "was likely to lead them."
And he asks this, not in order that he may frame his own decisions accordingly—for Austria always had, and has still, a free hand—but merely to be able to "deal with" Italy and England correctly from the diplomatic standpoint.
In this matter Berlin never got a clear answer from Vienna, for the simple reason that there they did not themselves know "where the road was likely to lead them." The two Central Powers unchained the most frightful of all wars without even being clear as to the aim and object of its origination.
The answer was to be given in Vienna on July 19th in a Ministerial Council for "Joint Affairs " on "the approaching diplomatic action against Serbia," in which was to be stated the object of the war which it was determined to force on. In that sitting Count Tisza formulated the demand that the action against Serbia should not be attended with any plans of conquest in favour of the Monarchy. They must limit themselves to rectifications of the frontier required on military
