The rise and fall of the Emperor Maximilian/Chapter XVIII
CHAPTER XVIII.
Maximilian's new Resolutions—Generals Marquez and Miramon—Secret Imperial Envoys to Washington—M. Lares' Requests to Marshal Bazaine—Father Fischer's Diplomacy—Maximilian's final Requisitions—The French Representatives deceived—Marquis de Montholon's Letters to Marshal Bazaine—Accordant Views of France and the United States—Letter of Porfirio Diaz—Final Disappointment of the American Envoys.
WHILST the American mission was being organised in Mr. Seward's cabinet, events were hurrying on in the Hacienda Jalapilla. It will be recollected that Maximilian, impelled by M. Eloïn's letter, had resolved to assemble a national congress—a project which he had for a long time cherished. He flattered himself that the convocation of this congress, as soon as the French had left, would settle peaceably the contest which was in progress between the monarchy and the republic. If the principle of which he was the representative failed to get the advantage in a popular vote—an issue, however, which he had foreseen—he would be at liberty to return proudly to Europe as a prince who had gracefully given up his throne, and as one who would be worthy to play his part in the affairs of his country. But, in order to maintain his power up to the time of the French evacuation, it was necessary for him to depend upon the party which still held the insurrection in check, and would at least give him the means of treating upon equal terms with the various liberal chiefs, and insure the execution of his scheme—that is, the free assembly in Mexico of all the 'notables' belonging to the territory called upon to give an opinion. Now Father Fischer held in his hand all the threads of the plot constructing by the clerical party, and never ceased to hold out before Maximilian's eyes the pretended resources of the party of which he called himself the head. Just at this decisive moment the royal confessor received a powerful reinforcement. Generals Marquez and Miramon, whom the crown had dismissed to Europe about two years before, had just landed at Vera Cruz; some hours after, this mysterious visit was signalled at La Soledad. The day after they landed, forgetful of their disgrace, and feeling unable to turn a deaf ear to the appeal of their party, they presented themselves at Jalapilla, ready to throw their swords into the scale; and, if Maximilian consented to give himself up to the clerical party, prepared to open the campaign again under the imperial banners. Maximilian hesitated no longer; he passed his word to the clerical party, whom he engaged to reinstate in their property and honours. Miramon, fortified with the imperial promise, which was, however, to be kept secret for a few days, hurried to Mexico to communicate this important news to the ministers and council of state, to rekindle the zeal of all the partizans of the church, and to take the steps necessary to set on foot another army, and to get together twenty millions of francs in the imperial treasury.
From this time Maximilian, no longer feeling himself isolated, adopted a decided course with the French authorities. The report of the negotiations opened by our diplomatists with the liberal chiefs, and of Mr. Campbell's mission, sent by President Johnson to Juarez, had found its way to Jalapilla. The sovereign learned also from his tools at Washington that various agents had been sent from Paris to expedite his downfall. A second secretary of legation had been dispatched by the Marquis de Moustier to the Marquis de Montholon; and, on his return from America, he obtained an advancement of rank.
Certain secret envoys, such as Colonel Estevan, who had had an audience of the emperor at Saint Cloud about this time, and a Frenchman of the name of Moreau, had been seen at Washington. At length M. Marcus Otterbourg, the American consul, preceding the 'Susquehannah' frigate, landed at Vera Cruz, and proceeded hastily to Mexico. Convinced that for the future General Castelnau was the mainspring of action, he resolved to unmask the intentions of the French policy at one stroke, and to compel it to decide openly one way or the other. Maximilian had by his side the Abbé Fischer, a well-practised diplomatist, inured all the tricks of the trade, who directed the thoughts the young sovereign, as well as his pen and his conscience. Under his ascendancy, the emperor now regretted that he had not received General Castelnau; for he thought that it would be interesting to have heard from his mouth the latest utterances of the Tuileries. M. Larès, the president of the council at Mexico, was charged to invite Napoleon's aide-de-camp to enter into some explanations. This attempt failed. General Castelnau, faithful to his part, replied to M. Larès that the presence of the marshal was necessary, the latter being qualified to deal with matters. MM. Larès and Arroyo were compelled to proceed to the French head-quarters, where they met the three French authorities. After this interview, the two Mexican ministers drew up a note, which was a faithful summary of the explanations exchanged, and sent it to the marshal: it was dated November 4, 1866.
