The Heart of Europe (1917)
by Charles Pergler
Chapter 5
4287512The Heart of Europe — Chapter 51917Charles Pergler

ForewordV I believe it was Walter Lippman who said that the highest ideal and aim of statesmanship is to satisfy human needs. This is to be understood in the broadest possible sense. The highest ideal of statesmanship in its international sense can only be the satisfaction of legitimate national needs. Just as long as such legitimate national needs are not satisfied, the situation in Europe will be full of explosives, and just so long the peace of the world will be menaced. Especially we in America should bear in mind that the problem of small nationalities is also one of extension of democracy. Democracy in a nation will never be realized until all individuals within the nation are afforded an equality of opportunity; democracy among nations will never be realized until all nations, be they large or small, are afforded an equal opportunity to develop and grow legitimately. The mere existence of Austria has become a denial of the right of numerous nations not only to develop, but to exist. These nations will not submit to the lot of slaves, and their resistance will be a constant danger signal to everybody that all is not well with the world, that a new catastrophe may result any moment because of their resistance to oppression; and this necessarily would again involve the whole world. So we must come to the conclusion that even America is vitally interested in the Austrian, and, more specifically, the Bohemian problem. Is it too much to hope that American statesmanship will rise high enough to demand a solution of such questions, now agitating the world, and that it will insist upon such definite solution at the future peace conference? A school of thought has arisen in this country, small as yet to be sure, which seems to think that the only practical statesmanship is to have in mind national interests in the narrowest sense of the term. Those entertaining such a narrow viewpoint should be reminded of a passage in Washington’s Farewell Address, a passage seldom, if ever, thought of: “It will be worthy of a free, enlightened, and, at no distant period, a great nation, to give to mankind the magnanimous and too novel example of a people always guided by an exalted justice and benevolence. Who can doubt that, in the course of times and things, the fruits of such a plan would richly repay any temporary advantages which might be lost by a steady adherence to it? Can it be that Providence has not connected the permanent felicity of a nation with its virtue? The experiment, at least, is recommended by every sentiment which ennobles human nature.” Let us realize that so-called impractical statesmanship is sometimes practical in the highest degree, and that often what is considered practical statesmanship in the long run proves itself highly impractical. Mazzini once declared: “The first people with faith and energy to cry to other peoples: ‘I am fighting for you all. Follow me,’ this people will give its name to an age.” Shall this be the American age?