In the first place, they declared formally that General Castelnau had stated that his sole mission was to confirm the letter of January 15 and those that followed, by which the Emperor Napoleon notified to Maximilian that he could not continue to assist the empire, either with the French troops or with money. The question being thus stated, Maximilian was left at full liberty to make his decision. The ministers also demanded that the crown should be put in possession of all the arsenals, artillery, and munitions of war; and that it should have the entire disposition of the Mexican troops, in order to undertake any military operations that the national government should consider opportune. They also asked that the fortified places should be delivered up to their charge at a fitting time. The two last phrases of this document especially betrayed the feelings which dictated it: they were as follows:— 'We shall be glad to be able to acquaint our sovereign of the latest time to which the departure of the French army will be deferred, and what help it still intends to afford to his majesty's government in the pacification of the country. . .Finally, in case the decision of the emperor should be not to continue to govern, we must inform him as to what the marshal and General Castelnau have settled to do, in order, according to the Emperor Napoleon's instructions, to avoid the anarchy and disturbances which would take place in consequence of the absence of any government.'
Only fourteen days before, MM. Larès and Arroyo showed much less anxiety about the future of their country, when they tendered their resignations at the palace of Chapultepec, and declared that, if Maximilian quitted Mexico, 'there would no longer be a government.'
On November 7 the three French authorities confirmed the resolutions of the Emperor Napoleon. All the Mexican forces and munitions of war were to be given up to the imperial generals, who were already in possession of all the military establishments. As before, all the towns would be placed under the Mexican authorities, who would have proper warning given them of the departure of our detachments. The French troops would continue to protect the officials and the inhabitants in the districts occupied by our soldiers, but no expedition would be undertaken.
'As to the last article,' it was replied, 'it was impossible to state the measures which would be taken if the supposed case occurred; but we can give the assurance that their especial aim will be to maintain order, to respect the wishes of the population, as well as to protect French interests.'
The above language, which was not devoid of artifice, was far from satisfying Father Fischer. Maximilian also drew up a letter which, although it was addressed to the marshal, called for a collective reply from the representatives of France. Under the pretext of settling certain questions, and, among others, the sending home of the Austro-Belgian Legion (whose interests had already been fully entrusted to the care of Colonel de Kodolich), he sought to provoke a more explicit declaration.
My dear Marshal,—Before I decidedly resolve what I must do, and in case my determination should be to leave this country, I must ensure the settlement of certain points which are strictly just and deserve my especial attention. For this purpose I have no doubt that you will be kind enough to send me a document signed collectively by yourself, the minister of France, and General Castelnau; and in this document the following points should be stipulated:—
1. That the French government shall convey to their respective countries the individuals forming the Austro-Belgian Legion, by granting them a passage and the resources necessary to effect their return home. The individuals of the 2. The French authorities in Mexico shall make the necessary arrangements that, at the expense of Mexico, a sum should be assigned to afford a life-pension to each of the wounded and invalids of the above corps, in case a sufficient amount should not be produced for this purpose by the sale of the cannon of the Austrian legion, which are my personal property.
The pensions of which this article speaks are to be paid by a commission nominated by you, to which Colonels Kodolich and Van der Smissen will belong, who will undertake on their part to distribute these sums amongst those legally interested.
3. The French authorities in Mexico shall make every arrangement that the Mexican treasury should pay ten thousand piastres, which shall be remitted to the Princess Iturbide on account of her pension.
At the same time, you will direct that ten thousand piastres should be sent to any town of France to the Prince D. Salvador de Iturbide, on account of that which is owing to him; and it must also be stipulated on the deed, that the young prince alone shall be able to dispose of the capital during his minority.
4. The same French authorities shall arrange that the sum of forty-five thousand piastres shall be handed, on account of the Mexican government, to Don Carlos Sanchez Navarro, in order to pay the debts of the civil list.
There shall also be remitted to the said Sanchez Navarro the sums necessary to settle the accounts of the office of the great seal, it being understood that these accounts, as well as those of the civil list, shall be paid from the sums which the state continues to owe the civil list.
5. The payments included in articles 2, 3, and 4, shall be fully made on the day when the last portion of the expeditionary corps shall leave the city of Mexico.
My personal property, my dear marshal, will remain confided to your safe keeping; and with regard to the produce of it I shall beg you, in conjunction with Sanchez Navarro, to comply with the tenor of my instructions.
Receive the assurance of my feelings of sincere friendship, with which I am your very affectionate,Maximilian.His majesty the Emperor Maximilian having expressed the desire to obtain a document signed jointly by the marshal of France commanding in chief the expeditionary corps, by the envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary of France, and by the General Castelnau, aide-de-camp to the Emperor of the French, regarding the solution of several questions explained in an imperial letter dated Orizaba, November 12: The undersigned, who are glad of this opportunity to testify, as much as in them lies, of their good will to his majesty, have agreed to transmit to him the following declaration:—
The French government engages to convey home the whole of the men composing the Austro-Belgian Legion. This operation will be carried out as soon as circumstances permit, and at all events the Austro-Belgians shall have evacuated Mexico before the departure of the last French brigade.
The details relative to their being sent home shall be arranged by two persons, one of whom shall be designated by the Emperor Maximilian and one by Marshal Bazaine.
The undersigned engage to pay an allowance of half pay to the wounded and disabled of the Austro-Belgian Legion, and to grant the officers and soldiers of this legion an indemnity at the port where they land.
The settlement of the half pay allowances and indemnities specified above shall be confided to a commission to which the Colonels Kodolich and Van der Smissen shall belong. Finally, in accordance with the wish expressed by his majesty the Emperor Maximilian, M. Carlos Sanchez Navarro shall be charged with the payments of the debts of the civil list, and the settlement of the accounts of the office of the great seal. The sums resulting from the sale of the property belonging to the civil list shall be devoted to this purpose; and, in case of the insufficiency of the above sums, the undersigned will endeavour to obtain the concession that the additional amount required shall he furnished by the new government of Mexico.
In witness whereof the undersigned have signed this present declaration.
The representatives of France had fallen into the snare which Maximilian had set for them. The last statement of the collective note betrayed the approach of a new government, which was already prepared to succeed to the monarchy. The three joint-subscribers were deficient in perspicacity: they certainly would not have fallen into this error in diplomacy, if they had been wise enough to compare the language of the two imperial letters which spoke of the return home of the Belgian Legion, between which letters there was a space of only twelve days. The first, dated October 31, 1866, commenced thus:—
When he had read the French document, Maximilian could no longer feel any doubt: he then became certain that the French policy, having completely sacrificed him to its own interest without a shadow of regret, had decisively severed their two respective fortunes, and that all the measures which the French commander was taking were intended to substitute some new state of things in place of the empire. M. Eloïn's predictions were realised! Impatient to have done with France, being informed too by Miramon of the favourable change which had taken place in some of the state authorities, who were preparing to come down to La Jalapilla at their sovereign's appeal, Maximilian forwarded a despatch to Marshal Bazaine inviting him to a private interview. In a conversation of this kind he hoped that the commander-in-chief would let out the full import of the policy of the Tuileries.
To Marshal Bazaine.
[Confidential and important.]Orizaba, November 18, 1866.
I must thank you, as well as General Castelnau and M. Dano, for having arranged those points which concern me so closely. But one important point still remains to be settled: a firm government to protect the interests which are compromised. This point cannot be discussed without a personal interview with you. The continuance of my fever will not allow me to come up to Mexico. I therefore request you to come here some day soon, and, in a few words, we shall be able to arrange everything in a satisfactory manner. I have summoned here for Saturday my council of state and my president of the council.Maximilian.These Mexican officials, who a short time back dreaded endangering themselves even in Mexico, would never have consented to traverse sixty leagues of country ripe for revolt, merely to register an abdication. They then knew the real aim of their assembling at La Jalapilla. When the above despatch arrived at our head-quarters, Miramon's arrival and his proceedings in the capital had already foretold the reaction which had taken place in Maximilian's resolutions; the attitude of the ministers, which had now become almost ungracious, was a sure sign of this. Nevertheless, the commander-in-chief, obeying to the letter the instructions of his government, directing him to respect the young emperor's liberty of action, thought it right to yield to his appeal. General Castelnau and M. Dano, who were joined with him in council, were opposed to it. Compelled to submit to this decision the marshal forwarded to La Jalapilla the following reply:—
To His Majesty the Emperor Maximilian.
It was not till some days after he had written this reply that the marshal was, for the first time, enlightened as to the real intentions of the French cabinet, by receiving a letter from the Marquis de Montholon, the meaning of which appeared to him at first sight rather enigmatical, for he was in no way aware of the course of policy which was being followed at Washington:—
The news from Europe this morning announced no improvement in the health of the empress. What a fatality it seems! The news of the emperor's departure from Mexico has been received with pleasure, and his leaving is looked upon as the signal of an amicable and decisive solution of the difference with France on the subject of Mexico.
The Fenian question in Canada will henceforth form the principal feature of the foreign policy here. The result of the elections is entirely in favour of the opposition, and condemns the president's policy for the reconstruction of the union. The republican and radical party is however, as far as we are concerned, very plainly opposed to any foreign collision. Montholon.
Frigate 'Susquehamah ' conveys to Mexico Mr. Campbell and General Sherman to meet Juarez. Instructions to aid the establishment of a regular republican government, and to avoid all pretext for collision with the French authorities. No improvement in the state of the empress.Montholon.
To the Emperor's Minister at Mexico.
Mission left yesterday. Instructions very vague. To come to an understanding with none but Juarez, except only in case of absolute necessity. No intervention. No acquisition of territory. Moral support to Juarez. Land and sea forces on the frontier at the orders of General Sherman. To avoid all collision with us. Montholon.
General Ortega arrested at Brazos by the Americans.Everything was explained to the marshal in a visit which he received in the meantime from M. Marcus Otterbourg, the American consul, who had arrived in haste from the United States, where it was believed that Maximilian had now embarked for Europe: he was commissioned to prepare the ground for two plenipotentiaries accredited to Juarez. In this interview M. Otterbourg announced to the commander-in-chief the approaching visit of his two countrymen, and the aim of their journey, and sought to sound him as to the mode in which he intended to deal with events. Subsequently, in an official conversation, he intimated that he was charged by his own government, acting in accordance with the court of the Tuileries, to restore, in conjunction with the commander-in-chief, the Mexican republic.
'The time has come,' said he, 'to look out for the Juarist general, to whom it will be best to give over the city of Mexico, so as to avoid the disturbances which may break out at any moment.' Porfirio Diaz appeared, in his opinion, to be worthy of being selected by the French. It would, therefore, be prudent, looking forward to contingencies, to invite him to approach the capital. He also apprised the commander-in-chief that he had already obtained from the bankers of the city funds sufficient to meet the pay of Porfirio Diaz's troops for a month.
The marshal manifested all the astonishment he felt at finding things so far advanced, and declared plainly to M. Otterbourg, that 'as long as Maximilian trod the Mexican soil and had not abdicated, he remained in his eyes the only lawful chief of the country who had any right to the French protection; that, until this moment arrived, no fresh measures could be taken, and every disaffected general necessarily preserved his character as a rebel, and must be dealt with as such.' Subsequently, when the archduke was once embarked, he could not see any objection to organising a government with the co-operation of Porfirio Diaz, for whom he professed to feel more esteem than for General Ortega (whose forfeiture of his parole he could not forget), although the latter was the candidate recommended at Paris. 'If this eventuality should occur,' continued the marshal, 'we should neither assist nor accept as a claimant to the presidential chair any republican chief who would not fully recognise the French debt by giving us solid guarantees for the same. If we come to terms, and in this I shall follow the instructions of my sovereign, we shall treat regularly as one government with another, and on this score we shall, of course, hand over to the new president the fortified places of the republic as well as the Mexican artillery and arms.'
In reply to a special observation as to the giving up of six thousand muskets, which had been ordered at Maximilian's request, it was stated that these would be included among the matériel which would be handed over to the future chief of the state when lawfully recognised. M. Otterbourg's own declaration would suffice to attest the authenticity of this conversation, in form as well as in import; as it was this declaration which gave rise to Porfirio Diaz's famous letter addressed to Romero, Juarez's minister, and lately published by the cabinet of Washington. The third party, to whom Porfirio alluded, is none other than this American consul, who was in no way authorised to make himself the mouth-piece, either official or semi-official, of the French head-quarters to this disaffected chief, as he himself can attest. The proposition which Porfirio alluded to as having been rejected as not very honourable, refers to the recognition of the debt and the French loans. As to the eventual giving up of the cannon and muskets, it is explained in the preceding statement. There still remains the design imputed to the marshal of having wished to deliver over secretly to Porfirio the arms, the fortified places of the empire, as well as the emperor and his generals; but this calumny will recoil upon the head of its author, whoever he may be.
The marshal never saw General Porfirio after the time when he took him prisoner at Oajaca with his whole army. It will be well to recollect that this chief was given up by the French to the Austrians by Maximilian's order, and escaped from the hands of the Austro-Belgian Legion. Our headquarters, as documents will soon show, subsequently negotiated an exchange of prisoners with this Mexican chief, whose honour was equal to his humanity; but this was all openly done at a distance from head-quarters through the French officers commanding at Tehuacan and Puebla. Porfirio, who must be honoured for the way in which he energetically claimed the rights of his country, must have yielded to perfidious advice or to a culpable feeling which he cannot fail to disclaim, when he wrote this letter of which Mr. Seward himself was the originator and sender in order to serve as a documentary support to his foreign policy. This document—inserted in the 'Yellow Book'—aimed to show that he had caused the American representative to act in favour of the 'Monroe doctrine,' and also to calm down the ill-humour of the Congress, which was irritated at the rebuff given to the mission of its two envoys. There is no mistake about it: the Mexican question has been for the last five years a means of gaining popularity for the cabinet of the United States, and an instrument it has been able to handle with as much boldness as skill in order to silence the cries either of the disaffected or of those who were hostile to Lincoln's successor.
The mission of the American plenipotentiaries had, in fact, completely failed. The United States consul at Vera Cruz had, on November 25, made the inquiry by telegraph at Mexico, 'if the frigate " Susquehannah," now at anchor before Tampico, might come to Vera Cruz, and if it would be well received there, as Mr. Campbell and General Sherman desired to have an interview with the French authorities.' Our headquarters replied, 'that the American frigate would be received the same as any other man-of-war belonging to a friendly nation, and that the persons in question would be well received at Mexico if they wished to come thither.' The consul hastened to forward this reply to Tampico by the English packet which was just starting. On November 29, in stormy weather, the 'Susquehannah,' proudly displaying her star-spangled banner, rounded the hills behind which the city of Vera Cruz is somewhat gloomily situated. Scarcely was she in sight of the roadstead, when a small boat was noticed leaving the port and rowing so as to follow in her wake: she soon stopped off the Fort St. Jean d'Ulloa to receive the person who had come to board the ship: he was the American consul from Vera Cruz. He was the bearer of important news, which much surprised MM. Campbell and Sherman. The city was in a state of rejoicing; they could already perceive the lines of lamps with which the principal buildings were illuminated, and the wind carried out into the roadstead the noise of the fireworks. All this commotion was occasioned by the news of Maximilian's fresh resolve, which had proclaimed to Mexico that its sovereign had renounced the idea of returning to Europe, and that, yielding to the entreaties of the high state authorities, he was going up to Mexico to add fresh vigour to his sovereignty by means of a popular vote. The American minister and the general, who had flattered themselves that they should see on their arrival the republican banner floating on the custom-house buildings of the port, ordered that the frigate should tack about and anchor at the 'Ile Vert,' some miles from Vera Cruz: there they waited events. The next morning an officer of the French fleet came, according to usual custom, to pay his respects to the commander of the American frigate. Lieutenant-general Sherman was advised by M. Ottenbourg from Mexico, that the marshal would receive him with all the respect due to his rank and with the most sincere cordiality; indeed, that he would even give him the opportunity of witnessing a review of the French troops; but Sherman replied that he would not proceed to Mexico except at the pressing invitation of the head-quarters authorities. It is very certain that the spectacle of a review of our troops was not the aim and end of the American mission.